Journal articles on the topic 'Teenagers – Sexual behaviour – Botswana'

Summary: The sexual behaviour and factors which affect such behaviour, source of knowledge and education about sex was assessed by means of an anonymous selfadministered questionnaire among 2754 pupils (15-18 years) attending 40 (85%) second level schools in Galway City and County. The purpose of the study was to make recommendations in relation to a school sexual health education programme. Overall 21% of pupils had had sexual intercourse, with boys more than twice as likely as girls to have experienced this. The mean age of first sexual intercourse was 15.5 years, 72% reported having used a condom at first intercourse but of 475 pupils who had sexual intercourse regularly only 67% used condoms all the time with 33% using them sometimes or never. Over half reported that first intercourse was with a 'casual' partner and 35% and 9% respectively claimed that alcohol and nonprescribed drugs were a contributory factor. In relation to sexual risk beliefs, 72% believed that condoms used properly reduced the risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) and 78% knew that the contraceptive pill is not protective against human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infections. While the level of knowledge regarding sex education was generally high over one-third of sexually active respondents had been involved in high-risk behaviour. A need for health education programmes which focus on behaviour change and assertiveness has been identified.

In Denmark the number of births and induced abortions among teenagers has reduced and teenage parenthood is now rare. This paper evaluates the correlation between this observed fertility and reported sexual and contraceptive behaviour. In 1989 a sample of 16–20-year-olds in Denmark was selected at random and personally interviewed about sexual and contraceptive behaviour. Ninety-five per cent of the young women who had experienced sexual intercourse used contraception at the most recent sexual intercourse. In order to support the validity of this finding a model was developed to estimate an expected number of conceptions in the age groups concerned. The model included both the information on coital frequency and use of contraception from the questionnaire and available efficacy rates on contraception. The estimates derived by the model were compared with the registered number of births and induced abortions derived from public registers. The analysis revealed a high accordance between the estimated number of conceptions and the registered number of births and induced abortions for each age group. This underlines the validity of the data on sexual and contraceptive behaviour sampled among teenagers in Denmark. The findings indicate that contraceptive failure is a much greater problem than non-use of contraception for teenagers in Denmark.

In Botswana, as in other areas in southern Africa, there is a growing concern about the risks associated with adolescent sexuality. To facilitate the design of policies that can address these problems, it is necessary to gain a thorough understanding of contemporary patterns of adolescent sexual behaviour, and the factors that affect them. This paper examines these issues using data from the 1995 Botswana Adolescent Reproductive Health Survey in conjunction with data from focus group discussions. The results suggest that adolescents become sexually active at an early age, and that many of them, males and females alike, have multiple sex partners. This early sexual initiation implies that adolescent reproductive health programmes should target youths aged 13 or younger. For school-based programmes this implies starting no later than Grade 6 or Standard 1, and preferably earlier. Young males appear to be a particularly vulnerable group that needs further attention. Adolescents perceive that teachers, peers and parents have the largest influence on their reproductive health attitudes. Schools appear to have the most potential for providing reproductive health information, because they reach youths both directly and indirectly by educating their peers. The results also show that male and female sexual behaviour is affected by different factors. Among males, having secondary education strongly increases the odds of being sexually active, presumably because such males make attractive partners. Among females, on the other hand, being in school significantly reduces the odds of being sexually active. This finding is consistent with the policy imposing a one-year school expulsion for pregnant schoolgirls, which was implemented as a deterrent to schoolgirl pregnancy.

The article is to problems of violence (physical, psychological, sexual) to children in the region of Nyzhniy Novgorod in the Russian Federation. It was used international tool for questionnaire ICAST-C. В исследовании приняли участие 227 children par- ticipated in this study (131 girls, 96 boys) in the age of 11 to 18 years old. The results show that 78,4% of children have some experience of violence and abuse. 3/4 — in family, and 2/3 — at school. High level of psychological abuse at home was shown (more than 2/3 ), at home it is more often than at school (54% versus 30%). Children suffer from physical abuse at home (49% versus 33% at school). Though they suffer from sexual abuse at school (27%). All kinds of abuse take place among girls as well as among boys. Except physical abuse at school where it is more usual among boys (45%), versus (33%) girls. Girls suffer more at home. Teenagers suffer less, than youngsters. Emotional abuse is not spread widely (40% versus 60—75% in other groups). In general they suffer from sexual abuse not often, though it is usually at home (8,5% cases).

ABSTRACT INTRODUCTIONNew Zealand sexual health surveillance data suggest that young people aged 15–19 years are at considerable risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections. Although there is an established body of international research around sexual behaviours and sexual health practices among teenagers, there is a dearth of local research focusing on this age group. AIMThe aim of this study was to explore the sexual repertoires and sexual health practices among teenagers in New Zealand with a view to better understanding levels of risk in this age group. METHODSThis study comprised a cross-sectional online survey designed to ask questions about sexual behaviours. A convenience sample of young people (n=52) aged 16–19 years living in New Zealand completed the survey. RESULTSMost participants (71.2%) were sexually active, reporting engagement in a range of sexual practices. The most commonly reported sexual behaviours were penis-in-vagina sex (86.5%) and oral sex with a person-with-a-penis (81.1%). Infrequent and inconsistent use of barrier protection across all types of sexual behaviour was also reported. DISCUSSIONThe findings of this study highlight the importance of ensuring that young people have access to sexual health education that routinely includes health information and advice addressing the full range of sexual practices, regardless of the identity classifications they may use, or that may be attributed to them.

