Academic literature on the topic 'Taoism – Rituals – History'

In this paper I will take into account the historical, religious and philosophical aspects of the examination of conscience, penance and satisfaction, as well as ritual confession and cure, in Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. I will also take into account the difficulties that baptized Chinese Christians met in sacramental Catholic confession. Human history proves that in every culture and religion, man has always had a need to be cleansed from evil and experience mutual forgiveness. What ritual models were used by Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism? To what degree did these models prove to be true? What are the connections between a real experience of evil, ritual confession, forgiveness and cure in Chinese religions and philosophies?

Rituals that accompany community celebrations in China come in two kinds: vernacular and classical. The reason why these two forms exist is not easily explained. To the two forms of liturgy correspond two kinds of specialists: the tao-shi (Taoist dignitary) and the fa-shih (Master of rites). Both are commonly called “master,” and their practices are often confused by laymen. In fact, the two traditions are opposite and rivaling, but they are also largely complementary. This article, which is mainly based on fieldwork in southern Taiwan during the 1960s, explores both traditions, but emphasizes the lesser known vernacular one. An attempt is made to assess how widespread this situation was in China, and how far back in history it can be traced. The story of Hsu Chia, Lao-tzu's illiterate servant, which is considered the origin of the vernacular tradition, is studied in detail.

Korean civilization has been influenced by different religions, such as Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism and lately Christianity. However, the nucleus of the Korean culture is Shamanism, which is a conjuring religious phenomenon. Even though Shamanism belongs to the first page in the history of religions, it has been transmitted to next generations of Korea in different forms, somewhat surviving until today. A possible reason for this may be that Shamanism exhibits a dynamic and selective tradition that has adapted to different religions around it. It may also provide human beings with the blessings that they are deprived of in today’s society. In this study, the origin and development of Shamanism in Korea, including the three dynasties of Silla, Koryo and Yi, were investigated. The primitive forms of ancient beliefs of Koreans as well as the structure of Shamanism and related rituals were described. Information was also provided on Shaman ritualists and the instruments they utilized in rituals.

The new religious movements (NRMs) initially emerged in the regional societies of East Asia in the middle nineteenth and early twentieth centuries including Joseon (Korea). The socio-political transformation from feudalism to modernisation emaciated the religiosity of the traditional beliefs (Buddhism, Taoism, Confucianism, shamanism, and folk religions). Colonial Korea experienced the major turning point in which various syncretic NRMs surfaced with alternative visions and teachings. What is, then, the historical origin of Christian NRMs? Who are their leaders? What is their background? What is the main figure of the teachings? How did they survive? This paper explores the history of Korean Christian new religious movements from the 1920s Wonsan mystical movements to 1990s urban and campus movements. Through the contextual studies of denominational background, birth, founder, membership, key teachings, evangelical strategy, phenomenon, services, sacred rituals, globalisation, and media, the three grassroots groups of Guwonpa (Salvation Sect: Good News Mission), WMSCOG (World Mission Society Church of God), and Shincheonji Church of Jesus the Temple of the Tabernacle of the Testimony (SCJ) are argued as the most controversial yet well-globalised organisations among Christian NRMs in contemporary Korea.

AbstractThis essay explores the relationship between the patronage of Ming princes and local Daoism, focusing on ritual. While the role of Ming princes in local religion is an under-appreciated subject, this essay demonstrates that their support is crucial to our understanding of Daoism during that period. The efforts of princes made local Daoist ritual visible. In fact, they occupied an important role in propagating Daoism as an element of cultural and religious identity. Moreover, by different approaches to Daoist ritual, the Ming princes represented the various religious and social needs of lay patrons in the local community. Cet article explore la relation entre le patronage des princes Ming et le taoïsme local, en s'attachant plus particulièrement au rituel. Alors qu'on tend à sous-estimer le rôle des princes Ming dans le domaine des religions locales, l'article montre que prendre en compte leur soutien est décisif pour notre compréhension du taoïsme pendant cette période. Les efforts des princes ont rendu visible les rituels taoïstes au niveau local. Ils ont en fait joué un rôle important dans la propagation du taoïsme comme élément d'identité culturelle et religieuse. En outre, par leurs approches différentes du rituel taoïste les princes Ming étaient représentatifs de la variété des demandes religieuses et sociales des laïques au sein de la communauté locale.

