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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Technocracy'
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1
Wagoner, Maya M. "Technology against technocracy : toward design strategies for critical community technology." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/111297.
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Thesis: S.M. in Comparative Media Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Humanities, 2017.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 73-79).
This thesis develops an intersectional, critical analysis of the field of practice known as Civic Tech and highlights other relevant community-organizing and activist practices that utilize technology as a central component. First, I develop critiques of Civic Tech as a dominant technocratic, neoliberal approach to democracy and bureaucracy and trace the history and intellectual genealogy of this specific movement. I then highlight civic technologies outside of the field of Civic Tech that have resulted in more redistributive and democratic outcomes, especially for Black people and other people of color. Finally, I define a research and design practice called Critical Community Technology Pedagogy that is demystificatory, multi-directional, transferable, and constructive, and draws upon examples from the Civic Lab for Environmental Action Research (CLEAR) in Newfoundland, Data DiscoTechs in Detroit, and the Center for Urban Pedagogy in New York City.
by Maya M. Wagoner.
S.M. in Comparative Media Studies
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Silvia, Adam M. "Haiti and the Heavens: Utopianism and Technocracy in the Cold War Era." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2544.
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This study examined technocracy in Haiti in the Cold War era. It showed how Haitian and non-Haitian technicians navigated United States imperialism, Soviet ideology, and postcolonial nationalism to implement bold utopian visions in a country oppressed by poverty and dynastic authoritarianism. Throughout the mid-to-late twentieth century, technicians lavished Haiti with plans to improve the countryside, the city, the workplace, and the home. This study analyzed those plans and investigated the motivations behind them. Based on new evidence discovered in the private correspondence between Haitian, American, and Western European specialists, it questioned the assumption that technocracy was captivated by high-modernist ideology and US hegemony. It exposed how many technicians were inspired by a utopian desire to create a just society—one based not only on technical knowledge but also on humanist principles, such as liberty and equality. Guided by the utopian impulse, technicians occasionally disobeyed policymakers who wished to promote modernization and the capitalist world-economy. In many cases, however, they also upset the Haitian people, who believed technocracy was too exclusive. This study concluded that technicians were empowered by expertise but unable to build the utopias they envisioned because they were constantly at odds with both policymakers at the top and the people whose lives they planned.
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Seow, Victor Kian Giap. "Carbon Technocracy: East Asian Energy Regimes and the Industrial Modern, 1900-1957." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11472.
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Carbon Technocracy argues for the centrality of fossil fuel energy to the making of global industrial modernity and to the emergence of East Asian technocratic imaginaries in the first half of the twentieth century. It advances the premise that coal and later oil enabled not only the transformation of human society’s material foundations, but also allowed for new kinds of publics and politics.East Asian Languages and Civilizations
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Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa. "Techno-bureaucratic governance in a neo-patrimonial society : one-party dominance and the developmental state in Nigeria (1999-2014)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4967.
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Philosophiae Doctor - PhDMost African states today are facing the serious challenge of socio-economic development. This is a problem not generated by the paucity of material and natural resources, but rather by challenges arising from mismanagement of these resources. Nigeria is in fact, a good example of a country in Africa facing socio-economic development challenges not as a result of lack of resources, but rather the mismanagement of abundant resources at its disposal. This mismanagement is associated with the culture of prebendal, clientelist and neo-patrimonial politics which have made it extremely difficult for technocrats and bureaucrats to contribute adequately to the development of the country. In fact, as will be demonstrated in this thesis, technocrats in Nigeria are not allowed to occupy sensitive economic development positions for a sustained period of time and are never the driving forces in the formulation of socio-economic development policies and initiatives. In this country bureaucrats and technocrats have not been a stable force for development- given the constant changes of these groups by the political leadership and the splitting of sensitive ministerial portfolios for political reasons. Instead, political offices are captured and used for the benefits of office holders and those of their associated factions, class and ethnic groups. This negatively affects the insulation of appointed technocrats and bureaucrats from vested political interests. Therefore, instead of appointing or employing technocrats and seasoned bureaucrats to occupy relevant positions, appointments and employments are done in order for people to share from what is commonly referred to as ‘national cake’ in the parlance of Nigerian politics. Central to the argument of this thesis is that one-party dominance and authoritarianism does not necessarily undermines techno-bureaucratic governance, as the cases of countries like Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore in Asia as well as Botswana and South Africa in Africa suggest, but when such system is associated with politics of prebendalism, clientelism and neo-patrimonialism techno-bureaucratic governance becomes difficult and the achievement of state’s led development becomes more daunting. This work therefore investigates why attempts at promoting prebendalism, clientelism and neo-patrimonialism under Nigeria’s one-party dominant system undermines techno-bureaucratic governance. It also unravels how these have impacted negatively on socio-economic development of the country from 1999 to 2014. This study will contribute to the understanding of how the insulation of technocrats and bureaucrats from vested political interests can contribute to the development of the underdeveloped countries, using the developmental state argument as a basis of analysis.
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Gulrajani, N. "Between democracy and technocracy : international development organization and the challenge of institutional change." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599775.
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In the 1990s, a legitimacy crisis afflicted international organizations embedded in the field of development. Factors underlying this crisis included falling foreign aid flows, the rise of competitors in the form of non-governmental organizations and the private sector, widespread and highly visible failures to achieve promised results, the diversion of aid funds into the treasuries of corrupt governments, and the growth of a vocal and virulent anti-globalization movement, to name but a few. In response to this crisis, this period saw the emergence of a reconceived poverty alleviation agenda that emphasized a multi-dimensional concept of poverty to be achieved through partnership-oriented and participative aid processes. International organizations increasingly sought to institutionalize and champion this new institution in order to improve their legitimacy and survival prospects. This thesis explores the processes by which executive sponsored initiatives sought to institutionalize the new poverty alleviation institution inside the World Bank and World Health Organization. Three points of inquiry build on one other to present a comparative analysis of institutionalization process within these international development organizations. The first examines the institutional logics, that is symbolic constructions and material practices, which have governed the field of development since the post-war period. By teasing out the interactions between the history and practices of development, two fundamental logics—technocracy and politics—are shown to interlace and constitute our knowledge of development at any given time. The second point of inquiry concerns the nature of the formal and informal organizational processes that introduced the poverty paradigm into development organizations. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in four country offices, the consequences of institutionalization for experienced institutional tensions, intra-organizational politics and organizational power are all examined and related to wider institutional dynamics. Using interpretive qualitative methods, the experience of institutionalization is compared across both the Bank and the WHO situated in two national contexts and a comparative assessment of organizational agency attempted. Finally, the thesis asks what is achieved by the institutionalization of a new poverty alleviation agenda. Institutionalization through managerial practices that are normatively linked to the political logic of development is critically examined and the implications for organizational survival and political logics discussed.
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Goddard, J. S. "Between technocracy and democracy : decentralisation and the challenge of urban governance in Santiago, Chile." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.599451.
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This thesis addresses the role of state policies of political and administrative decentralisation and the empowerment of urban local government. Decentralisation has been put forward in recent theory and policy in various regions of the world as a means of confronting the challenges of urban governance - that is of promoting economic growth and quality of life, while enhancing democracy, political freedom and social cohesion. The Chilean government is one of several in Latin American which have recently espoused the rhetoric of decentralisation, and which have implemented policies deemed to decentralise the power of the state. This thesis has three broad objectives. Firstly, to unravel the practical meanings of decentralisation, in terms of the essential elements of such a process, the conditions required for its implementation, and the potential benefits afforded. Secondly, to understand why this theme has emerged recently, and with such prominence, in the political and social sciences and in governmental discourse around the world. And thirdly, to ascertain in the light of our evaluations of the two previous points, whether recent policy reforms in the Republic of Chile correspond to a meaningful process of decentralisation, or whether the political rhetoric in this case is different from the reality. This thesis tackles these objectives by exploring new theoretical angles and empirical data. Firstly, it embraces a novel theoretical approach, outlining the modern relevance of the counterpoints which emerge between the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville and Max Weber, and setting the evaluation of recent developments in Chile within this theoretical framework.
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PADUA, JOAO PEDRO CHAVES VALLADARES. "THE JURIDICAL TECHNOCRACY: THE COMMUNITY OF INTERPRETERS OF THE LAW AND THE WEAKNESSEN OF DEMOCRACY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=12938@1.
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O presente trabalho se propõe a analisar o contexto
histórico e teórico, bem como as conseqüências, do ponto-de-
vista democrático, do surgimento de um domínio do poder
estatal através do domínio da técnica do direito. O foco de
lugar e tempo é posto no Brasil, principalmente a partir da
feitura e promulgação da Constituição Federal de
05.10.1988. Através desta análise histórico-teórica é
mostrado como no Brasil, com atraso de algumas décadas em
relação aos principais centros da Europa Continental, os
juristas começam, desde 1988 mais intensamente, a tomar o
controle do poder político-estatal, através do fechamento
do direito em uma comunidade de intérpretes que domina a
cada vez mais complexa técnica do direito. Para tanto, a
constituição jurídica é simbolizada e hipostasiada em um
fetichismo constitucional, que a dissocia de suas bases
histórico-políticas e a torna uma espécie de totem
inalcançável à sociedade. Com isso, muitas das decisões
políticas mais importantes da República Federativa do
Brasil são deslocadas da esfera pública política formal e
informal para uma comunidade restrita de técnicos do
direito, em torno, principalmente, da atividade
jurisdicional dos tribunais - em especial, do Supremo
Tribunal Federal. É assim que se forma a tecnocracia
jurídica no Brasil.This work aims at analyzing the theoretical and historical context, as well as the consequences, from a democratic point of view, of a new domination of the power of the state through the mastering of the law technique. The time and place focused are Brazil especially from the drafting and promulgation of the Constituição Federal of 1988. From this historical and theoretical analysis it is showed how in Brazil, with a few decades delay compared to continental Europe, jurists have begun, and since 1988 more strongly, to take control of the state´s political power, via closing the law into a interpreters expert community which dominates the every more complex law technique. In order to do that, the juridical constitution is symbolized and hypostatized into a constitutional fetishism, which dissociates itself form its historical and political foundations, and makes it a kind of unattainable totem to society. Because of that many of the most important political decisions are withdrawn from the formal and the informal public spheres into a restrict community of jurists preferably gathered around the jurisdictional activity of the courts - especially, around the Supremo Tribunal Federal. That is how the juridical technocracy develops in Brazil.
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Vela, Estelí, María Gracia Becerra, Sebastián García, Gabriela Ruiz, and Pablo Roca. "Social Technocracies: the emergence of a technocracy in the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92772.