<p align="justify"><em>One of the problems that arose in adolescence was juvenile delinquency. One form of juvenile delinquency is sexual behaviour. The handling of sexual behavior in teenagers will not run smoothly if not supported by the parties around the life of youth, i.e. family. If there is one problem in the household, if it continues to be allowed to be dangerous. Settlement of problems in the family can be solved through counseling, which is family counseling</em><em>. </em><em></em></p>

IntroductionAddiction at a young age constitute a problem of public health. Adolescence is a period at risk for the addicting conducts.ObjectivesTo establish the characteristics of the addiction and the psychiatric comorbidities.MethodsWe led a retrospective descriptive study which concerned 62 teenagers, having addicting conducts, followed in the outpatient clinic of the hospital Razi between January, 2013 and December, 2014.ResultsTobacco is the most consumed product with 90,3% of users, followed by the alcohol (59.7%).Fifty percent consumed the cannabis.Benzodiazepin, Trihexyphenidyl chlorhydrate, buprenorphin with high dosage and the organic solvents were raised respectively to about 14.5%, 22.6%, 12.9% and 14.5% of the patients.The average age of initiation for tobacco was 12 years.The most frequent motive for consultation was behaviour disorders (37.1%).Among our patients, 43.5% had psychiatric family history, 11.3% had undergone sexual abuse during their childhood, 17.7% had histories of suicide attempts.The found diagnoses were the dependence in a substance (25.8%), followed by the major depressive episode (14.5%), the adjustment disorder with depressed mood (11.3%) and the bipolar disorder (8.1%).Seventeen percent of them had personality traits who would evoke the borderline personality and 11.3% antisocial personality.ConclusionIt is essential to diagnose and to take care of the teenagers having addicting conducts, as early as possible, to avoid transition to a chronic state in the adulthood.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

OBJECTIVES: to investigate patterns of sexual activity among teenagers. METHODS: a cross-sectional study was conducted between July 1998 and September 2000, among 117 sexually active female adolescents from a private clinic, in the city of the Osasco, State of São Paulo, Brazil. They were divided into two groups: one pregnant group (PG) comprised 62 adolescents that were either pregnant (46) or had previously been pregnant (16); another group of 55 female adolescents that had never been pregnant (NPG). During consultations with these subjects, a physician conducted a semi-structured interview. Knowledge, attitudes and practices relating to sexual activity were evaluated. The comparison between the two groups was carried out using Student's t test, the chi-square test or Fisher's exact test. RESULTS: the two groups showed considerable similarities in terms of sexual behaviour, having engaged in the first sexual intercourse at the age of 15 and having had an average number of sexual partners of 1.5. Nevertheless, adolescents in the PG group had initiated sexual life earlier and tended to use less contraceptive methods during the first intercourse. Despite widespread knowledge of contraception, a large number of the adolescents did not use any contraceptive method during first sexual intercourse. In their current sexual life, an average of 81% of the participants referred to attaining orgasm. CONCLUSIONS: knowledge about contraceptive techniques is not enough to avoid unplanned pregnancies, suggesting the importance of investigating other psychosocial aspects of motherhood and maternal identity among teenagers.

Sexuality among teenagers needs to be directed seriusly into behavior that does not bring any risks. One of the intervention given to adolescent reproductive health concerning sexuality is by providing reproductive education to schools. This was a comparative study using a cross sectional method in two junior high school which had and did not have the Information and Counseling Center of Reproductive Health (PIK-KRR) amounted to 136 samples. Data was analyzed with Mann Whitney test.This research showed that there was a significant difference in attitute in risky sexual behaviour (p=0.000) and knowledge level of health reproduction (p=0.000) between school which had and did not have PIK-KRR. In bivariate analysis, there was a significant difference in gender to risky sexual activity, porn media access to risky sexual activity, gender to attitude of risky sexual behaviour, religiousity to attitude, attitude to porn media access, attitude to peer affect (p=0.004) and religiousity to knowledge level of health reproduction. This study concluded that the level of knowledge had a significant relationship with risky sexual behavior among adolescents at the two study sites.

Sexuality among teenagers needs to be directed seriusly into behavior that does not bring any risks. One of the intervention given to adolescent reproductive health concerning sexuality is by providing reproductive education to schools. This was a comparative study using a cross sectional method in two junior high school which had and did not have the Information and Counseling Center of Reproductive Health (PIK-KRR) amounted to 136 samples. Data was analyzed with Mann Whitney test. This research showed that there was a significant difference in attitute in risky sexual behaviour (p=0.000) and knowledge level of health reproduction (p=0.000) between school which had and did not have PIK-KRR. In bivariate analysis, there was a significant difference in gender to risky sexual activity, porn media access to risky sexual activity, gender to attitude of risky sexual behaviour, religiousity to attitude, attitude to porn media access, attitude to peer affect (p=0.004) and religiousity to knowledge level of health reproduction. This study concluded that the level of knowledge had a significant relationship with risky sexual behavior among adolescents at the two study sites.

