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Journal articles on the topic 'Taoism in the Tang Dynasty'

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1

Yang, Li, and Kong Linghong. "The Influence of Taoism and Taoism on Tea-chanting Poems in Tang Dynasty." Science Innovation 8, no. 2 (2020): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.si.20200802.13.

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2

Yang, Rong, and Xiaoming Yang. "Research on Taoist Daily Clothing in Han and Tang Dynasties." Asian Social Science 16, no. 5 (2020): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v16n5p92.

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From the perspective of the form of Taoist daily clothing in the early Han Dynasty, Sui and Tang Dynasties was the beginning of the secularization of Taoist clothing. In the Five Dynasties, taking the legal clothing as the prototype, the secular Taoist clothing "Beizi" was derived, which made the Taoist clothing no longer belong to the exclusive use of the ruling class and Taoists, and finally made it secularized.
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3

Li, Yu Yong, and Xiao Yi Lun Shi. "A Study on the Three Religions of Ye Fashan, Taoist in Tang Dynasty." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 120 (June 30, 2019): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.120.263.

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4

Su, Hang, and WooSuk Choi. "Analysis of the fusion and conflict of Buddhism and Taoism in Tang Dynasty &Taking Taoist scriptures 'Tai Shang Yi Cheng Hai Kong Zhi Zang Jing' as an example." JOURNAL OF CHINESE HUMANITIES 67 (December 31, 2017): 451–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35955/jch.2017.12.67.451.

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5

Chen, Otto, and Dawei Han. "Rediscovering the Idea of Cultural Heritage and the Relationship with Nature: Four Schools of Essential Thought of the Ancient Han Chinese." Heritage 2, no. 3 (2019): 1812–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2030111.

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After a long-standing debate of pluralism in heritage conservation, the global practice has just started to broaden its view from material to people and even to nature, leading to the potential of a more comprehensive understanding and harmony between these spheres. Notwithstanding that the shift from material to people and then to nature seemingly looks like the only path in the modern heritage conservation movement to achieve the foregoing goals, in fact, there exist some regional cultures that originally featured particular views on human–nature harmony. This paper hence highlights the regi
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6

Kexian, Hu, and Yuan Zhang. "Tao Yuanming in Recently Unearthed Epitaphs from the Sui and Tang." Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 6, no. 2 (2019): 461–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23290048-8042016.

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Abstract A recently discovered collection of epitaphs (muzhi 墓誌) reveals copious references to Tao Yuanming (Tao Qian 陶潛, 365–427), a writer of pervasive influence on Chinese culture. In recent decades, both English and Chinese scholarship has focused on Tao's literary and historical reception, with little attention paid to his representation in epitaph writing. This article, through an examination of these newly unearthed documents, presents forty-seven epitaph fragments with direct mention of Tao's name. Most were written in the Tang dynasty, when Tao was ardently appreciated as a poet, and
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7

Liao, Tim Futing. "SITTING IN OBLIVION AS A TAOIST PRACTICE OF POSITIVE ALIENATION: A RESPONSE TO NEGATIVE ALIENATION IN THE TANG DYNASTY." International Sociology 8, no. 4 (1993): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026858093008004005.

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8

이해원. "Tang Poetry and Wines of Tang Dynasty." Journal of Chinese Cultural Studies ll, no. 15 (2009): 507–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18212/cccs.2009..15.028.

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9

Xiong, Victor. "RITUAL INNOVATIONS AND TAOISM UNDER TANG XUANZONG." T’oung Pao 82, no. 4-5 (1996): 258–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-90000002.

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10

유강하. "Reading Chinese Tang Dynasty Bronze Mirror." Journal of the research of chinese novels ll, no. 28 (2008): 127–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17004/jrcn.2008..28.008.

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11

Nugent, Christopher. "Literary Collections in Tang Dynasty China." T'oung Pao 93, no. 1 (2007): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/008254307x211098.