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This article analyzes the technocracy emergence in social sector, through the study of the Ministry of Development and Social Inclusion case, created in 2011 in response to one of the essential themes of Ollanta Humala’s electoral campaign: social inclusion. This paper aims to determine which factors led to the establishment of a technocracy linked to social policy in a country where it has been traditionally linked to political usage and patronage. There are three factors that explain the positioning of a technocracy in this ministry addressed throughout the article. On one hand, there was the presence of a consensus about the need for a technical management of this sector in the search of generating legitimacy and autonomy. On the other hand, it happened to be a favorable political environment characterized by a wide political support from the government. Finally, the wide discretion of the technical team in the design of MIDIS and during formation of the first ministerial body of bureaucrats allowed the emergence of a technocratic institution. To this end, this article describes development of the stages of the creation of the institution, design, approval and implementation and shows a corroboration of the technocratic profile of the initial top management team of this ministry.El presente artículo analiza el surgimiento de una tecnocracia en un sector social, a través del caso del Ministerio de Desarrollo e Inclusión Social, creado en el 2011 en respuesta a uno de los ejes centrales de la campaña electoral de Ollanta Humala: la inclusión social. Este texto busca determinar qué factores permitieron el establecimiento de una tecnocracia vinculada a la política social en un país donde esta ha estado tradicionalmente vinculada a un manejo político y clientelar. A lo largo del artículo, se abordan tres factores que explican el posicionamiento de una tecnocracia en este ministerio. Por un lado, existió un consenso sobre la necesidad del manejo técnico de este sector en la búsqueda de generar legitimidad y autonomía. Por otro lado, se dio un entorno político favorable caracterizado por un vasto respaldo político del gobierno. Por último, el amplio margen de decisión de los técnicos en el diseño del MIDIS y en la conformación del primer cuerpo ministerial permite el surgimiento de una institución de carácter tecnocrático. Para ello, esta investigación describe el desarrollo de las etapas de creación de esta institución, de diseño, aprobación e implementación, así como presenta una corroboración del perfil tecnocrático del equipo inicial de alta dirección de este ministerio.
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Alza, Barco Carlos. "Dargent, Eduardo. 2015. Technocracy and Democracy in Latin America. The Experts Running Government. Cambridge University Press." Politai, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91793.
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Cohen, Kay. "J.R. Kemp, the "Grand Pooh-Bah" : a study of technocracy and state development in Queensland, 1920-1955 /." [St. Lucia, Qld. : s.n.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16655.pdf.
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Thornley, J. F. "Politics and technocracy in organising an education system : The development of primary schools in northern Nigeria 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377993.
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Karlsson, Stefan. "Nödvändighetens väg : Världsbildande gränsarbete i skildringar av informationssamhället." Doctoral thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-2341.
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This dissertation aims at describing the worldview and the ontological boundary work that descriptions of ”the information society” presuppose as well as understanding how these relate to technocratic descriptions of the world. The theoretical point of origin of this work is that worldviews are communicated, and that when this transpires, three worlds are related to (the objective, the social, and the subjective) which contain ideological components that make them plausible. The material that has been studied is public documents from 1994 – 2004. These materials have been analysed with the help of text analysis, where a reconstruction of the ideological components of the worldview is the objective. The results of the analysis show that these descriptions, first of all, presuppose an objective world where an ontological boundary between technology and values is drawn. Technology is driven by one form of logic and values are driven by another. Technology does not in itself contain values, but when put to use, only certain types of value can be created. The subsequent theoretical consequences are that these values (for instance effectiveness) are presented as objective, independent of value conflicts in society. Second, the analysis shows that descriptions partly presuppose a social world that is divided into a normative centre and a normative periphery, and partly a historicist description of historical development. These two ideological components provide a logical consequence, that in the social world, identifiable groups who live according to lifestyle patterns of the future can already be found today. Third, results show that descriptions presuppose a subjective world that is possible to change and direct. Man is to be made responsive to certain aspects of his existence and unresponsive toward others. This requires causing him to be responsive to change and unresponsive to that which hinders change. The logical consequences become a description of a system integrated information society where the individual is to adapt himself to changes on the system level. All in all, the three results of the study show that the world view which the descriptions presuppose have clear elements of technocracy and the art of social engineering.
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Hanzalik, Kathryn A. "Subversive Art and Institutional Vulnerability." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/64.
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George Dickie’s Institutional Theory of Art satisfies necessary and sufficient conditions for definition, but by leaving evaluation open cannot address artistic capacities to outstrip the usefulness of the theory for appreciating the concept of art comprehensively or meaningfully. Artworks that are known to members of the central and peripheral artworld seep into the general purview of the population at large as known “great works” of art. Upon examination of works that garner significant cultural influence, works broadly appreciated as great works, we find that their resistance to Dickie’s concept of “the artworld” and its associated behaviors is that which makes them conspicuously significant.
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Aranha, Francisco Arantes. "Tecnocracia e capitalismo no Brasil num estudo de caso: a Associação Nacional de Programação Econômica e Social (ANPES) (1964-1967)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2016. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/6632.
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On June 9th, 1964, it was created in São Paulo the National Association for Economic and Social Development (ANPES). ANPES was a think tank which main aim was to conduct surveys and technical studies that permanently assess the economic politics of the government, but also aimed to suggest measures and guidelines through a better understanding of the reality investigated, bearing in mind, primarily, to accelerate the capitalist development in Brazil. In front of this process, there was the career diplomat Roberto de Oliveira Campos, a member of the Brazilian technocracy that intended to combine business activities with academic tasks and planning. In terms of execution, many capitalists - especially people from São Paulo - dissatisfied with the direction and paths that Brazil followed with Goulart government, decided to support the initiative. Therefore, took part in this endeavor: civil engineer Ary Frederico Torres, the military engineer Edmundo Macedo Soares and Silva, industrial and banker John Adhemar de Almeida Prado, the lawyer Lelio Toledo Piza and Almeida Filho, economist and civil engineer Lucas Lopes, agronomist Luiz Simoes Lopes and the entrepreneur (and president of the Commercial Association of São Paulo - ACSP) Paulo de Almeida Barbosa; these technocrats would then assume the vice- presidency of ANPES. Still in this proposal: the banker, industrial and agricultural engineer Theodoro Quartim Barbosa hold the technical board of this association; while the bankers Sérgio Pinho Mellão and Gaston Eduardo Bueno Vidigal, respectively, exerted positions of financial vice president and president of the institution. Meanwhile, the 1964 coup occurred. Campos, who served as first general secretary of this institution, becomes Minister of Planning and Economic Coordination of Castelo Branco’s government. Soon, other technocrats of ANPES are recruited to the military governments. In this dissertation we inquire the relationship of this institution with the establishment of the military dictatorship in Brazil, presenting and justifying, therefore, the need for this historiographical study about the existence of ANPES.
Em 09 de junho de 1964, foi criado em São Paulo a Associação Nacional de Programação Econômica e Social (ANPES). A ANPES foi um think tank cujo intuito era realizar levantamentos e estudos técnicos que avaliassem permanentemente as políticas econômicas de governo, mas que também sugerissem medidas e diretrizes através de um melhor entendimento da realidade investigada, tendo em vista, principalmente, acelerar o desenvolvimento capitalista do Brasil. Na dianteira desse processo, encontrava-se o diplomata de carreira Roberto de Oliveira Campos, um integrante da tecnocracia brasileira que tencionava conjugar atividades empresariais com tarefas acadêmicas e de planejamento. Nos termos em que estava sendo executada, vários capitalistas – sobretudo paulistas –, insatisfeitos com os rumos e caminhos que o Brasil seguia com o governo de João Goulart, decidiram apoiar a iniciativa. Assim, participaram dessa empreitada: o engenheiro civil Ary Frederico Torres, o engenheiro militar Edmundo Macedo Soares e Silva, o industrial e banqueiro João Adhemar de Almeida Prado, o advogado Lélio Toledo Piza e Almeida Filho, o economista e engenheiro civil Lucas Lopes, o engenheiro agrônomo Luiz Simões Lopes e o empresário (e então presidente da Associação Comercial de São Paulo - ACSP) Paulo de Almeida Barbosa; tecnocratas esses que assumiriam os postos de vice-presidentes da ANPES. Ainda nesta proposta: presidiu o conselho técnico-administrativo desta Associação o banqueiro, industrial e engenheiro agrônomo Theodoro Quartim Barbosa; enquanto os banqueiros Sérgio Pinho Mellão e Gastão Eduardo de Bueno Vidigal, respectivamente, exerceram os cargos de vice-presidente financeiro e presidente da instituição. Nesse ínterim, dá-se o golpe de 1964. Campos, que exerceu a função de primeiro secretário geral dessa instituição, se torna ministro do Planejamento e Coordenação Econômica do governo Castelo Branco. Em pouco tempo, outros tecnocratas da ANPES são recrutados para os governos militares. Nesta dissertação indagamos a relação dessa instituição com a instauração da Ditadura Militar no Brasil, apresentando e justificando, portanto, a necessidade deste estudo historiográfico sobre a existência da ANPES.
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Sosa, Villagarcia Paolo. "All the President's ‘Men’? A closer look at the Executive Branch regarding ministers in post-Fujimori Peru (2001-2014)." Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92401.
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This paper focuses on ministers as government executives, paying special attention tothe case of Peru after the fall of Alberto Fujimori’s rule. This exploratory perspective seeks to provide a look over the political and technical characteristics of these executive corps in recent governments as well as the variation in their stability. In that sense, the purpose of this paper is (1) to describe their demographic and professional characteristics; and (2) analyze some indicators of ministerial stability and cabinet configuration. For this purpose a database of ministers (1990- 2014) is used, focusing the analysis in democratically elected governments after Fujimori (2001-2014).Este artículo se centra en los ministros de Estado como ejecutivos del gobierno, prestando especial atención al caso peruano luego de la caída del régimen de Alberto Fujimori. Desde esta perspectiva exploratoria se busca proporcionar una mirada sobre las características políticas y técnicas de estos cuerpos ejecutivos en los últimos gobiernos, así como sobre la variación en la estabilidad de estos cargos en los tres últimos períodos. En ese sentido, el propósito de esta investigación es (1) presentar de manera descriptiva las características demográficas, políticas y profesionales del cuerpo ministerial peruano; así como (2) analizar indicadores sobre la estabilidad ministerial y la configuración de los gabinetes. Para ello se utiliza una base de datos sobre ministros de Estado (1990-2014) y se observan principalmente los gobiernos democráticamente electos luego de la caída de Fujimori (2001-2014).
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Campbell, Stuart. "Fabricating humans: From H.G. Wells' Morlock to Karel Čapek's Robot via Zamyatin's OneState & E.M. Forster's Machine." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2009. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1867.