AbstractThe main aim of this study was to test whether perception of partner infidelity prompts people to adopt behaviour that is meant to compensate for the increased risk of infection posed by their partner’s infidelity; or whether it prompts people to engage in behaviour that magnifies the risk associated with partner infidelity. Data used were derived from the fourth and latest Botswana AIDS Impact Survey (BAIS IV) conducted in 2013. The sample consisted of 6985 people aged 10–34 years. Logistic regression analysis was used to identify factors associated with perception of partner infidelity and sexual risk behaviours. Perception of partner infidelity with the current and most recent partner was 39.6% while perception of partner infidelity with other previous sexual partners was 79.9%. The main socio-demographic factors associated with perception of partner infidelity were being a man, being single and having secondary education, while sexual risk behaviours associated with perception of partner infidelity were having multiple sexual partners and being involved in multiple concurrent sexual partnerships. These relationships were statistically significant at the 5% level. Botswana’s HIV prevention strategies should seek to improve partner communication within relationships in order to enhance people’s confidence and skills so as to minimize perceptions of infidelity.

ABSTRACTAll theories of adolescent development give sexuality a central place in negotiating the transition from child to adult. The sexual urges that emerge at puberty must be blended with other aspects of teenagers' lives and channelled adaptively. It is especially important that the adolescent be able to integrate his or her sexual feelings, needs, and desires into a coherent and positive self-identity, which contains, as one aspect, a sexual self. This sexual self is influenced in complex ways by cultural expectations and the sexual discourse characteristic of any social context. This study is a report of interviews with 153 adolescents aged 15 to 18 from three very different backgrounds: homeless youth, and Anglo-Australian and Greek-Australian young people living at home in a large Australian city. A number of themes about the ways young people describe their sexual worlds emerged from analysis of the interviews. The themes concerned permissiveness, romance, beliefs about both the “double standard” and the control of sexual urges, sexual aggression, and sexual “regrets.” The importance of these themes in influencing sexual self-definition and sexual behaviour is presented. The extent to which young people undergo conflict and questioning in integrating their ideas about sexuality and their actual sexual behaviours is considered.

This study examined the relationship between peers popularity and self-esteem within the attitude towards sexual behaviour among young pregnant out of wedlock. A total of 130 teenagers pregnant out of wedlock aged between 14 years and 19 years from 4 welfare institutions in the states of Selangor, Perak, Johor and Kelantan participated in this research. Respondents were selected using stratified random sampling technique. This study utilises the three questionnaires of the Inventory Peer Pressure, Popularity, and Conformity Scale (Santor, Messervey & Kusumakar, 2000), the Rosenberg Self- Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) and Brief Sexual Attitudes Scale (Hendrick & Reich, 2006). All instruments used had yielded a Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient value ranging from 0.82 to 0.90. Findings revealed that the level of peers popularity is high, level of self esteem also high and respondents indicated a high level of attitude sexual behavior. Results of Pearson’s correlation analysis revealed that there were significant relationships between peers popularity and attitudes toward sexual behavior (r= .801, p<.05) and a significant correlation between self esteem and attitude sexual behavior (r = .708, p <.05). Bootstrapping analysis revealed the role of self esteem as a mediator variables of peers popularity and self esteem with sexual attitude behavior. From the theoretical implications, this study describes the role of self esteem as a mechanism that effect the popularity of peer sexual behavior and attitude. In conclusion, peers popularity and self esteem related to sexual attitude and behavior. The study showed that risk factors such as the acceptance by the peer group have a significant direct effect on sexual behavior At the same time, this study also suggests several alternatives in order to curb sexual misconduct among the teenagers today.

Reports research into the sexual behaviour of UK teenagers at the margins of society, the project was a response to the Social Exclusion Unit’s brief to reduce the rate of teenage conceptions and to move teenage parents into education, training or employment. Focuses on the issues of recruiting teenagers for interview, methodology, and building trusting two‐way relationships with them so that sensitive subjects like condom use could be discussed. Characterises these teenage parents and their social status, and compares the UK with the rest of Europe: the former has a simultaneously puritanical and prurient culture. Finds that pairs of friends provided an open and honest environment for research, while journals and cameras provided to the teenage respondents were an essential part of the project. Finds that for them sex is often spontaneous, accompanied by alcohol, and invariably unprotected.

The aim of this research was to explore people’s knowledge, attitude, behaviour and practice towards HIV/AIDS and sexual activity in rural Kenya, where HIV is widespread. The study community was located in south-eastern Kenya, 50 km north of Mombassa, and had an estimated population of 1500. Subjects aged between 16 and 49 were recruited using a stratified cluster-sampling method and they completed self-administered questionnaires.Almost all respondents knew the word ‘HIV’. Around 50% knew of a person living with HIV. About 80% gave ‘death’ or ‘fear’ as words representing their image of AIDS. With regard to sexual activity, the distribution of answers to the question ‘how many partners have you ever had in your life’ was bimodal in males but had only one peak in females, indicating that some men have a large number of sexual partners in their lifetime. First sexual intercourse was at around 12–13 years for both sexes, but female teenagers were more sexually experienced than their male counterparts.