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12

Xu wen wu. "Investigation of the Tang Dynasty Song." Journal of Study on Language and Culture of Korea and China ll, no. 24 (2010): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.16874/jslckc.2010..24.006.

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13

Escande, Yolaine. "Tang Dynasty Aesthetic Criteria: Zhang Huaiguan'sShuduan." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 1-2 (2014): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6253.12093.

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14

Wang, Qi Ming. "Evolution of Arm Accessories in the Tang Dynasty." Advanced Materials Research 175-176 (January 2011): 972–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.175-176.972.

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There are many different forms of arm accessories in the Tang Dynasty. Their development is due to different times, cultures, religions, and nearby ethnic minorities. Accessories and clothing are closely related, thus clothes in the Tang Dynasty also influence the changes of arm accessories. There are three continuous periods of development: early, middle, and late, each with its own distinctive characteristics. The different forms of the arm accessories will be analyzed on the basis of the social and cultural background during the Tang Dynasty. The analysis will help to gain a better understa
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15

Dien, Albert. "ARMOR IN CHINA BEFORE THE TANG DYNASTY." Journal of East Asian Archaeology 2, no. 3 (2000): 23–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852300760222047.

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16

Yen, Chuan-Ying. "The Decorative Motifs on Tang Dynasty Mirrors." Cleveland Studies in the History of Art 9 (January 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cshac.2.301909.

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17

Escande, Yolaine. "Tang Dynasty Aesthetic Criteria: Zhang Huaiguan’s Shuduan." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 41, no. 1-2 (2014): 148–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-0410102010.

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The Shuduan 《書斷》 (Judgments on Calligraphers) by Zhang Huaiguan of the Tang dynasty comprises classifications of calligraphy that Chinese theoreticians still refer to. This article aims at considering the functioning and efficacy of such evaluations through a study comparing this work to other treatises and, when relevant, to the European tradition. Its main objective is to examine how Chinese aesthetic theory responded to new evaluative needs that appeared during this crucial period in Chinese history. Thus, it seeks to clarify the nature of the criteria adopted by Zhang Huaiguan for his grad
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18

Seidel, Anna. "The Emperor and His Councillor: Laozi and Han Dynasty Taoism." Cahiers d'Extrême-Asie 17, no. 1 (2008): 125–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/asie.2008.1274.

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19

Zhong, H., and M. A. Hann. "Textile Production in China between the Han Dynasty and the Tang Dynasty." Journal of the Textile Institute 82, no. 1 (1991): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00405009108658733.

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20

Kim, Moon Gyong. "Uisang’s sea route to Tang Dynasty and Uicheon’s road to Song Dynasty." Historical Association for Soong-Sil 42 (June 30, 2019): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.16942/ssh.2019.42.6.04.

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21

Lei, Wen, та Kathryn Henderson. "Mount Longjiao’s “Capital of Immortals” [龍角仙都]: Representation and Evolution of a Sacred Site from the Tang Dynasty". Journal of Chinese Humanities 4, № 2 (2019): 150–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340062.

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AbstractThe Abbey Celebrating the Tang [Qingtang guan 慶唐觀], a Daoist temple on Mount Longjiao in southern Shanxi Province, played a special role in the religious history of China in the Tang dynasty. Because of the myth that Laozi himself emerged from this mountain during the war to found the Tang state, this abbey was closely linked to the political legitimation of the Tang. Even plants in this abbey were regarded as the harbingers of the fate of the state. The emperor Xuanzong erected a huge stele in the Abbey Celebrating the Tang, demonstrating the support enjoyed from the royal house. Imag
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22

Kim, Junghee. "An Analyses on Tea Poetry in Tang Dynasty." Journal of Chinese Studies 81 (August 31, 2017): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35982/jcs.81.10.

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23

Li, Min, and Yongxuan Liang. "Sun Simiao, super physician of the Tang Dynasty." Journal of Traditional Chinese Medical Sciences 2, no. 2 (2015): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jtcms.2016.01.005.