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This thesis traces the inter-relation between human/machine hybrid figures, imagination and “human” subjectivity through the early science fiction of H. G. Wells, Yevgeny Zamyatin’s We, E. M. Forster's “The Machine Stops” and Karel Čapek's R.U.R.. It demonstrates how the “human” operates in a state of flux, in parallel with its environment which both defines and is defined by the “human.” I argue that all four writers use social satire and machine tropes to explore and critique the effects of industrialization upon, and the tension between, society as a whole and the individual in society. I argue that in The Time Machine, When the Sleeper Wakes, The First Men in the Moon, We, and “The Machine Stops,” Wells, Zamyatin and Forster create worlds where technocratic authorities apply science to create closed-system, totalitarian states. The thesis explores how these authors privilege creativity as crucial to “human” existence and use fantasy to create future societies critical of industrialization’s dehumanization of the individual. In these early twentieth century texts, network models are interrupting the clockwork. If one applies N. Katherine Hayles’ pattern/randomness dialectic, emergent human behaviours are noise disrupting the rigid pattern of the closed-system state, causing it to assume a higher complexity. In the late twentieth century, Donna Haraway, and others, wrote against technocratic authority’s employment of network models, focusing upon cybernetics. Yet prior to World War Two, Wells, Zamyatin, Forster and Čapek also wrote against technocratic totalitarianism, centring their fiction upon mechanical engineering and the machine (rather than information theory) to create versions of industrial/mechanical man. Thus, this thesis demonstrates that Haraway’s ‘cyborg’ is an echo of these earlier industrial anti-authoritarian figures—robots. The driving force in these narratives is the realization of technocracy’s application of science to completely control the individual, eliminate diversity and facilitate totalitarianism.
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FERNANDES, Arissane Dâmaso. "Ignácio Rangel [manuscrito]: história, política e tecnocracia no Brasil (1930-1960)." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2011. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tde/1224.
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Previous issue date: 2011-05-06Ignácio Rangel played an important role in the consolidation of so-called conditions of capitalist production in Brazil, mainly in the years 1950-1970. As economic adviser of President Getúlio Vargas (between 1952 and 1954), he participated in the elaboration of projects of Petrobras and Eletrobras, he also headed the Economics Department of the BNDES (which at the time, played the role that years later would be of the Ministry of Planning) and participated in the drafting of the Plan of Goals in government of Juscelino Kubitschek. However, he remains unknown by most historians (and academics in general). The intent of this study is precisely to rescue the historical aspect of the theory rangeliana, which, while presenting an interpretation of Brazilian reality had a specific goal: to intervene in reality through analysis that sought effective proposal of action. The central objective of this study is, thus, understand political-institutional performance and the significance of the trajectory of Ignacio Rangel to the history of Brazil.
Ignácio Rangel desempenhou um papel fundamental na consolidação das chamadas condições de produção capitalistas no Brasil, essencialmente nos anos 1950-1970. Como assessor econômico do presidente Getúlio Vargas (entre 1952 e 1954), ele participou da elaboração dos projetos da Petrobrás e da Eletrobrás, ele também chefiou o Departamento de Economia do BNDES (que, na época, desempenhava o papel que, anos depois, caberia ao Ministério do Planejamento ) e participou da elaboração do Plano de Metas, no governo de Juscelino Kubitschek. Entretanto, ele permanece desconhecido por grande parte dos historiadores (e dos acadêmicos de maneira geral). A intenção deste estudo é a de justamente resgatar o aspecto histórico da teoria rangeliana, a qual, ao apresentar uma interpretação da realidade brasileira tinha um objetivo concreto: intervir nessa realidade através de uma análise que buscava proposta efetiva de ação. O objetivo central deste estudo é, portanto, compreender a atuação político-institucional e o significado da trajetória de Ignácio Rangel para a história do Brasil.
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Ventresca, Roberto. "Prove tecniche d'integrazione. L'Italia e l'OECE negli anni della prima legislatura repubblicana (1947-1953)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3424226.
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This thesis analyses the political and cultural profile of the Italian technocrats that, during the first Italy's republican legislature (1948-1953), took part in the Marshall Plan's bodies, such as the Organisation for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), which concurred to the distribution of Marshall Plan's funds in Europe. In addition, it deals with the reconstruction of the global role played by Italy within the OEEC.
Rooted in the framework of the post-war Italian economic reconstruction and of the Cold War, the Marshall Plan (ERP) represented for the centrist government a fundamental turning point for reintroducing Italy in the Western political horizon after the fall of Fascism. Far from assuming that the ERP embodied a unilateral American mechanism of political control over the Italian society, many scholars have outlined that Italy's participation in the ERP was original and to some extent autonomous.
Moreover, Italian technocrats (i.e. Campilli, Tremelloni, Malagodi, Saraceno, Menichella) which worked in the OEEC and other ERP's organisations had politically grown up during the Fascism and had shared the cultural pattern of corporatist and State-led economy, which did not always align with the liberal-capitalist pattern promoted by the US in Western Europe after 1945.
In this light and according to the most recent historiography on the Cold War, I aim to conceptualise the contradiction existing between the political, economic and cultural background of the Italian technocrats – which were neither merely post-fascists, nor completely adherent of the American model of capitalism - and the free-market oriented framework with which they had to face. Then, paying attention to institutional as well as personal archival sources belonged to some of those personalities, I will investigate whether or not did they build in the ERP institutions a specific “technocratic project” for post-war Italy, exploring the relationships and the degree of political autonomy enjoyed by these technocrats with respect to the main Italian political parties (especially Democrazia Cristiana) between 1947-1953.Si tratta di uno studio riguardante l'adesione italiana all'OECE negli anni della prima legislatura repubblicana. La ricerca ha preso in esame non soltanto le principali dinamiche del processo di ricostruzione economica italiana nel secondo dopoguerra, ma ha anche analizzato i rapporti internazionali che il Governo De Gasperi attivò con i maggiori Paesi del blocco euro-atlantico: USA, Francia, Gran Bretagna, collocando in tal modo l'esperienza post-bellica italiana all'interno del contesto più ampio dell'avvio della Guerra fredda. Questo lavoro si è soffermato sulla ricostruzione dell'azione politica ed economica promossa dalla delegazione italiana all'OECE negli anni '47-'53, nel tentativo di capire quali fossero i maggiori temi d'interesse coltivati dalla coalizione degasperiana. Ci si è soffermati soprattutto sui temi dell'emigrazione, della liberalizzazione degli scambi e dei pagamenti 3 della realizzazione di progetti di integrazione economica (Unione doganale, Piano Pella, etc.). Si è inoltre analizzato il modo in cui i maggiori Paesi dell'OECE, Francia e Gran Bretagna, guardarono al ruolo giocato dall'Italia all'interno di quella organizzazione. Si è infine riflettuto sulla composizione della delegazione italiana e sull'esperienza politica incarnata dai funzionari e dagli esperti che vi presero parte: si è infatti riflettuto sui rapporti che la delegazione sviluppò con il Governo centrale italiano e, parallelamente, con le altre delegazioni internazionali presenti nell'OECE. Si è infine riflettuto sullo' statuto politico' dei membri della delegazione: funzionari, esperti, tecnici, tecnocrati? Dall'analisi dei documenti archivistici e della bibliografia esistente, si è insomma tentato di ricostruire da un punto di vista globale il ruolo svolto dall'Italia all'interno di questa Organizzazione, analizzandone sia le strategie di fondo, sia le intrinseche contraddizioni, con l'obiettivo di comprendere in quale misura la partecipazione italiana all'interno dell'OECE abbia influito sul più generale processo di ricostruzione economica del Paese e sulla sua collocazione all'interno del processo di integrazione economica europea e della ridefinizione degli equilibri capitalistici occidentali nel secondo dopoguerra.
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Santos, Flávio Reis dos. "Tecnocracia capitalista: fundamentos e implicações para a educação." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2014. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/2334.
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Previous issue date: 2014-02-27Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos
The central objective of this study is to clarify the technocratic formulations used by capitalism through the use of technical and scientific knowledge of the material world to intervene in the institutional structures of society with a view to organisation of socioeconomic system, especially in times of crises. Study the technocratic in the different historical contexts propositions involving the structures of society, the State and education in capitalist reality demanded theoretical references of sociology, economics, education, economic sociology, political economy, history and economics of education. We restrict our analysis to the compendium of universe theories that we believe are the more substantial for the realization of research, in order to identify the principles and/or foundations which characterized the technocratic proposals to the directors of the company and its implications for education. We divided the study in four different moments: in the first stage, we resorted to the writings of Saint Simon and Thorstein Veblen to characterize the technocracy in their socio-political aspects; in the second stage, we focus our analysis on the studies of Max Weber and the propositions of Frederick Taylor and Henri Fayol for expressing politicaladministrative character of the technocracy; in the third stage we analyze the theses of John Keynes and theories of Theodore Schultz to express political and economic purpose of interventionist technocracy; in the fourth stage, we examine criticisms and proposals of August Von Hayek and Milton Friedman to characterize the technocracy in his liberal political and economic disposition. We conclude that the fundamentals technocratic constitute the set of devices and strategies rationally constructed by highly skilled intellectuals in their fields of expertise to mediate, monitor, control and direct the society and their relationship dynamics, considering aspects and economic, political and social conditions in accordance with the needs determined by the historical realities that characterize the capitalist universe.
O objetivo central deste estudo é o de explicitar as formulações tecnocráticas utilizadas pelo capitalismo, mediante o emprego do conhecimento técnico e científico do mundo material, para intervir nas estruturas institucionais da sociedade, tendo em vista a (re)organização do sistema socioeconômico, sobretudo em período de crises acentuadas. Estudar as proposições tecnocráticas nos distintos contextos históricos que envolveram as estruturas da sociedade, o Estado e a Educação na realidade capitalista exigiu referenciais teóricos da sociologia, da economia, da educação, da sociologia econômica, da economia política, da história e da economia da educação. Limitamos o nosso universo de análise ao compêndio das teorias que entendemos serem as mais substanciais para a realização da pesquisa, na perspectiva de identificar os princípios e/ou fundamentos que caracterizaram as propostas tecnocráticas para a administração da sociedade e suas implicações para a educação. Dividimos o estudo em quatro momentos distintos: no primeiro estágio, recorremos aos escritos de Saint Simon e de Thorstein Veblen para caracterizar a tecnocracia em seus aspectos político-sociais; no segundo estágio, concentramos as nossas análises nos estudos de Max Weber e nas proposições de Frederick Taylor e de Henri Fayol, para expressar o caráter políticoadministrativo da tecnocracia; no terceiro estágio analisamos as teses de John Keynes e as teorias de Theodore Schultz, para exprimir a finalidade político-econômica intervencionista da tecnocracia; e no quarto estágio, examinamos as críticas e proposições de August Von Hayek e de Milton Friedman, para caracterizar a tecnocracia em sua disposição políticoeconômica liberal. Concluímos que os fundamentos tecnocráticos constituem o conjunto de dispositivos e estratégias racionalmente construídos por intelectuais, altamente especializados em seus campos de atuação, para mediar, fiscalizar, controlar e dirigir a sociedade e suas dinâmicas relações, considerando os seus aspectos e condições econômicas, políticas e sociais, em função das necessidades determinadas pelas realidades históricas que caracterizam o universo capitalista.
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TROMBETTA, FEDERICO. "MODELLING THE EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC CRISIS ON THE TYPE OF GOVERNMENT." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6224.
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Questa tesi contribuisce alla letteratura di economia politica attraverso l’analisi degli effetti di una crisi economica sulla tipologia di governo. In particolare, ci si concentra su due tipologie di governo che possono essere viste come anomalie empiricamente correlate a fenomeni di crisi economica e finanziaria: il populismo e la tecnocrazia.