Previous research conducted to examine the implications of using audio-computerized (A-CASI) procedures to gather sensitive sexual behaviour data has provided mixed results. The purpose of this study was to assess differences in the disclosure of HIV risk behaviours between subjects interviewed face to face and subjects interviewed using A-CASI procedures. An HIV/STD risk of exposure screening instrument was administered to 265 male and female adolescents in the juvenile justice system. T-test analyses revealed that adolescents assessed using A-CASI procedures endorsed fewer items on the HIV/STD screen than those interviewed by an assessor. In addition, those in the A-CASI group endorsed fewer items with explicit sexual or drug content and fewer subtle items. Results of this study suggest that A-CASI may not be suitable for use among adolescents in the juvenile justice system when assessing undesirable and/or illegal behaviours.

This study set out to investigate the influence of male circumcision and other factors on sexually transmitted infections in Botswana. A syndromic approach, which diagnoses a sexually transmitted infection based on the presence of urethral discharge or genital ulcers rather than on laboratory tests, was used. The data were from the 2001 Botswana AIDS Impact Survey where a nationally representative, randomly selected sample of men and women aged 10–64 years were interviewed in both urban and rural areas. The sample selected for this study consisted of 216,480 men aged 15–64 years who had ever had sexual intercourse. The logistic regression technique was executed to examine the association between male circumcision and self-reported urethral discharge or genital ulcers, while controlling for all other independent variables in the analysis. The main finding of this study was that among men who are circumcised, the odds for self-reported urethral discharge or genital ulcers are significantly lower than for those men who are not circumcised in both urban and rural Botswana. The analysis also showed that the odds in favour of self-reported urethral discharge or genital ulcers, for men who drink alcohol, are twice as large as those for men who do not drink alcohol, controlling for all other independent variables in the analysis. Religion and ethnicity also came through as factors exerting a protective influence against self-reported symptoms of sexually transmitted infections. The conclusion is that while male circumcision appears to be significantly associated with the risk for self-reported urethral discharge or genital ulcers, it is man’s behaviour, irrespective of ethnicity or religious dictates, that continues to play a vital role in protection against self-reported symptoms of sexually transmitted infections in Botswana.

Teenage pregnancy is a serious public health and social problem, with 95%% occurring in developing countries. This study aimed to seek explain how awareness creation can be used to reduce the rate of teenage pregnancies in Lira district. A descriptive survey design was used and the study population was teenage girls. Data was collected using a document review guide since only secondary data was used in this study because of the short time. Secondary data got from plan Uganda Results indicates a drop in teenage pregnancy in five sub-counties in Lira District. It was further found established that the use of mass media and community dialogue helps in reducing the risk of teenage pregnancy by influencing behaviour towards contraceptive use, acquainting teenagers with knowledge of pregnancy prevention, creating a positive social environment. Radio programs and newspapers releases like straight talk and rock point 256 are among the mass media programs used to create awareness about teenage pregnancy. Alternatives of to reducing teenage pregnancy were are birth control, use of modern contraceptives, awareness about birth control, keeping teenagers in school, and positive religious beliefs have also been found as a major factor. Interventions focusing on retaining pregnant and married girls at in school, information on sexual and reproductive health of teenage girls, improving access to and information about contraceptive use among teenage girls, improving socio-economic status of households, and law enforcement on sexual abuse among girls may should be used to improving improve adolescent sexual and health services in Lira District. Key words:

Maladaptive behavior among teenagers, such as increased sexual behavior, smoking, alcoholism, and drugs abuse in big cities also in other regencies in Indonesia and if there is no real intervention it can conduct a decrease on the quality of the younger generation successor of the nation. This research aim on knowing overview of students risk behaviors uses quantitative descriptive method with proportionate random sampling involving 290 respondents. The measuring instrument used was Adolescent Exploratory Behaviour and Risk Rating Scale (AEERS). This study was used by univariate analysis. Result showed that students risk behavior have a low-risk behaviors (62.1%), it is also split in high health risk behavior (59.7%) and low prosocial risk behavior (80.7%). It conclude, students have a low risk behavior, but also have high health-risk behavior and low risk towards prosocial behaviour.

Although China has had a rich sexual culture for thousands of years, Chinese people are usually unwilling to openly discuss issues of sex. Some parents are quite ignorant of the change in their children’s sexual attitude and behaviour. In China today, adolescents are becoming much more sexually liberated. Premarital sex and unplanned pregnancies among teenagers are increasing. Sexually transmitted diseases (STD) including HIV/AIDS are also spreading rapidly. However, young people lack basic information on AIDS/STD and do not know how to protect themselves from these diseases or how to avoid unintended pregnancies. Several major youth peer education programmes in China are mentioned in this paper. Among them, a four-year programme entitled the Australian–Chinese AIDS/STD/Safer Sex Peer Education Programme for Youth, is discussed in some detail. The programme has so far reached over 40000 university and school students. Evaluation results show that the programme is effective in both significantly increasing students’ knowledge about AIDS/STDs and changing their attitude towards AIDS patients. In addition, the programme is highly praised by the students.