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24

Laitinen, M., M. Käyhkö, G. Hahn, N. von Uexküll-Güldenband, and T. Sajavaara. "Tang dynasty (618–907) bowl measured with PIXE." Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms 406 (September 2017): 329–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.nimb.2017.03.144.

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25

Kim, Jongseob. "Popularization of the Court Culture in Tang Dynasty." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 145 (December 31, 2018): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2018.12.145.69.

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26

류순. "The Conception of Literature in Early Tang Dynasty." Journal of Study on Language and Culture of Korea and China ll, no. 26 (2011): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.16874/jslckc.2011..26.005.

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27

Ma, Ting, Nong Wu, Zhi Xiong Yang, and Yue Xi Ai. "A Study on the Colors of the New Tang Dynasty Architectural Style." Applied Mechanics and Materials 438-439 (October 2013): 1786–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.438-439.1786.

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As the outerwear of a building, its color is one of the most significant features of a city. During thousands years of development the colors not only served for protection and decoration, but have been endowed with many intensions in the field of philosophy, politics, religion, culture and so on. Hence there has been formed a unique and integrated culture of colors. As many other cities, Xian is faced with the problem of maintaining its feature in the course of its development. On the basis of protecting the original style and features of the old town, delivering the profound cultural deposit
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28

He, Jing, Mengjia Gu, and Yuwen Zhang. "A Probe into the Renaissance of Confucianism in Song Dynasty and Women's Politeness." Lifelong Education 9, no. 5 (2020): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/le.v9i5.1203.

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The revival of Confucianism in the Song Dynasty is of great significance to the development of the Confucian school.Based on the development of Confucianism and systematic research, it can be found that the Song Dynasty is an important period of Confucianism revival, and also a period that cannot be ignored in the study of Confucianism. In general, the Confucian renaissance in the Song Dynasty was caused by many reasons, and under the background of the Confucian renaissance, Taoism and Buddhism have developed significantly, which has caused a large number of female rituals in the society.Analy
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29

Chang, Dongxue, Renjie Ma, Liangren Zhang, Jianfeng Cui, and Fuliang Liu. "Characterizing the chemical composition of Tang Sancai wares from five Tang dynasty kiln sites." Ceramics International 46, no. 4 (2020): 4778–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ceramint.2019.10.210.

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30

DeBlasi, Anthony. "Court and Region in Medieval China: The Case of Tang Bianzhou." T’oung Pao 102, no. 1-3 (2016): 74–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10213p04.

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Although Bianzhou (modern Kaifeng) is well known as the imperial capital of the Northern Song dynasty, its history prior to the tenth century reveals much about the political fortunes of the Tang dynasty, especially after the An Lushan rebellion. A careful analysis of the backgrounds of the Military Commissioners appointed to govern the region indicates that following an initial period of instability, the Tang court was able to maintain control over this strategically vital transportation hub late into the ninth century and to repeatedly appoint commissioners who had passed the civil-service e
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31

Yao, Ping. "Good Karmic Connections: Buddhist Mothers in Tang China." NAN NÜ 10, no. 1 (2008): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138768008x273719.

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AbstractThis essay examines the women's role in Chinese Buddhism through a close reading of epitaphs from the Tang dynasty (618-907). During this period, more than ever before, the religion became instrumental in the development of mothers' identity and in the conceptualization of ideal maternal virtues. According to many Tang dynasty epitaphs (muzhi ming), it would appear that children of Buddhist mothers largely complied with their mothers' desire to leave the household life or to be cremated rather than buried after her death. They were also much more likely than children of Buddhist father
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32

Jun, Young-seop. "A Comparative Study of the Ganjoe in the Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasty." Inha Law Review : The Institute of Legal Studies Inha University 22, no. 1 (2019): 165–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22789/ihlr.2019.03.22.1.165.

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33

Zhao, Fangren. "A study of Chinese tenka tea culture during the Tang dynasty and Song dynasty." International Journal of Human Culture Studies 2019, no. 29 (2019): 548–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.9748/hcs.2019.548.