Dopo una rassegna critica della letteratura esistente, si sviluppano due distinti modelli di teoria dei giochi. Il primo analizza il populismo nel contesto di una relazione principale-agente tra l’elettore e il politico. Concentrandosi su come la probabilità che si affermi un governo populista è influenzata dai parametri che catturano la situazione economica del Paese, si dimostra che, in un contesto di crisi economica, è più probabile che il governo attui provvedimenti populisti.
Il secondo modello spiega la comparsa di un governo tecnocratico (e in parte anche la sua stabilità) in un sistema politico in cui gli agenti principali sono due partiti e, in alcuni casi, un gruppo di tecnocrati. Qui si prova che il governo tecnocratico ha più probabilità di emergere in un contesto di crisi economica, quando il parlamento è equamente diviso e quando la distanza ideologica tra i due partiti è sufficientemente grande.This thesis contributes to the literature on theoretical political economy analyzing the effects of economic crisis on the types of government. In particular, we focus on two types of government that can be seen as anomalies empirically related with the emergence of financial and economic crisis: populism and technocracy. After a critical survey of the existing literature on those topics, we develop two different game-theoretical models. The first one studies populism in the context of a standard political-agency relationship between a voter and a politician. We see how the likelihood of the emergence of a populist government is affected by parameters representing the economic conditions of a country, and we find that, in a context of economic crisis, the government is more likely to make populist decisions. The second model explains the emergence of a technocratic government (and captures some issues related to its stability) in a post-election partisan politics setting where the main players are two parties and possibly a group of technocrats. We prove that the technocratic government is more likely to emerge in a context of economic crisis, when the parliament is evenly split and the ideological distance between the two parties is big enough.
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TROMBETTA, FEDERICO. "MODELLING THE EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC CRISIS ON THE TYPE OF GOVERNMENT." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6224.
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Questa tesi contribuisce alla letteratura di economia politica attraverso l’analisi degli effetti di una crisi economica sulla tipologia di governo. In particolare, ci si concentra su due tipologie di governo che possono essere viste come anomalie empiricamente correlate a fenomeni di crisi economica e finanziaria: il populismo e la tecnocrazia.
Dopo una rassegna critica della letteratura esistente, si sviluppano due distinti modelli di teoria dei giochi. Il primo analizza il populismo nel contesto di una relazione principale-agente tra l’elettore e il politico. Concentrandosi su come la probabilità che si affermi un governo populista è influenzata dai parametri che catturano la situazione economica del Paese, si dimostra che, in un contesto di crisi economica, è più probabile che il governo attui provvedimenti populisti.
Il secondo modello spiega la comparsa di un governo tecnocratico (e in parte anche la sua stabilità) in un sistema politico in cui gli agenti principali sono due partiti e, in alcuni casi, un gruppo di tecnocrati. Qui si prova che il governo tecnocratico ha più probabilità di emergere in un contesto di crisi economica, quando il parlamento è equamente diviso e quando la distanza ideologica tra i due partiti è sufficientemente grande.This thesis contributes to the literature on theoretical political economy analyzing the effects of economic crisis on the types of government. In particular, we focus on two types of government that can be seen as anomalies empirically related with the emergence of financial and economic crisis: populism and technocracy. After a critical survey of the existing literature on those topics, we develop two different game-theoretical models. The first one studies populism in the context of a standard political-agency relationship between a voter and a politician. We see how the likelihood of the emergence of a populist government is affected by parameters representing the economic conditions of a country, and we find that, in a context of economic crisis, the government is more likely to make populist decisions. The second model explains the emergence of a technocratic government (and captures some issues related to its stability) in a post-election partisan politics setting where the main players are two parties and possibly a group of technocrats. We prove that the technocratic government is more likely to emerge in a context of economic crisis, when the parliament is evenly split and the ideological distance between the two parties is big enough.
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Barbin, Adeline. "La démocratie technique." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H231.
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Les thèses de l'autonomie de la technique et l'identification du progrès au progrès technique ont exclu la notion de démocratie du champ de la réflexion de la philosophie politique sur les sciences et les techniques, au profit de conceptions technocratiques. Ce sont alors l'histoire et la sociologie des techniques qui ont essentiellement abordé les relations entre technique et démocratie. En examinant leurs travaux, nous montrons à la fois l'importance des facteurs socio-culturels pour expliquer le développement technique d'une société et l'existence d'une forme faible de déterminisme par lequel les techniques structurent les relations sociales. La possibilité et la pertinence qu'il y a à faire de la technique un objet du débat démocratique apparaît alors à double titre : d'une part, elle engage chaque société sur le chemin d'un mode de développement que les citoyens doivent pouvoir discuter et, d'autre part, elle est déjà un objet de politique puisqu'elle est concernée par des législations et constitue, sous la forme de l'innovation, un élément majeur des projets politiques nationaux et internationaux. Nous montrons que, confrontée à différentes critiques, la démocratie technique doit être complexifiée afin de ne pas s'en tenir à une réflexion sur l'expertise et la compétence et de pouvoir répondre aux enjeux des conditions juridiques, économiques et épistémiques de la production des savoirs et des innovations comme aux enjeux classiques de la démocratie en général dont elle constitue un approfondissement vers un nouveau champ, celui de la définition du progrèsThe topic of democracy has been excluded from thinking about sciences and technologies in political philosophy by the idea of an autonomous technology and the identification of technical progress to progress itself. Instead, technocratic conceptions of power have been examined. Consequently, it is in history and sociology of technology that we can find considerations on relationship beteween technology and democracy. By analysing how they conceive this relation, we show both the importance of socio-cultural factors to explain technical development of society and existence of a weak version of determinism which implies that technologies shape social relationships. Then, we can understand that there is two reasons which explain why making technology an object of democratic debate is possible and relevant: first, technology commit society on a development path that citizens should be entitled to discuss; second, it is already a political object for it is adressed by legislations and, as innovation, is a key element of national and international political objectives. We point out technical democracy, given the critics it receveid, has to become more complex in order no to be limited to thinking about expertise and skill and to be able to adress what is at stake in the economic, juridic and epistemic conditions of knowledge and innovation production as well as what is at stake in the classic thinking about democracy. For technical democracy is a way to enlarge democracy to new topics, particularly to the question of how to define progress
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Castro, Marina Souto Lopes Bezerra de. "O naturalismo ético no behaviorismo radical de B. F. Skinner." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/4799.
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Previous issue date: 2013-06-24Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais
We presuppose the existence of an Ethics in Skinner's work. It reveals, at least, three aspects: a Metaethics, a Normative and an Applied Ethics, which will be detailed in the present investigation. Before this, we will try to present chronologically the development of his ideas related to this topic. We conclude that the Skinnerian Ethics may be considered as a Naturalistic one. We attempt to describe it. Inside the Naturalistic Ethics, Skinner proposes something interesting, relevant, well founded, both in relation to a methaethics as well as in relation to the principles for an applied ethics. There are questionable points, one of them indicated in our last work, that is the attempt to traduce/reduce prescriptive aspects into descriptive ones, disregarding the difference between the causal determinants for tacts and those for mands. In this approach, we will essay a depth analysis, identifying what maybe is the core, or final, aspect of this tension: the defense of a technocracy, a huge problem found in the Skinnerian Ethics. What would be the limit for the technical authority? Prescriptions based on scientific knowledge are fully appropriate and acceptable, but what would be the limit for the derivation of mands from scientific evidence? Is there an alternative? Our thesis is this: Skinnerian Ethics is a kind of Naturalistic Ethics, and its main limitation is the defense of a technocracy.
Partimos da suposição de que há uma ética na obra de Skinner. Ela se apresenta em, pelo menos, três aspectos: o metaético, o normativo e o aplicado, os quais serão detalhados neste trabalho. Antes disso, porém, ao longo da obra de Skinner, tentaremos acompanhar cronologicamente o desenvolvimento de suas propostas em relação ao tema. Concluiremos que a Ética Skinneriana pode ser classificada como naturalista. Buscaremos descrevê-la. Dentro do Naturalismo Ético, Skinner nos traz uma proposta interessante, relevante, bem fundamentada, tanto em relação a uma metaética, quanto aos princípios para uma ética aplicada. Há pontos questionáveis, um deles constatado em trabalho anterior, que diz respeito à tentativa de traduzir/reduzir aspectos prescritivos aos descritivos, desconsiderando-se as diferenças entre os determinantes dos tatos e aqueles dos mandos. No presente trabalho, aprofundaremos a questão, identificando o que talvez seja o aspecto central, ou final, dessa tensão: a defesa da tecnocracia, um grande problema encontrado na Ética Skinneriana. Qual seria, então, o limite da autoridade técnica? Prescrições fundamentadas em conhecimentos científicos são plenamente cabíveis e aceitáveis, mas qual seria o limite da derivação de imperativos a partir de evidências científicas? Há alternativas? Nossa tese, portanto, é esta: a Ética Skinneriana é uma variante do Naturalismo Ético, sendo sua principal limitação a defesa da tecnocracia.
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Williamson, Hugh Francis. "Transylvanian Baroque : liberalism and its others in rural Romania." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289028.
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This thesis is an exploration of liberalism in Romania and in anthropology. Liberalism is frequently represented in contemporary anthropology as a hegemonic technocratic practice, rationalist ideology and hypocritically exclusionary politics. I challenge this representation through an ethnography of a British-Romanian rural revitalisation and conservation programme in the Saxon villages region of southern Transylvania, Romania, and the vernacular liberalism of the cosmopolitan youth who have taken this project up. Douglas Holmes has asserted that in the European Union (EU) in the twenty-first century, communities and people are experimenting with new identity projects that fuse the liberal and illiberal in innovative ways. I trace how the rural revitalisation programme brought together romantic, "integralist" visions of the Saxon villages with the EU's liberal technologies of governance to create a set of projects the value of which could be translated between diverse sets of actors, from British tourists through European bureaucrats and Transylvanian farmers. This provided local youth with the possibility of making a life in their home region in a context of significant economic decline and massive emigration. The seemingly disparate liberal and romantic elements, initially brought together in a transnational context, were "domesticated" by Transylvanian liberals as complementary resources that could be mobilised to combat entrenched problems of Romanian society and modernity, as liberals saw it, notably the failure of the state to provide key services and the stagnation of the public sphere. The state's failures had led liberals to abandon it is a source of hope, turning instead to voluntary action, which made the dilemmas of how to mobilise engaged publics all the more crucial. Village liberals' attempts to foster such publics frequently ended up reproducing their own marginality, however. Against conventional representations of liberalism, I argue that its technocratic pretensions can be an object of hope in a milieu where expertise is perceived to be absent as much as an institutional hegemony. I further conclude that the multiple ways in which the liberal and the romantic are combined challenges dominant images of liberal ideology and practice as purely abstract and formal.
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Salaam, Yasmine Saad. "American educated Saudi technocrats : agents of social change? /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.Advisers: Andrew Hess; Sugata Bose; Jeswald W. Salacuse. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Bear, Marca Marie. "Middle eastern technocrats' attitudes towards U.S. technology transfer controls." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282746243.