<p align="center"><em>This article explains the concept of Islamic guidance and counselling to help high school students build readiness for marriage and having family life. Marriage and family life readiness is one of aspects in Competency Standards of Independence (SKK) that must be achieved by students at high school level.This concept is similar to the phases and tasks of adolescent development which begin to enter the early adult development phase. The researchers did not find any particularly studies that discuss the concept of Islamic guidance and counseling to help marriage readiness and family life for high school students. Despite the fact that the theme is important to be discussed for further elucidation,the problems eventuates among adolescents, such as premarital sex. The research is conducted by library research method. To support information requirements, researchers also conduct document observations and in-depth interviews with marriage counselor in Religious Affairs Office (KUA), high school principals, as well as high school guidance counselor and school counselor. The concept of guidance and counselling answers the need and solutions to the problems of adults at the high school level. This also helps to understand family life responsibilities and functions, the concept of reproductive health, what appropriate sexual behaviour is, family norms and relationships between family members.</em></p>

Free sex was sexual activity without a bond based on a marriage. These behaviors tend to be favored by young people, especially among teenagers who were growing bio-psychological toward process of maturation. This study aimed to analyze factors that influenced adolescents free sex behavior in SMK Dr. Soetomo Surabaya based on WHO theory of behavior. This research used 53 students in SMK Dr. Soetomo Surabaya as sample.This study used cross sectional research. The variables of this research were thought and feeling factor, personal references factor, resources factor, culture factor and free sex behaviour. Datas were collected by questionnaire to assessed demographic data of respondents, thought and feeling factor, personal references factor, resources factor, culture factor and free sex behaviour. Datas were analyzed by statistical tests using Spearman correlation. The result showed the relationship between thought and feeling factor with free sex behaviour earned Spearman's rho value (p) 0.018 with degree of correlation r = -0.325, the results of personal references factor with free sex behaviour earned Spearman's rho value (p) 0.004 with degree of correlation r = -0.388, the results of resources factor with free sex behaviour earned Spearman's rho value (p) 0.042 with degree of correlation r = 0.280, results of culture factor with free sex earned Spearman's rho value (p) 0.004 with degree of correlation r = -0392.Based on the result above, the researcher concluded that there was a relationship between thought and feeling factor, personal references, resources and culture with adolescents free sex behavior in SMK Dr. Soetomo Surabaya. For further research were expected to do more research on the factors that influenced adolescents sexual behavior.ANALISIS FAKTOR YANG BERHUBUNGAN DENGANPERILAKU SEKS BEBAS PADA REMAJA DI SMK DR SOETOMO SURABAYA BERDASARKAN TEORI PERILAKU WHO

AbstractThe World Health Organization (since 1998) recognises that many modern diseases and disorders (including social problems) are caused by risky behaviour. Youth risky behaviour is generally defined as a behaviour that directly or indirectly threatens the young person’s well-being and health. This is usually understood as smoking, abuse of alcohol and psychoactive substances and early initiated and unprotected sexual relations. However, the risky behaviour also includes basic things such as the failure to comply with diet regimen, sedentary lifestyle, not wearing the safety belt in the car and failure to wear a helmet whilst cycling or rollerblading. Adolescence itself is a risky span of the human life, as it is associated with moving from childhood into the adult world and intensive search for the personal identity. To ensure a consistent development of personality, adolescent risky behaviour prevention include harmonisation of education processes to help teenagers to develop responsible behaviour skills by reducing the risk factors and increasing protective factors. The article aims to overview the factors that influence youth risky behaviour and the factors that determine the planning and organisation of preventive activities for the pupils in the higher classes of the schools of general education. The study was completed in the form of a questionnaire that was conducted in the schools of the Lithuanian Republic in 2016. The results of the study describe trends of the prevention policies applied in the system of education, considering the national context of the individual Member States of the European Union.

<p><strong>Background:</strong> Sexual transmitted infections are a main cause of morbidity, being a public health problem due to its reproductive complications, mostly observed in teenagers and young adults. The purpose of this study was to evaluate sociodemographic factors and risky behaviours associated with sexual transmitted infections acquisition and to assess personal awareness of risky behaviour and the knowledge about <em>Chlamydia trachomatis</em> infection between foreign exchange students in Portugal.<br /><strong>Material and Methods:</strong> The main instrument for data collection was a questionnaire, applied to foreign students in university exchange in Portugal, during the years 2012/2013, 2013/2014 e 2014/2015<br /><strong>Results:</strong> Three hundred and thirty eight (338) questionnaires were evaluated, being 58.3% female students, aged between 17 and 30 years old. Mean age for the beginning of the sexual activity was 17.5 years old and the mean number of lifetime sexual partners was 6.9. Concerning the answers given: 11.8% mentioned a sexual relationship with the same gender, 9.5% mentioned that they have never done oral sex and 29% assumed they had practiced anal sex; 82.1% mentioned alcohol/drugs consumption; 21% did not know that Sexual transmitted infections can be transmitted through oral sex and 42.3% did not recognize <em>Chlamydia trachomatis</em> as an Sexual transmitted infections agent.<br /><strong>Discussion:</strong> Although sexual transmitted infections can affect individuals of all ages, races and sexual orientation, various demographic, social and behavioral factors have revealed influence in their prevalence rates.<br /><strong>Conclusion:</strong> Despite knowing about sexual transmitted infections, these students maintain sexual risky behaviours, mainly early age for starting sexual activity, multiple sexual partners and the absence of protection during sexual activities.</p>