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34

TSE, Dr, and Yiu Kay. "Folk Adage in the Literati Notes of Tang Dynasty." International Journal of Language and Literature 2, no. 4 (2014): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15640/ijll.v2n4a2.

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35

Kang, Hyun-sook. "Archaeological Review of the Silla and Tang Dynasty Exchanges." JOURNAL OF THE RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR SILLA CULTURE 55 (February 29, 2020): 127–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37280/jrisc.2020.02.55.127.

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36

Shin, Sue Yong. "The Review of Regimen during Tang Dynasty in China." Joural of the Korea Entertainment Industry Association 6, no. 4 (2012): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21184/jkeia.2012.12.6.4.35.

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37

Maceda, José, and Jose Maceda. "A Logic in Court Music of the Tang Dynasty." Acta Musicologica 67, no. 2 (1995): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/932964.

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38

Kim, Ho. "The Ideal Spouse for the Emperor in Tang Dynasty." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 118 (February 28, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.118.1.

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39

Kim, Jong Seob. "A Personnel Administration System of Muzhiguan in Tang Dynasty." CHUNGGUKSA YONGU (The Journal of Chinese Historical Researches) 125 (April 30, 2020): 121–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24161/chr.125.121.

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40

TEJIMA, Isshin. "The Faith of the Nobility in the Tang Dynasty." JOURNAL OF INDIAN AND BUDDHIST STUDIES (INDOGAKU BUKKYOGAKU KENKYU) 47, no. 1 (1998): 97–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.4259/ibk.47.97.

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41

Johannes L. Kurz. "On the Unification Plans of the Southern Tang Dynasty." Journal of Asian History 50, no. 1 (2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/jasiahist.50.1.0023.

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42

Pan, Yihong. "China's Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty (review)." China Review International 16, no. 4 (2009): 533–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2009.0096.

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43

Davis, Richard L. "China’s Southern Tang Dynasty, 937–976 (review)." China Review International 18, no. 1 (2011): 81–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2011.0004.

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44

Allen, Sarah M. "Tang Dynasty Tales: A Guided Reader (review)." China Review International 18, no. 2 (2011): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2011.0048.

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45

Holcombe, Charles. "China's Cosmopolitan Empire: The Tang Dynasty (review)." Journal of World History 22, no. 4 (2011): 830–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2011.0126.

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46

Karetzky, Patricia E. "Wu Zetian and Buddhist Art of the Tang Dynasty." Tang Studies 2002, no. 20-21 (2002): 113–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073750302788699628.

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47

Huang Tao. "Textual research on the records about festival custom in the Tang Dynasty in “Travel Notes in The Tang Dynasty for learning Buddhism”." Journal of East Aisan Cultures ll, no. 50 (2011): 9–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.16959/jeachy..50.201111.9.

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48

김윤경. "A Study on Taoism Theory in the Former Half of Joseon Dynasty." JOURNAL OF KOREAN PHILOSOPHICAL HISTORY ll, no. 43 (2014): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35504/kph.2014..43.001.

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49

Ganiev, R. T. "THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND THE SUI DYNASTY IN 609 – 617." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-24-29.

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The article studies the events of the military confrontation between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk
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50

Xiong, Victor Cunrui. "Sui Yangdi and the Building of Sui-Tang Luoyang." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 1 (1993): 66–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059145.

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Sui-tang luoyang, built IN 605–6 as the eastern capital of the Sui dynasty and subsequently the eastern capital of the Tang dynasty, was one of the great cities of medieval China. Almost as soon as it was built to the taste of Emperor Sui Yangdi (r. 604–17), Luoyang became the second largest city in China, surpassed only by Daxingcheng-Chang'an, the first capital, which had been built by Yangdi's father. Both cities were objects of scholarly interest as early as the eighth century when, in 722, Wei Shu completed his Liangjing xinji [A new record of the two capitals] (Fukuyama Toshio).
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