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Carrasco, Rahal Eduardo. "Le VIH au Chili. Entre sécularisation et technocratie." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA075/document.
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Récemment, le Chili a vu la victoire des politiques publiques de prévention et de soins de l'infection à VIH promues par la vérité technique de l'OMS et de l'ONUSIDA (notre acception de la vérité technique a été définie dans les derniers travaux de Michel Foucault). Pourtant, l'histoire récente des politiques de santé du Chili dans notre domaine de recherche nous incite à la prudence. Des questions telles que la responsabilité sociale des dépenses de santé ont connu des va et vient répétés dus aux bouleversements politiques de ces dernières décennies. Certains sujets cruciaux pour la prévention de la transmission verticale du VIH / SIDA, liés à la morale privée et à son influence sur les politiques publiques, comme dans le cas de l'avortement thérapeutique, ont longtemps été influencés par la dose laïcité permise par l'église catholique aux partis politiques chiliens les plus conservateurs. La promotion du préservatif comme seul moyen de prévenir la transmission sexuelle du VIH, simple vérité technique «connue» par les politiques publiques du Nord depuis les années 80, a partagé les campagnes de prévention officielles chiliennes avec abstinence et fidélité jusqu'en 2015. Cependant, si une vérité mérite notre sympathie, elle mérite en même temps l'aversion des secteurs de la population tout aussi respectables que nous. Si nous considérons avec bienveillance une vérité technique qui émerge du débat pour s'imposer comme «la vérité», ignorant que ce qui a vraiment été imposé est le prestige de la technicité, nous ignorons probablement le sens du combat politique comme objet scientifiqueRecently, Chile lived the victory of public policies of prevention and care of the HIV infection as promoted by the WHO’s and UNAIDS technical truth (our meaning of the technical truth has been defined in the latest works by Michel Foucault). Yet the recent history of Chile's health policies in our research matters urges us to be cautious. Issues such as social responsibility of health spending have come and gone according to the political upheavals of the recent decades. Some crucial topics for the prevention of vertical transmission of HIV/AIDS, linked to private values and its influence on public policies, as in the case of therapeutic abortion, has long been under the influence of the dosage of secularity allowed by the catholic church to the most conservative political parties. The promotion of the condom as the only way to prevent the sexual transmission of the HIV, a simple technical truth “known” by the northern public policies since the 80’s, shared the official prevention campaigns with abstinence and fidelity till 2015. However, if a truth deserves our sympathy, it deserves at the same time the aversion of sectors of the population just as respectable as we are. If we consider with kindness a technical truth that emerges from the debate to impose itself as "the truth", ignoring that what has really been imposed is the prestige of technicality, we probably ignore the sense of political struggle as a scientific object
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Carvalho, Lucie de. "Has the ship really lost her captain? Les politiques électronucléaires britanniques de 1979 à 2015 : le rôle de l’État à l’épreuve des nouveaux modes de gouvernance." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA153.
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Depuis les années 2000, l’équilibre mondial se trouve confronté à deux menaces majeures, le réchauffement climatique et la fin annoncée des ressources en hydrocarbures, préfigurant un changement de paradigme énergétique imminent. Face aux inquiétudes grandissantes concernant l’équilibre des systèmes énergétiques futurs, de nombreux pays ont récemment vu dans l’industrie nucléaire la solution permettant d’allier système de production stable et faible pollution. Depuis 2006, le Royaume-Uni s’est également engagé dans la voie de la renaissance nucléaire. Toutefois, cette transformation soulève de nombreux questionnements pour une industrie qui a, au cours de l’ère néo-libérale des années 1990, subi de nombreuses transformations provoquées par un désengagement progressif de l’Etat à travers des phases de privatisation, d’agencification et de déstructuration. Selon les théories de la gouvernance, ces processus sont les symptômes d’une érosion pérenne et profonde des pouvoirs de l’Etat centralisateur, dont les leviers d’action ont été émoussés et qui ont été vidés de leur substance (hollowed out). Dans la mesure où la renaissance nucléaire britannique est conditionnée par un soutien étatique fort, le cas britannique constitue un exemple de choix afin de tester cette théorie. À travers une mise en perspective historique et selon une approche systémique, cette recherche analyse l’évolution des politiques électronucléaires britanniques de 1979 à 2015. Son objectif sera de démontrer que, depuis la fin des années 2000, la relance du nucléaire a déclenché la réactivation des mécanismes de leadership étatique, malgré la permanence des principes de primauté des marchés et de concurrence vertueuse. Il s’agira alors d’identifier ce nouveau paradigme qui a émergé depuis le milieu des années 2000, au sein des relations entre l’État britannique, la société civile, l’industrie nucléaire nationale et les marchés. Cette nouvelle dynamique se caractérise par des pratiques dorénavant hybrides d’action politique, telles que des formes innovantes de gouvernance technocratique, de néo-corporatisme et de néo-keynésianismeSince the turn of the century, the threats of climate change and the future depletion of the world’s oil reserves have triggered mounting concerns over a looming energy crisis, foreshadowing a shift in energy paradigm. Many industrial nations have recently turned to nuclear power as a possible low-carbon and stable means of producing electricity. In 2006 the UK became a new player in this worldwide nuclear renaissance. However, the UK nuclear industry was greatly weakened during the neo-liberal era of the 1990s, when its previously monopolistic structure was dismantled and privatised. According to governance theories, such practices underscore how the State has essentially been hollowed out and has seen its capacity to interfere in policy-making greatly eroded throughout the 1990s. Since new nuclear energy projects rely on strong state support, the British situation offers a case in point to test this governance theory. This research explores how the British nuclear power policies evolved from 1979 to 2015 from a historical and systemic angle. It reveals that, since the end of the 2000s, the UK State has managed to revive some of its leadership instruments, despite its attachment to free market principles. A new paradigm is therefore emerging in the relationship between the State, the citizens, the industrial sector and the electricity markets that can be characterised by new innovative and hybrid decision-making practices, involving forms of technocratic governance, neo-corporatism and neo-Keynesianism
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Burnett, Carlos Frederico Lago. "DA TRAGÉDIA URBANA À FARSA DO URBANISMO REFORMISTA: a fetichização dos planos diretores participativos." Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2007. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/756.
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Previous issue date: 2007-08-27FUNDAÇÃO DE AMPARO À PESQUISA E AO DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTIFICO E TECNOLÓGICO DO MARANHÃO
In the eighties, as a reaction to social-spatial inequity in Brazilian cities, the Urban Reform program sought to unify academy intellectuals and organized community entities in a movement for egalitarian and distributive urban policies. Partially recognized by the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988, the ideas of the Urban Reform movement were subjected to those of urban planning, since the Urban Master Plan was declared the municipality s major instrument of urban policy. Initially disputed by the Urban Reform movement, due to its technocratic and segregationist character during the Brazilian military government, however regularized by the City Statute, the Urban Master Plan proposes to insure, since 2005, urbanized and well located land for the poorest in thousands of Brazilian cities. Despite the diminished popular participation, low rates of legislation approval and almost null implementation of its proposals, the Master Plan affirms itself as instrument of the Urban Reform and the Movement condenses itself in the Urban Planning Law as a way to achieve the city of all . By the means of a historical analysis of the twenty years that separate the criticism from the adhesion to the Urban Master Plan, supported by a theoretical study and field research on significant experiences of participative planning in Brazil, the present study shows that, by partaking the values of the bourgeoisie democracy and submitting the urban rights struggle to the institutional procedures of city planning, the Urban Reform Movement compromises the autonomy of social organizations and contributes to the capitalist accumulation and reproduction in the urban space, aggravating the tragedy of the cities. In this way, under the leadership of a technocratic elite and heavily influenced by the political and economic changes that have occurred in Brazil conservative democratic consolidation, neoliberalism s offensive and hegemony, political access of the Labor Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores PT) to federal government -, the institutionalization process of the Urban Reform project, through the fetishism of Participative Urban Master Plans, turns into sham the purposes of reformist urbanism.
Nos anos 80, como reação às desigualdades sócio-espaciais das cidades brasileiras, o projeto da Reforma Urbana logrou unificar, em torno de um movimento por política urbana igualitária e distributiva, intelectuais da Academia e entidades da organização popular. Parcialmente reconhecido pela Constituição Federal de 1988, o ideário da Reforma Urbana ficou subordinado ao planejamento urbano, pois o Plano Diretor foi declarado instrumento maior da política urbana municipal. Inicialmente contestado pelo movimento, por seu caráter tecnocrata e segregacionista durante o regime militar, mas regulamentado pelo Estatuto da Cidade e através de campanha nacional do Ministério das Cidades, o Plano Diretor se propõe garantir, a partir de 2005, terra urbanizada e bem localizada aos mais pobres em milhares de municípios do país. Apesar da reduzida participação popular, baixa taxa de aprovação da legislação e quase nula implementação de suas propostas, se afirma como instrumento de Reforma Urbana e o Movimento se concentra no Direito Urbanístico como meio para alcançar a cidade de todos . Através da análise histórica dos vinte anos que separam a crítica da adesão ao Plano Diretor, apoiada em estudo teórico e pesquisa de campo sobre experiências significativas de planejamento participativo no Brasil, este trabalho demonstra que, ao assumir valores da democracia burguesa e submeter a luta urbana aos procedimentos institucionais do planejamento, o Movimento da Reforma Urbana compromete a autonomia das organizações populares e contribui para acumulação e reprodução capitalista no espaço urbano, agravante da tragédia das cidades. Desta maneira, sob a liderança de uma elite tecnocrata e fortemente influenciado pelas mudanças políticas e econômicas ocorridas no país - consolidação democrática conservadora, ofensiva e hegemonia neoliberal, acesso do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao governo federal -, o processo de institucionalização do projeto da Reforma Urbana, por meio da fetichização dos Planos Diretores Participativos, transmuda em farsa a proposta do urbanismo reformista.
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Pitcher, Patricia C. "Character and the nature of strategic leadership : artists, craftsmen and technocrats." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39475.
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This dissertation represents an inquiry into the relationship between character and strategy. From Aesthetics, it borrows the conceptual categories, art, craft, and technique. From Psychoanalysis, it borrows a scientific framework for exploring the inner life. From Psychiatry and Psychology, it borrows methodologies. Strategic Management lent its preoccupations.The study demonstrates the long shadow cast by our inner lives on our actions. It portrays the evolution of the strategic posture of a world class corporation in terms of the character of the men who have led it over the past thirty years. It shows the stages through which the corporation went and how those changes were intimately related to the characters of the key executives.
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Taylor, William George. "Shifting sands and the rise of the technocrat : the professionalisation of sports coaching in the United Kingdom." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.530761.