Ex-nuptial pregnancy among teenagers in Malaysia associates with negative consequences. However, perspective from them is lacking. To explore their experiences and perspective in addressing this phenomenon. In-depth face-to-face interviews were conducted with informed consent among 10 young women who experienced becoming unwed mothers during adolescents. Data were encoded and analyse using Qualitative Data Analysis Miner Program and interpretative phenomenological analysis. Four themes emerged; sexual activity trajectory, motherhood struggles to them, formula of resilience teenage mothers and life after misery. Perspectives from them are vital. Great support strategies could assist them for a better life. Keywords: teenage, motherhood, pregnant, sexuality, Malaysia eISSN: 2398-4287© 2021. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians/Africans/Arabians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21834/ebpj.v6iSI4.2896

Remaja merupakan masa peralihan dari anak-anak menuju dewasa, pada masa ini terjadi berbagai perkembangan fisik maupun non fisik yang dapat meningkatkan hasrat seksual pada remaja. Permasalah yang sering terjadi pada remaja yaitu perilaku seksual. Konsep diri dapat mempengaruhi perilaku seseorang termasuk perilaku seksual beresiko. Remaja dengan konsep diri rendah rentan melakukan perilaku seksual beresiko tinggi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui hubungan antara konsep diri dengan perilaku seksual beresiko pada remaja. Rancangan penelitian menggunakan deskriptif korelasi dengan pendekatan cross sectional. Populasi pada penelitian ini adalah 449 siswa di SMA “X” Kota Bandung, dengan teknik stratified random sampling didapatkan sampel sebanyak 212 siswa. Instrumen penelitian terdiri dari kuesioner Tennesse Self Concept Scale dan kuesioner perilaku seksual beresiko. Penelitian ini menggunakan analisa data univariat dan bivariat dengan uji spearman rank. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa 100% responden memiliki konsep diri yang tinggi, kemudian sebanyak 50,5% responden berperilaku seksual beresiko tinggi. Terdapat hubungan antara konsep diri dengan perilaku seksual beresiko (p=0,018). Disarankan kepada institusi pelayanan kesehatan untuk meningkatkan pendidikan kesehatan mengenai perilaku seksual beresiko pada remaja. Kata kunci: konsep diri, perilaku seksual beresiko, remaja THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELF CONCEPT WITH SEXUAL RISK BEHAVIOR IN ADOLESCENCE ABSTRACT Adolescence is a period of transition from children to adults, during this time various physical and non-physical developments occur that can increase sexual desire in adolescents. Problem that often occurs in adolescents is sexual behavior. Self-concept can affect a person's behavior including risky sexual behavior. Teenagers with low self-concept are prone to high-risk sexual behavior. This study was descriptive correlative, design with cross sectional approach with aims to know the relationship between self concept with sexual risk behavior in adolescence at one of the high school in Bandung. The population was 449 students, and used stratified random sampling and obtained samples as many as 212 students. This study used two instruments, Tennesse Self Concept Scale questionnaire and sexual risk behavior questionnaire. This study used univariate dan bivariate with spearman rank data analysis. The results showed that 100% of the respondents have high self concept. Then, 50.5% of respondents behave sexually at high risk. The results of bivariate analysis showed p value <0.05 (0.018) which means there was a correlation between self concept with sexual risk behavior. It is recommended to health service institutions to improve health education regarding risky sexual behavior inadolescents. Keywords: self-concept, sexual risk behaviour,adolescence

Background The UK still has the highest rate of teenage births in western Europe. Teenagers are also the age group most likely to experience unplanned pregnancy, with around half of conceptions in those aged < 18 years ending in abortion. After controlling for prior disadvantage, teenage parenthood is associated with adverse medical and social outcomes for mothers and children, and increases health inequalities. This study evaluates Positive Choices (a new intervention for secondary schools in England) and study methods to assess the value of a Phase III trial. Objectives To optimise and feasibility-test Positive Choices and then conduct a pilot trial in the south of England assessing whether or not progression to Phase III would be justified in terms of prespecified criteria. Design Intervention optimisation and feasibility testing; pilot randomised controlled trial. Setting The south of England: optimisation and feasibility-testing in one secondary school; pilot cluster trial in six other secondary schools (four intervention, two control) varying by local deprivation and educational attainment. Participants School students in year 8 at baseline, and school staff. Interventions Schools were randomised (1 : 2) to control or intervention. The intervention comprised staff training, needs survey, school health promotion council, year 9 curriculum, student-led social marketing, parent information and review of school/local sexual health services. Main outcome measures The prespecified criteria for progression to Phase III concerned intervention fidelity of delivery and acceptability; successful randomisation and school retention; survey response rates; and feasible linkage to routine administrative data on pregnancies. The primary health outcome of births was assessed using routine data on births and abortions, and various self-reported secondary sexual health outcomes. Data sources The data sources were routine data on births and abortions, baseline and follow-up student surveys, interviews, audio-recordings, observations and logbooks. Results The intervention was optimised and feasible in the first secondary school, meeting the fidelity targets other than those for curriculum delivery and criteria for progress to the pilot trial. In the pilot trial, randomisation and school retention were successful. Student response rates in the intervention group and control group were 868 (89.4%) and 298 (84.2%), respectively, at baseline, and 863 (89.0%) and 296 (82.0%), respectively, at follow-up. The target of achieving ≥ 70% fidelity of implementation of essential elements in three schools was achieved. Coverage of relationships and sex education topics was much higher in intervention schools than in control schools. The intervention was acceptable to 80% of students. Interviews with staff indicated strong acceptability. Data linkage was feasible, but there were no exact matches for births or abortions in our cohort. Measures performed well. Poor test–retest reliability on some sexual behaviour measures reflected that this was a cohort of developing adolescents. Qualitative research confirmed the appropriateness of the intervention and theory of change, but suggested some refinements. Limitations The optimisation school underwent repeated changes in leadership, which undermined its participation. Moderator analyses were not conducted as these would be very underpowered. Conclusion Our findings suggest that this intervention has met prespecified criteria for progression to a Phase III trial. Future work Declining prevalence of teenage pregnancy suggests that the primary outcome in a full trial could be replaced by a more comprehensive measure of sexual health. Any future Phase III trial should have a longer lead-in from randomisation to intervention commencement. Trial registration Current Controlled Trials ISRCTN12524938. Funding This project was funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) Public Health Research programme and will be published in full in Public Health Research; Vol. 9, No. 1. See the NIHR Journals Library website for further project information.