AbstractThe mid-fifteenth-century Taoist Canon (Zhengtong daozang正統道藏) contains five specimens of a religious artefact called “Great Peace Symbol” (“Taiping fu” 太平符), dispersed between five texts spanning about a millennium. The introduction to this paper discusses the meaning of the Chinese wordfu符 and its most widely used English rendition, “talisman”. The article briefly presents the source of each specimen, attempts a deconstruction of its morphology, and analyses itsmodus operandi, thus providing a basic methodological model to outline the historical evolution of the category of “fu” artefacts from early medieval portable devices endowed with specific apotropaic functions – like charms and amulets – to multipurpose ritual implements designed for use within the framework of early modern Taoist liturgy. The epilogue introduces a sixth specimen, differently named but morphologically and functionally related to the latest three “Great Peace Symbols”.

From the establishment of the Ming to the fall of the Qing (1368--1911), the social and cultural scene of the Chinese countryside was greatly transformed. Lineages became the dominant social organization in many areas. Local temples became a familiar part of the rural landscape. Local culture was increasingly exposed to the influence of regional culture and gentry culture with the proliferation of market towns, the development of the printing industry and the rise of literacy. By investigating the history of ritual specialists and their rituals in a sub-county area in southeast China, this thesis shows how these social and cultural transformations took place and how the local population experienced them. Lisheng or masters of ceremonies, the focus of this thesis, played and still play an important role in the local social and symbolic life. Either along with or in the absence of other ritual specialists, they guided the laity through ritual procedures to communicate with ancestors, gods, and the dead. These rituals, and also the related liturgical texts, were the outcome of social and cultural transformations in the late imperial period. Through a detailed discussion of the history of the three important local institutions that were closely related to lisheng and their rituals, namely, lineages, community compacts, and temple networks, the thesis shows the limitations of the elitist interpretation of late imperial cultural transformations. Cultural integration and gentrification were without doubt important aspects of these processes. However, both may have oversimplified the complexity of the processes and exaggerate the influence of high culture. Cultural hybridization, the process in which elements from different cultural traditions were synthesized into a new, constantly changing cultural mosaic, provides a multipolar, interactional, and thus more complex approach to our understanding of cultural processes in late imperial China.