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This thesis examines the changing landscape of the professionalisation of sports coaching and is presented in response to the dearth of empirical research and peerreviewed literature within the field. This paucity has, in turn, created a political context in which the discourses that inhabit transitions towards professionalism are becoming increasingly rigid and inflexible. Policies, too, have exacerbated these situations, creating imposed prescribed reforms that have sought to homogenise coaching practice and further gloss over cultural differences, sporting spaces, and diversity in practice. While volunteerism is often regarded as a socially embedded activity, as well as one that is part of the United Kingdom's (UK) long-established coaching tradition, still there remains an ambition, to transform coaching into certified, professionalised activity. This is a form of professionalism with clear benchmarked standards, novel forms of commercial engagement, ever-present systems of formal accreditation and managed individual accountability. From this has evolved a series of treatments prescribing somewhat standardised solutions to otherwise unique and individualised professional challenges. Against this backdrop, this thesis adopts a more critical orientation towards the debate on the professionalisation of sports coaching in the UK. It examines the tensions, power relations and pockets of resistance that are manifested in practice across different areas of sport, and moves to understand some of the key differences emerging between contemporary reforms, situated practice and socially-embedded coaching traditions. Drawing extensively on Bourdieusian sociology and Foucauldian philosophy as both a methodological guide and tools for analysis, the thesis reflects upon the experiences of coachesand stakeholders operating at all levels of practice in the UK. Findings drawn from the data, together with a consideration of the literature, suggest that while for some the professionalisation process offers opportunities and engagement in commercial based employment, for many this movement is perceived as a fundamental attack on central notions of mutual aid and community provision. Within these notions of resistance and compliance operating in situ/ external factors and policies that have impacted upon the field are examined and the complexities that inhabit the profession of sports coaching as a whole are rigorously analysed.
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Snider, Erin. "Technocrats, bureaucrats, and democrats : the political economy of U.S. assistance for democracy in Egypt and Morocco since 1990." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609684.
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Alexander, Ryan M. "FORTUNATE SONS OF THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION: MIGUEL ALEMÁN AND HIS GENERATION, 1920-1952." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/216972.
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Miguel Alemán, who in 1946 became the first civilian president to represent Mexico's official revolutionary party, ushered into national office a new generation of university-educated professional politicians. Nicknamed the "cachorros (puppies) of the revolution," these leaders were dismissed as slick college boys by their opponents. Despite this objection, the rise to power of this new cadre represented a major turning point in the nation's political history. The prior ruling generation, composed of military officers who had faced calamitous violence during the Revolution, had carried out a decades-long social program that sought to address social-economic inequalities, redistribute resources, and draw previously marginalized groups into a politically, culturally, and ethnically unified nation. The members of the Alemán administration, by contrast, dedicated federal resources to promoting industrial development by implementing protectionist measures and constructing massive public works. Powerful hydroelectric dams and expansive irrigation networks supported large-scale commercial agriculture, while ambitious urban projects, including modernist housing complexes, planned suburbs, and the sprawling University City, symbolized the government's middle-class orientation. Despite these advances, their program came with high social costs: suspended redistributive policies and suppressed political liberties led many to accuse them of abandoning the legacy of social revolution they had inherited, an accusation bolstered by rampant corruption. While their policies fomented impressive economic growth over the next three decades, their focus on urban industry ultimately contributed to a debt crisis and a capital city overburdened by rapid inward migration. This controversial policy agenda and ambivalent legacy reflected their collective social formation. Their experiences as politically active students and as career politicians inculcated a sense of pragmatism that set them apart from their military predecessors. Once in office, Alemán and his colleagues exploited the geopolitical circumstances of the early Cold War period to solicit foreign loans as well as private investment, especially from the United States. These leaders fashioned a new image of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Carlos Denegri, a journalist during the Alemán years, captured the essence of this transformation best: "The Revolution," he lamented, "has gotten off its horse and into a Cadillac."
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Silva, Ricardo Alexandre da. "O pensamento tecnocr?tico, a setoriza??o e as pr?ticas permissivas: a quest?o das ?reas contaminadas no planejamento municipal." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas, 2018. http://tede.bibliotecadigital.puc-campinas.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/1101.
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The issue of contaminated areas is a problem that has increased in recent decades. The identification of numerous contaminations - old and recent - in the soil and water medium has affected the population, caused numerous health problems, and the environment, with the commitment of flora and fauna. In addition, economic activities carried out both in urban and rural areas have been hampered by the juxtaposition of the industrial production means that generate various types of contamination. The actions carried out by the public managers have not followed the breadth and expansion of the cases already detected. Generally the role played by public managers, especially municipal power, has been marked by great leniency and is evoked from their clearly technocratic and patrimonialist management structures . The legal competence regarding the licensing of activities with risk of contamination, national and state elevation in Brazil and in other countries studied, with sectorial and disciplinary perspective, in which industry is always seen as a positive factor, does not reach the problem as a territorialized phenomenon, with implications for the current and future use of localities. The study in question proposes new guidelines for the treatment of contaminated areas, with emphasis on the managerial integration of levels of government, access to information and monitoring of society. They were elaborated from the analysis of several occurrences of contamination, observing the causes, effects, agents and, mainly, the position adopted by the public managers, in particular the municipal ones, since they are the direct responsible by the regulation of the territory, through the legislation of land use and occupation in the municipal space.
La cuesti?n de las ?reas contaminadas representa un problema que ha aumentado en las ?ltimas d?cadas. La identificaci?n de innumerables contaminaciones - antiguas y recientes - en el suelo y medio h?drico ha afectado a la poblaci?n, ocasionado innumerables problemas de salud, y al medio ambiente, con el comprometimiento de la flora y la fauna. Adem?s, las actividades econ?micas, ejecutadas tanto en el espacio urbano y rural, han sido perjudicadas por la yuxtaposici?n de los medios de producci?n industrial que generan diversos tipos de contaminaciones. Las acciones ejecutadas por los gestores p?blicos, no han acompa?ado la amplitud y la expansi?n de los casos ya detectados. Generalmente el papel ejercido por los gestores p?blicos, en especial el poder municipal, ha sido marcado por una gran lenidad y que es evocada a partir de sus estructuras gerenciales claramente tecnocr?ticas y patrimonialistas. La competencia jur?dica sobre el licenciamiento de actividades con riesgo de contaminaci?n, alzada nacional y estadual en Brasil y en otros pa?ses estudiados, con perspectiva sectorial y disciplinaria, en la cual la industria es siempre vista como factor positivo, no alcanza el problema como fen?meno territorializado, con implicaciones en el uso actual y futuro de las localidades. El estudio en cuesti?n propone nuevas directrices para el tratamiento de ?reas contaminadas, con destaque a la integraci?n gerencial de los niveles de gobierno, el acceso a la informaci?n y acompa?amiento de la sociedad. Se elaboraron a partir del an?lisis de diversas ocurrencias de contaminaci?n, observ?ndose las causas, efectos, agentes y, principalmente, la postura adoptada por los gestores p?blicos, en particular los municipales, pues son los responsables directos por la regulaci?n del territorio, a trav?s de la legislaci?n de uso y ocupaci?n del suelo en el espacio municipal.
A quest?o das ?reas contaminadas representa um problema que tem aumentado nas ultimas d?cadas. A identifica??o de in?meras contamina??es ? antigas e recentes - no solo e meio h?drico tem afetado a popula??o, ocasionado in?meros problemas de sa?de, e ao meio ambiente, com o comprometimento da flora e a fauna. Al?m disso, atividades econ?micas, executadas tanto no espa?o urbano e rural, tem sido prejudicadas pela justaposi??o dos meios de produ??o industrial que geram diversos tipos de contamina??es. As a??es executadas pelos gestores p?blicos, n?o tem acompanhado a amplitude e a expans?o dos casos j? detectados. Geralmente o papel exercido pelos gestores p?blicos, em especial o poder municipal, tem sido marcado por uma grande leni?ncia e que ? evocada a partir de suas estruturas gerenciais claramente tecnocr?ticas e patrimonialistas. A compet?ncia jur?dica sobre o licenciamento de atividades com risco de contamina??o, al?ada nacional e estadual no Brasil e em outros pa?ses estudados, com perspectiva setorial e disciplinar, na qual a ind?stria ? sempre vista como fator positivo, n?o alcan?a o problema enquanto fen?meno territorializado, com implica??es no uso atual e futuro das localidades. O estudo em quest?o prop?e novas diretrizes para o tratamento de ?reas contaminadas, com destaque ? integra??o gerencial dos n?veis de governo, o acesso ? informa??o e acompanhamento da sociedade. Foram elaboradas a partir da an?lise de diversas ocorr?ncias de contamina??o, observando-se as causas, efeitos, agentes e, principalmente, a postura adotada pelos gestores p?blicos, em particular os municipais, pois s?o os respons?veis diretos pela regula??o do territ?rio, atrav?s da legisla??o de uso e ocupa??o do solo no espa?o municipal.
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Hernando, Nieto Eduardo. "Política jurisdiccional y administración." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/114870.
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To what extent does studying jurisdictional politics need the knowledge of different administrative theories in general and the science of public administration in particular? This small text proposes such reflection and comes to the conclusion that it is impossible to propose a new approximation to this topic without considering the administrative theory, for that the specialists and thinkers will get more with the contact of this discipline from what it is called a multidisciplinary approach.¿Hasta qué punto estudiar política jurisdiccional requiere del concurso de distintas teorías administrativas en general y de la ciencia de la administración pública en particular? Este pequeño texto se plantea tal reflexión y llega a la conclusión de que es imposible proponer una aproximación novedosa a esta temática sin contar con la teoría administrativa, por lo que los especialistas y reformadores ganarían mucho con el contacto de esta disciplina dentro de lo que ya resulta, claramente, un enfoque multidisciplinario.
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Chen, Shi-Han, and 陳希涵. "Whose Population Policy- The Transformation of Technocracy." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3ezjh3.
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碩士國立中山大學
社會學系碩士班
104
From the population miracle to the globally lowest birth rate, we have witnessed the brilliant achievements made by Taiwan Family Planning but unfortunately encountered the invalid control on aging population. The Taiwan Family Planning initiated to reduce the population growth in 1960s, which had lowered the natural birth rate from 27.3‰ to 11.3‰ in twenty years. However, in 1990s, the fact that the achievement had been accelerated the aging population course in Taiwan obviously surfaced. Even if the low birth rate is worsened continuously, Taiwan society still shows different views on whether it should encourage fertility. Regarding what kind of policy should be used to increase the fertility rate, the final resolution has a lot to do with the outcome of political wrestling from different perspectives. The thesis divides the population policy into two stages based on the transformation of decision-making model. Firstly, it was the decision-making model dominated by technocracy before 2000, which covered two periods, namely, the Family Planning during 1960s~1990s, and the objective of population policy changed to “Maintaining Rational Population Growth” after 1992. Secondly, it was the stage after the Party Alternation in 2000. With the support of Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the establishment of democratic participation in decision-making, the delegation of Women Committee presented a new view on population and environment-friendly policy in the process of participation in population decision-making. As a result, the new population policy came into being from the confrontation of technocracy and diverse opinions. However, since the super-low birth rate in 2003, Taiwan’s fertility rate had kept plummeting and become the lowest birth rate globally in 2010. Despite the recovery of birth rate after that, it still fails to break through the super-low birth rate of 1.3; thus it implies the trouble of invalid policy. We learned from the process of confrontational wrestling that the leading party’s preference distributes the proportion of confronters. Under the support of DDP, the Committee of Women’s Rights Promotion seems to get the right to interpret the population policy to some extent, whose political strength was restricted with the transfer of political power. In contrast, the decision-making of KMT prefers to the traditional and conservative concepts of both marriage and fertility. As to how the population policy was generated, the elected government wishes to satisfy the majority, but many measures are terminated or half-implemented due to the restriction of funds without adequately financial support. The pronatal policy, due to the bureaucratic system and the influence of the core perception of Family Planning practiced in the past, fails to make break-through progress.