Young people need to establish their identity and develop the ability to make their own decisions and plan for their future life. This establishment is an important process which is facilitated by good communication with parents and family, especially regarding problem-solving skills. Through open communication they can express their ideas freely, which then leads to family satisfaction and lessen conflict. Parent-child communication would heighten family cohesion, contentment, psychological well-being and at the same time thwart detrimental life consequences for adolescents. Research has also revealed that family environment and communication is in fact a predictive factor for risky behaviour in young people around the world. Thus, effective communication is imperative in promoting good family functioning. Many parents are still reluctant to discuss sex-related issues with their children openly. Parents found that such talks are hard to initiate. This study has two-pronged objectives, first, to examine sexuality and reproductive health that adolescents communicate to their parents and second, is to explore adolescents’ views on communication with parents on matters related to the topics.The population of this study was lower secondary school students who came from four different zones in Peninsular Malaysia and East Malaysia. Quantitative data was collected from 504 respondents from urban, semi urban and rural geographical school locations for study via multistage stratified sampling procedure. This survey employed two sets of constructs from the Highly At-Risk Behaviours Questionnaire (a questionnaire to gauge adolescents highly at-risk behaviours) - HARBQ. Descriptive (means, standard deviation and percentages) and inferential statistical analyses in this study revealed several interesting findings. Interestingly Malaysian teens were found rarely discussed issue related to sex and reproductive health with their parents. Ironically, they were open for discussion about these matters with their parents as long as would not turn them down. The respondents were also found positive in that they could communicate with their parents on matters related sexual and reproductive health issues. Findings from this study provide crucial information which may help improvise existing interventions and communication of knowledge and skills on reproductive health to adolescents especially by parents. Counsellors could use the information to provide effective treatment; intervention and preventive plan for teenagers to enable them to cope with the issues and in reducing unwanted consequences that may arise in the future.

Introduction: Teens need proper informations concerning sexuality, which is able to guide their perception and behaviour towards sexuality. Inapropriate informations by means of porn exposure though media will lead to hazardous sexual behavior. This study aimed at determining the effect of porn exposure through media on the sexual behavior of teenagers in 2 highschools in Ambon Maluku. Method: This study applied cross sectional design with 755 respondents from 2 highschools in Ambon. The effect of porn exposure on behavior was determined using Chi-square test. This study hipotesized that there was significant effect of porn exposure through media on the teenagers sexual behavior. Result: It was found that 62.6% of the respondents have risky behavior (low and high-risk) and Chi-square test reveals significance level of p<0.001 (OR=1,9; CI95% 1,41-2,61) Conclusion: This study conluded that porn exposure through media have significant effect on the sexual behavior of teenagers of 2 Highschools in Ambon. Teens that were exposed to porn through media are in risk of commit unsafe sexual behavior 1,9 times higer than those who were not. Therefore, active involvement of teacher and advocations from health professional and psychologist are needed to promote safe and responsible teenagers sexual behavior in both highschools. Keywords: porn exposure, pornography, sexual behavior, teenagers.

The aims of this study were to determine links between adolescent’s well-being and their sexual and romantic activities off- and online. The study includes 245 mid-adolescents (15 years of age; 55 % girls) and 251 late-adolescents (18 years of age; 49 % girls). Of the 496 teenagers, 54 % had experiences of both online and offline sexual and romantic activities, while the remaining (46 %) had only offline experiences.Teenagers’ experiences with online sexual/romantic activities were associated with experiences of offline sexual/romantic activities. Multiple regressions showed that age (older) and risk behaviour contributed to higher engagement in offline sexual/romantic activities. In contrast, only higher risk behaviour contributed to higher engagement in online sexual/romantic activities for boys, but for girl several factors, such as age (younger), lower body esteem, higher risk- and problem behaviour contributed to higher engagement in online sexual/romantic activities. We discuss this result from a gender perspective.