本文採取道教文獻研究方法，以蔣叔輿（1162-1223）所撰的《無上黃籙大齋立成儀》為例子，探討南宋道教黃籙齋儀的發展與變革。
黃籙齋儀是具有久遠歷史發展之道教科儀，其儀式傳統可接源六朝道教科範。蔣叔輿承其師留用光（？-1206）的啟導，從六朝靈寶經典中編修齋儀，其中《金籙簡文》和《黃籙簡文》的科範更是蔣氏整理「古法」黃籙齋儀時最重要的參考；而內容則以懺謝為中心。
另一方面，在一個新科儀、新法術傳統出現之變革時代，南宋黃籙齋也不可避免地出現了一些新變革，其中最明顯是文書系統和薦拔度亡儀式的加入。
黃籙齋之文書系統，是一個涉及「文書」、「天上官署」、「印篆」、「法」、「籙」的龐大系統；這是吸收了世俗行政文書之應用，亦是道教科儀能區別於一般民間祭祀的重要特點。另各法派之文書系統、印篆運用、對行儀者法籙要求也各成一系，這亦是讓我們判別不同法派齋儀的重要依據。
此外，南宋黃籙齋晚上新增的度亡儀式，包括了破獄、召魂、沐浴、設斛、鍊度、傳戒環節，並會分正薦亡魂、普薦幽魂兩線並行，而且兩種薦度的重點也不一樣。對比「古法」黃籙齋儀，這些新儀式更著重採用行符、存想、唸呪的法術來薦拔度亡。然而通過對這些法術行持的分析，又會發展其源與六朝道教經科有不少聯繫。
南宋黃籙齋儀一方面延續了六朝靈寶黃籙齋儀懺謝的傳統，另一方面又能確保齋儀能從新法術中吸取養份，以更有效而全面地拔度亡魂。《無上黃籙大齋立成儀》的黃籙齋儀同時存在著新、古兩類儀式；這種試圖於新法術和舊傳統中以爭取平衡，只怕亦是南宋黃籙齋在儀式變革的一種體現。
This thesis adopts the study of Daoist liturgical texts, based on Standardized Rituals of the Supreme Yellow Register Retreat (WushangHuanglu dazhai licheng yi 無上黃籙大齋立成儀) written by Jiang Shuyu 蔣叔輿 (1162-1223), to investigate the development and transformation of rituals of the Yellow Register Retreat (Huanglu zhai 黃籙齋).
The thesis attempts to demonstrate that rituals of the Huanglu zhai had a long historical Daoist ritual background. The rituals could be tracked back to the liturgies of Six Dynasties. Jiang Shuyu was inspired by his teacher Liu Yongguang 留用光 (?-1206) to compile the rituals of Retreat (zhai 齋) from Lingbao 靈寶 scriptures. Among the scriptures, Jinlu jinwen 金籙簡文 and Huanglu jinwen 黃籙簡文 were the most important references for Jiang to compile "old ways"(gufa 古法). The central idea of them is confession and apology (chanxie 懺謝).
It was an era with the transformation of new rites, the Huanglu zhai in Southern Song unavoidably brought in some reforms. The most obvious two examples were the application of the system of written-documents (wenshu 文書) and the ritual of salvation of souls (duwang 度亡).
The system of written-documents in the Huanglu zhai is enormous and it involved written-documents, supernal offices (guanshu 官署), stamps (yin 印), rites (fa 法) and register (lu 籙). It absorbed the administrative documents system. And it was a crucial differentiation between Daoist ritual and folk sacrifice. Different rites adopted different systems of written-documents, different use of seals and different requirements on the ritual master. These are important evidences for us to differentiate various traditions of the rituals of zhai.
Besides that, the Huanglu zhai of Southern Song introduced the ritual of salvation of souls at night, including breaking the hell, summoning the souls, bathing, feeding, refining and teaching the precepts. They were divided into two parallel lines, the salvation of the ancestors and the universal salvation of orphan souls, and their focus were different. Comparing to Lingbao "old ways", these new salvation of souls rituals valued more on sending talismans (fu 符), visualization (cunxiang 存想), and chanting incantations (nianzhou 唸呪). And through analyzing these practices, we discovered that the origin has many connections with the scriptures and liturgies of Six Dynasties.
The ritual of Huanglu zhai, on the one hand continued the practice of confession and apology of LingbaoHuanglu zhai ritual in Six Dynasties, on the other hand it ensured the ritual could absorb new elements from the new rites in order to save the souls effectively and thoroughly. The ritual of Huanglu zhai in WushangHuanglu dazhai licheng yi included both old and new rituals. It tried to strike a balance between the new practice and the old tradition. That also demonstrated the transformation of Huanglu zhai in the Southern Song Dynasties.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
Detailed summary in vernacular field only.
梁斯韻.
Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-263).
Abstracts also in Chinese.
Liang Siyun.

張澤珣.
論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2003.
參考文獻 (p. 171-179).
中英文摘要.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Zhang Zexun.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.
Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003.
Can kao wen xian (p. 171-179).

羅明輝 = The Taoist ritual music study of Yunnan Jian-chuan Bai people / Ming-hui Luo.
論文(博士)--香港中文大學, 1998.
參考文獻 (p. 272-275).
中英文摘要.
Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Luo Minghui = The Taoist ritual music study of Yunnan Jian-chuan Bai people / Ming-hui Luo.
Lun wen (bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1998.
Can kao wen xian (p. 272-275).
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

楊曉勛.
本論文於1997年9月呈交.
論文(博士)--香港中文大學音樂學部, 1998.
參考文獻: p. 109-113.
中英文摘要.
Ben lun wen yu 1997 nian 9 yue cheng jiao.
Available also through the Internet via Dissertations & theses @ Chinese University of Hong Kong.
Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
Yang Xiaoxun.
Lun wen (Bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue yin yue xue bu, 1998.
Can kao wen xian: p. 109-113.
Zhong Ying wen zhai yao.

The Penitentes’ Good Friday devotions at San Antonio in Córdova are described, particularly the tinieblas (tenebrae) ritual. The Truchas section treats the conservation of altar screens painted by Pedro Antonio Fresquís. The history of the settlement of Las Trampas is then detailed, including discussion of fortified plazas and fortress churches, and followed by observations regarding current maintenance of San José church. The section on San Lorenzo at Picurís Pueblo describes feast-day events and then surveys the history of the five San Lorenzo churches constructed at the pueblo, including attitudes toward the current church. Several other adobe churches on this route are also discussed, and the chapter concludes with an analysis of the sculptural form and sensory qualities of San Francisco de Asís in Ranchos de Taos. Visiting information is integrated throughout the chapter.