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Gonzalez, Pendas Maria. "Architecture, Technocracy, and Silence: Building Discourse in Franquista Spain." Thesis, 2016. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8028RNC.
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This dissertation explores the modernization of architecture in Spain in relation to the ideological, cultural, and institutional evolutions of Francisco Franco’s regime (1939-1975). It traces the ways in which buildings, images, and ideas about the built environment participated in the distinct form of technocracy—a Catholic technocracy—that conformed the Franquista State at mid-passage. In so doing, it provides an interpretation of the historical development of Franquismo as seen through the lens of architecture as much as of the politics of the architecture of the period. Throughout its thirty-six year span, the authoritarian state led by General Franco transitioned from the fascist military autarky that came out of the Civil War (1936-1939) to a technocracy that retained the ultra-conservative values that were essential to its inception. Members of the organization Opus Dei, the lay Catholic movement founded in Spain in the late 1920s, came in the 1950s to control the cultural and governing apparatus of the regime. As non-party technocrats, they were called upon to rationalize the government, advance sciences and technology, liberalize the economy, and bring forth the country’s geopolitical realignment with the democratic West. The ambiguous combination of conservative Catholicism and modernization they promoted best suited the regime, as it sustained the reactionary apparatuses of the dictatorship while allowing for partial reforms. Through a series of close analyses of four buildings now canonical of the period—the Camino Chapel designed in 1954, the Tarragona Government Building of 1956, the national pavilion of Expo 58, and the Pallars housing block for workers built in 1959—this dissertation makes buildings speak of the shifting politics of Franquismo and its governing techniques, of the dislocations of Catholicism that were essential to these changes, and of the distinct architectural culture that emerged within these processes. This history thus reveals the structural role certain buildings played in the advent of Spain’s Catholic technocracy, arguing that the intersection of aesthetics and politics assumed the paradoxical discursive form of silence.
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Lindau, Juan David. "Politicians and technicians in an authoritarian regime the case of Mexico /." 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20675356.html.
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Kressel, Daniel Gunnar. "Technicians of the Spirit: Post-Fascist Technocratic Authoritarianism in Spain, Argentina, and Chile, 1945-1988." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8sth-b879.
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The focus of this dissertation is a distinctive post-fascist ideology that emerged during the Cold War era. Developed and first put to practice in Francisco Franco’s Spain during the 1950s and 1960s, this model for a market-oriented dictatorship, which I label Hispanic technocratic-authoritarianism, became a key ideological reference for the dictatorships of Juan Carlos Onganía in Argentina (1966-1970) and Augusto Pinochet in Chile (1973-1988). For its chief designers, this theory of state represented a noble dream of a “post-ideological” society marked by neoliberal economic development, firm social hierarchies, and most importantly, a project of spiritual “perfection.” Rather than a simple mimesis, this study points to a dynamic of constant transatlantic intellectual dialogue between what were, in essence, three attempts to foster an alternative “Hispanic” modernity, within three dissimilar historical settings.
The venture to constitute a reactionary modernity, as a spiritual “third position” that would transcend the antagonistic “materialist” ideologies born at the time of the French Revolution, is as old as modernity itself. The present study explores a prominent case study of these ideological projects, in the Spanish speaking world. My point of departure is that there is a certain lacuna in the historical analysis on Latin America’s far-right ideology during the Cold War. Whereas historiography has fully scrutinized extreme neo-fascist revolutionary movements, military counterrevolutionary states, and populist authoritarianism in the region, there is a dearth of analytic work on the post-fascist technocratic ideologies of the 1960s. My analysis therefore underscores the role of the international Catholic Society Opus Dei as one conspicuous arena for the formulation of the technocratic-authoritarian ideology. Thus, my work accounts for the rise of the “technocrats” as a contingent historical phenomenon that mirrored the economic and cultural contexts of the Cold War era. Consciously setting out to replace what they thought was the failed fascist revolution of the 1930s, the ideologues I analyze formulated what they believed was a more sophisticated method of Catholic modernization - one comprising of a consumerist society protected from the harms of either parliamentarism or rationalism.
Chapter 1 of the dissertation explores how, during the 1950s, Franco’s regime propagated a distinct post-fascist ideology of “Hispanism” via a transnational organization by the name of Instituto de Cultura Hispánica, and how this traditionalist ideology founds if most zealous interlocutors in Argentina and Chile. Chapter 2 hones in on Spain’s novel technocratic-authoritarian ideologies of the 1960s. Designed and implemented by members of the Secular Catholic Organization Opus Dei, this ideology soon became identified with Spain’s 1960s “economic miracle.” Chapter 3 explains how the Francoist ideologies made their way into the Argentine public sphere through two Argentine intellectual affiliations: the Ateneo de la República and the Cuadernos del Sur journal. These groups, I explain, began designing Argentina’s “post-ideological” society during the early 1960s. Chapter 4 explores how the regime of Juan Carlos Onganía (1966-1970) utilized the ideologies of the aforementioned affiliations, as well as several Francoist “development” tactics such as “poles of growth.” Chapter 5 depicts the impact of the Instituto de Cultura Hispánica and the Opus Dei on the Chilean far-right during the late-1960s leading to the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Like Onganía, Pinochet and his ideologues borrowed Francoist political myths for their purposes. Last, Chapter 6 analyzes the decline of the technocratic-authoritarian model. The circumstances of the late 1970s, I suggest, propelled the authoritarian ideologues to abandon the technocratic-authoritarian schemes and seek new forms of civic participation, thereby leading them to initiate unique “protected” democratic transitions.
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Liang, Yu-Ching, and 梁渝菁. "Technocracy and expert controversy of Taiwan’s e-Passport policy decision-making." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/77977895561576003333.
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碩士臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
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In recent years, credentialing, positive identification, and biometrics become increasingly important. Promoted as a means to combat terrorism, to increase security, and to boost efficiency, biometrics is being considered, developed, and deployed in corporations and government agencies. However, these developments create new opportunities as well as new risks. Biometric passport (e-Passport) will be adopted in Taiwan in 2008. Comparing with traditional passport booklet, new one has changed with the integration of new materials: integrated RFID antenna, holder page, cover page, and electronic chip. RFID chips are passive, and broadcast information to any reader that queries the chip, so critics are worrying that new passports would reveal a person’s identity without his/her consent or even his/her knowledge. According to these reasons, technocrats, scholars, and human rights groups’ opinions on Taiwan e-Passport policy are varied. Therefore this paper is intended as an investigation of Taiwan e-Passport controversy by interviewing those three groups. Chapter 2 focuses on historical ground of authoritative technocrats in Taiwan. Chapter 3 explores issues surrounding the measurement, history, and evaluation of biometrics. In Chapter 4, participants from government, academic research centers, and human rights groups discuss the plan of biometric passport. In Chapter 5 and 6, the author analyzes Taiwan technocrats’ ideology and eventually leads to the conclusion that America lays lots of stress on Taiwan passport policy. However, despite recent advances in biometrics, it is critical not to loose sight of the fact that these technologies are merely tools. It is because of their relatively new role in government, they have the potential to introduce new problems that a society hasn’t yet anticipated, including technical challenges and privacy debates. Whether the discussion is focused on credentialing, or privacy, and legal issues, it all comes down to one critical factor: the people, citizens, and government officials in a dialogue can shed light on the issues, hear opinions that express core truths, and earn the trust that is imperative to the success of initiatives that put us all at the edge of a new frontier: the convergence of identity, technology, security, and privacy.
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BÜGER, Christian. "The new spirit of technocracy? : ordering practice in United Nations peacebuilding." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/15397.
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Defence Date: 03 December 2010Examining Board: Prof. Friedrich Kratochwil,(EUI) (Supervisor); Prof. Pascal Vennesson, (EUI/RSCAS); Prof. Gunther Hellmann (Goethe University Frankfurt am Main); Prof. Iver Neumann, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Whether global order is drifting towards democratic or technocratic modes of governing is a contested issue. This thesis takes up the challenge of investigating how trends towards global democratization or technocratization play out in the field of United Nations peacebuilding. To do so the thesis argues that democratic optimism and technocratic pessimism should not be evaluated as competing paradigms, but as panoramas whose interplay needs to be investigated in empirical research. A pragmatist standpoint, conceptualized as 'critical optimism' is taken and a framework drawing on sociological theories of practice developed. To scrutinize democratizing and technocratizing tendencies the study of everyday ordering practices in different organizational sites is proposed. In adopting an interpretative research strategy three sites are scrutinized empirically: The United Nations Peacebuilding Commission, the United Nations Peacekeeping Best Practice Section and the Afghanistan Compact and its Joint Coordination and Monitoring Board. The interplay of different political practices at these sites is reconstructed. The discussion reveals the importance of democratic and technocratic ideas, yet demonstrates that no clear-cut tendency towards one mode can be observed. Instead, different practices work in parallel, sometimes support each other and sometimes conflict with each other. Taken together, the importance of scrutinizing the difficile interplay of practices is highlighted and the significance of taking pluralist standpoints in studying the social life of world politics is demonstrated. The thesis makes three core contributions to the literature. Firstly, the thesis is one of the first attempts at seeking a dialogue between critical and liberal theories of global governing, otherwise often seen as competitors. Secondly, through its development of theory it makes a contribution to the debate on how sociological frameworks drawing on theories of practice can be used to study the international. Thirdly, its empirical results contribute to the research agenda on how peacebuilding is organized in practice.
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Steyn, Diederick Johannes Schutte. "Tegnokrasie en hoop : die maakbaarheid van 'n post-materialistiese samelewing by Bart van Steenbergen." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/10359.
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Dargent, Eduardo. "Technocracy under democracy : assessing the political autonomy of experts in Latin America." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5000.
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The important role that technocrats play in Latin America has stimulated a lively theoretical debate about experts’ influence in policy making and their effective independence from other sociopolitical players, especially politicians, international financial institutions and business. Through an in-depth analysis of the role of economic and health technocrats in Colombia from 1958 to 2011 and in Peru from 1980 to 2011, this dissertation demonstrates that technocrats are best conceptualized as autonomous actors in Latin America. This technical autonomy, though, varies in strength from policy sector to policy sector and even within the same policy sector across time. I propose a theory of technocratic autonomy to explain both the bases of experts’ autonomy and the determinants that explain the variation in the degree of autonomy across policy sectors and across time. Fundamentally, technocrats’ higher degree of expertise provides them with considerable leverage over sociopolitical actors and allows them to enhance their influence.
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Four factors explain experts’ degree of autonomy and its variation across policy areas. First, a high level of technical complexity in a policy area enhances autonomy by making it more difficult for politicians to counter technocrats’ proposals. Second, the degree of technocratic consensus in a policy area limits the possibility of experts being replaced by other experts with preferences closer to those of politicians. Third, experts are more likely to gain autonomy in state areas where bad policy performance causes high political costs for the incumbent. Finally, a balanced constellation of diverse powerful stakeholders having interests in a policy area also enhances technical autonomy. These stakeholders monitor competing stakeholders and the incumbent, opening a space for technocrats to act with more autonomy. I argue that these four factors explain why economic experts, in general, are more likely to gain autonomy and entrench it over time, whereas health experts remain more vulnerable. These factors also explain the variation in technocratic autonomy over time within the same policy area.text
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Chen, Hsien-lung, and 陳賢隆. "Risk Perception in a Democratic Society and Technocracy: H1N1 Vaccine in Case." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/81579383253413160075.
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Fox, Kathryn E. "The Pervasiveness of Technocracy in Sanitation Development and its Impact on Project Sustainability: A Case Study of the Microbial Fuel Cell Latrine Pilot Project in Nyakrom, Ghana." 2015. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/masters_theses_2/147.
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Approximately 2.5 billion people in the world currently lack access to adequate sanitation facilities. Improving sanitation access in the developing world is vitally important to public health, economies, and the environment. Non-governmental organizations and the private sector have played a significant role in increasing sanitation access through the construction of sanitation and hygiene systems. However, these projects have been plagued with sustainability problems with the rate of non-functional systems remaining consistently at 30 to 40 percent since the 1980s. Studies have found that meaningful community engagement and the consideration of community capacity during project development are vitally important to long-term project sustainability. However, development practitioners frequently undervalue the importance of these factors and fail to adequately employ them when developing sanitation projects.
This thesis examines the dominance and impact of one key influence that leads development practitioners to overlook community context and engagement – the prioritization and overvaluation of technological solutions to development problems. Through a case study of the Microbial Fuel Cell (MFC) Latrine built by three University of Massachusetts Amherst engineers in Nyakrom Ghana I demonstrate an example of the impact that a technocratic focus can have on the operation and maintenance sustainability of a sanitation project.
In this thesis I maintain that the technocratic focus of this project is not unique but is part of a larger trend toward technocracy among water, sanitation, and hygiene development donors and practitioners. These technological approaches can neglect the important role that political, social, economic, and cultural factors play in increasing sanitation access. This thesis reviews three frameworks that the MFC Latrine engineers and other practitioners could use to better understand and incorporate community capacity and participation into sanitation projects – Asset Based Community Development, the appropriate technology framework by the World Health Organization and IRC Water and Sanitation Centre, and the WASHTech Technology Applicability Framework.
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Chang, Chun-chih, and 張鈞智. "A Study on CCP’s Elite Politics: The Rise of Technocracy and Its Influence." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59634362926220298825.
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碩士國立政治大學
東亞研究所
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Numerous news reports or academic papers with describing the political elites in CCP after the open and reform in 1980’s have mostly recognized that nowadays the leaders of CCP have the same background of technocrats. But who’s technocrat? Are most of CCP’s political leaders technocrats? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy? Few scholars have a complete and clear explanation for this. These questions lead to the main idea and structure of the dissertation, except the first and the last chapter, which is divided in four parts: definition, origin, process, and influence. These four parts are as follows: About the definition, what’s the kind of man so-called “technocrat”? In the second chapter “technocratic theory,” the definition of technocrat is: a technocrat is a highly educated person, who majors in science and technical fields in result of having professional knowledge and experiences. He (She) holds political power in hand, inclines to move decision-making machines into rationalization, and devotes himself (herself) faithfully to develop social economics. Following history step by step, the technocratic theory develops toward two main directions: one is the theory of post-industrial society that focuses on the development of professional technology in modern society; the other is the theory of devolution that focuses on the transformation of national system. Moreover, for two arguments in technocratic theory, our points are as follows: about the difference between technocracy and political technocracy, technocrats will be taking much advantage in politics over career bureaucrats so that the version of technocracy is appropriate; political minimalism describes the attitude of technocrat toward democracy. About the origin, why technocrats could rise in the leading class of CCP? The third chapter “the background of CCP’s technocrats,” focusing on the unique of Mainland China, explains the reason from macroscopic and microscopic vision why technocrats rise. From macroscopic vision, because of technocrats’ policy-enforcing capability and economic-developing ability, CCP could not only control the impact that totalitarianism declines while authoritarianism rises but also establish new legitimacy to maintain its governance. From microscopic vision, the theory of “expert is red” and the strategy of “rejuvenate the country through science and education” direct politics elite recruitment system that young and capable elites replace revolutionary cadres. These measures actually help technocracy built in politics of CCP. About the process, are CCP’s political leaders technocrats? In the fourth chapter “the development of technocrats in CCP: a case study of politburo committee,” it examines the formation of technocrats from 12th to 16th politburo members of CCP with three indexes: recruitment, education, and profession. The development of CCP’s technocrats can be divided in three phases: the recessive period from 1982 to 1987, the growing period from 1987 to 1997, the mature period after 1997.Nowadays, technocrats have been more than 50% in politburo members of CCP. What is more, every standing member of politburo is the technocrat and technocrats take great advantage of political system in Mainland China. About the influence, do technocrats have important influence over Chinese politics? Is technocracy different from bureaucracy as the theory describes? The fifth chapter “the influence of CCP’s technocracy: an analysis of the decision-making process of Three Gorges Dam” compares the difference between the decision-making processes of Three Gorges Dam before and after 1980’s: during the period of revolutionary cadres, political leaders focus on the point of view in preventing flood, national security, and mobilization that drive the decision into monopoly, un-profession, and little discussion of experts; during the period of technocracy, political leaders focus on the promotion of booming economy, meanwhile, drive the decision into pluralism, professionalism, and open discussion. From above, it confirms that technocratic theory has its validity for politics in Mainland China and solves the dilemma of only theory but no actual evidence in technocracy. After all, we turn into the level of theory about the elite transformation during post-Communist period that includes two points of view: theory of elite reproduction and theory of elite circulation. As the recruitment of political leading elite in CCP, theory of elite reproduction is a better explanation because old revolutionary cadres, no longer have political even social power, are replaced by the new type of technocrats. Eventually, after technocracy has been developed maturely, elites who are professional in economics and law will become important and attractive points in the research field of CCP’s elite politics in the near future.
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Skidmore-Hess, Daniel James. "Philosopher-Kings and "Critical Critics" technocracy and its alternatives in contemporary political thought /." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/31056216.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1993.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 219-226).
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Bazbauers, Adrian Robert. "Technocracy and the market: world bank group technical assistance and the rise of neoliberalism." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10565.
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This thesis analyses the provision of technical assistance by the World Bank Group (the Group) from 1946 to 2010. Technical assistance concerns the transmission of knowledge and practices to encourage economic growth. Starting from the ontological position that “development” is merely a series of normative positions that change over time and that are dependent upon the worldview of the observer, it argues that Group technical assistance has helped to construct, project, and legitimise particular development “truths”.
Drawing upon literature from within the discipline of International Political Economy, this analysis regards technical assistance as a form of power whereby exercising actors are able to persuade others and define structures in such a way as to make particular understandings appear as common sense. The use of “soft” technical assistance to build institutional and human resource capacity during the neoliberal era – built through policy reform, management selection, and personnel training – became a means to persuade recipients of the alleged legitimacy of market-led development.
An institutional study, this work contextualises the growth and evolution of Group technical assistance in terms of crises in the world economy, shifting intellectual movements in academic and policy circles, and changes in the mission, organisational structure, and leadership of the Group. The Group is thus a shaper of and is shaped by the mainstream development discourse – the orthodox conceptualisation of the economic, political, social, and environmental “improvement” of developing countries. The thesis concludes that Group technical assistance has been able to reinforce particular “truths” through its allegedly scientific, objective, and value-neutral nature dissuading challenges to the prevailing orthodoxy. This thesis contributes to academic discussion by analysing the persuasive ability of Group technical assistance to convince recipients of the necessity of accepting and adopting particular development “truths” that are far from objective or value-neutral.
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Chen, Kaijun. "The Rise of Technocratic Culture in High-Qing China: A Case Study of Bondservant (Booi) Tang Ying (1682-1756)." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D85B011W.
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This dissertation examines a technologically specialized officialdom of Manchu called bondservants (or booi) that thrived in the eighteenth century. Through a case study of Tang Ying (1682--1756), a supervisor of the Imperial Porcelain Manufacture and a prolific playwright, I demonstrate the formation of what I call a "technocratic epistemology" across disparate fields of technical, artistic, and literary production. One of my key arguments is that bondservants differed from traditional Han scholar-officials in their practical approach to technological knowledge and their expanded literary representation of intercultural experiences in the multiethnic empire. Both contributed to the practice of statecraft that is modern in nature.
In research questions and method, this project lies at the intersection of the history of technology, literature, and material culture. Tang Ying's case not only provides a vintage point for observing a technocrat's lineage, training, and career path, it also allows us to view the Qing empire from such previously little-studied vantage points as manufacture, technical knowledge, and fiscal management. This case study adopts a mobile perspective, following Tang's multiple journeys across the empire, often traversing social and ethnic boundaries.
By closely analyzing Tang Ying's technical treatises, literary compositions and extant porcelains, I show a two-fold principle governing three aspects of technocratic cultural production. First, Tang Ying's illustrated treatise shows how bondservants appropriated non-textual knowledge of craftsmen and merchants into statecraft by means of writing and images. Second, Tang Ying's development of porcelain technology showcases how technocrats experimented with knowledge encoded in texts, images and tools. Third, documentary and experimental imperatives governed the literary and artistic compositions of bondservants. For Tang Ying, to document meant not only to record information but also to compartmentalize, to count, and to order information systematically.
This dissertation sheds light on the central institutionalization of practical expertise in the expanding multiethnic empire of China. Trained for the projects of empire building, bondservants integrated the skills and practices of scholar-officials, artisans and merchants to give birth to a technocratic culture.
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ERNE, Roland. "Organised labour : an actor of euro-democratisation, euro-technocracy or re-nationalisation? : trade-union strategies concerning the European integration process." Doctoral thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5175.
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Defence date: 28 June 2004Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Ulrich K. Pressus (Freie Universität Berlin) ; Prof. Dr. Franz Traxler (Universität Wien) ; Prof. Dr. Philippe C. Schmitter (EUI) ; Prof. Dr. Colin Crouch (EUI)(Supervisor)
Conferring date: 1 October 2004. First made available online on 6 December 2016
This thesis addresses two questions: first, has there emerged in Europe a system of industrial relations which crosses national boundaries? Secondly, does organised labour contribute to the process of democratisation of the European Union? Scholars have argued that the EU cannot be democratised because there is no European society as such, no European network of intermediate social institutions, no European public sphere, no European demos and no Euro-democratic citizens’ movement. This thesis has discovered evidence to the contrary.