This article provided an overview of youth culture and how the media shapes youth culture today. Its specific aim was to focus on the access to sexual content that the different forms of media provide and the possible effect that they have on youth culture today. The sexual development of teenagers is one of the most important areas of their journey into adulthood and can easily be influenced by media messages on sex and sexuality. As such, the sexual behaviour of teenagers mostly seems to demonstrate a misconception on sex and sexuality. The author argued that sex and sexuality can also be viewed as theological issues and concluded by offering a few suggestions on how faith communities can become a more relevant and effective partner in fostering a theological understanding of sex and sexuality, especially to the youth.

Background: Circumcised men may increase sexual risk-taking following voluntary medical male circumcision (VMMC) because of decreased perceptions of risk, which may negate the beneficial impact of VMMC in preventing new human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infections.Objectives: We evaluated changes in sexual behaviour following VMMC.Method: We conducted a prospective cohort study amongst sexually active, HIV-negative adult men undergoing VMMC in Gaborone, Botswana, during 2013–2015. Risky sexual behaviour, defined as the number of sexual partners in the previous month and ≥ 1 concurrent sexual partnerships during the previous 3 months, was assessed at baseline (prior to VMMC) and 3 months post-VMMC. Change over time was assessed by using inverse probability weighted linear and conditional logistic regression models.Results: We enrolled 523 men; 509 (97%) provided sexual behaviour information at baseline. At 3 months post-VMMC, 368 (72%) completed the follow-up questionnaire. At baseline, the mean (95% confidence interval) number of sexual partners was 1.60 (1.48, 1.65), and 111 (31% of 353 with data) men reported engaging in concurrent partnerships. At 3 months post-VMMC, 70 (23% of 311 with data) reported fewer partners and 19% had more partners. Amongst 111 men with a concurrent partnership at baseline, 52% reported none post-VMMC. Amongst the 242 (69%) without a concurrent partnership at baseline, 19% reported initiating one post-VMMC. After adjustment for loss to follow-up, risky sexual behaviour post-VMMC (measured as mean changes in a number of partners and proportion engaging in concurrency) was similar to baseline levels.Conclusion: We found no evidence of sexual risk compensation in the 3 months following VMMC.

This study examined the mediating influence of self-esteem on the relationship between parent-child attachment and sexual attitude behavior among adolescent out of wedlock pregnancy in Peninsular Malaysia. Based on cross-sectional design, the sample of this study consisted of 130 teenagers pregnant out of wedlock aged between 14 years and 19 years from 4 welfare institutions in the states of Selangor, Perak, Johor and Kelantan participated in this research. Findings revealed that the level of parent-child attachmen is moderate, a hight of self esteem and respondents indicated a high level of attitude sexual behavior. Results of Pearson’s correlation analysis revealed that there were significant relationships between parent-child attachment with attitudes toward sexual behaviour (r = -.220, p <.05) and a significant correlation between self esteem and attitude sexual behavior (r = .708, p <.05). In conclusion, the parent-child attachment and self esteem related to attitude sexual behavior. The findings of this study prove that parents should maximize time to ensure that youth do not feel isolated in the family. At the same time, this study also suggests several alternatives in order to curb sexual misconduct among the teenagers today.

Social media is appealing to the general public, especially the teenagers. This has brought about changes as the role of social media has penetrated our daily activities which directly affects the adolescence. This review looked at the usage of social media amongst adolescents and its impact on their sexual behaviour. Four databases were used in the literature search ie Web of Science, PubMed, EBSCOhost, and Ovid Medline. The search terms used revolved around social media, adolescent and social behaviour. Only English literature published from 2015 to 2020 were included. A total of 244 potentially relevant articles were identified in the initial search. 16 were excluded due to duplicates. A further 199 articles were excluded due to irrelevant population, intervention or outcome. Only 29 articles were suitable for narrative synthesis. The selected articles were analysed for risk factors and impact on the usage of social media on sexual behaviour. Sexual abuse, same-sex sexual activity, pornography, multiple online sexual partner, and sexual dissatisfaction were found to be negative impact. Positive impact included understanding of sexual role and consequences, safe sex practices and improved psychological well-being. This systematic review proved social media usage amongst adolescents have great impact on their sexual behaviour. Sexting was the main social media online sexual activity amongst adolescents which brings about negative sexual behaviours. This must be curb from earlier on which demands parental supervision in monitoring adolescence online activities.

Background: In South Africa the teenage fertility rate is high. About 42% of women have their sexual debut by 18 years of age and 5% by 15. These young women are also at risk of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection. Despite widespread availability of contraception, 18% of sexually active teenagers do not use any. Previous research on the knowledge of, attitudes to and practices of contraception by teenagers has focused on older adolescents.Objectives: This study explored knowledge, attitudes and practices about contraception amongst 12–14 year old unmarried schoolgirls with a view to inform planning of programmes to assist in reducing teenage pregnancies.Methods: A qualitative study design with purposive sampling was used to select participants from two government-run schools in King Sabata Dalindyebo Municipality. In-depth and focus group interviews were conducted after obtaining written consent from parents and assent from participants. Interviews were audiotaped, transcribed verbatim, translated and analysed thematically.Findings: Participants reported that young adolescents were sexually active, which included high risk sexual behaviour such as multiple partners and casual and transactional sex. Knowledge about contraceptives varied widely. Condoms were the most preferred method of contraception, but it is unknown whether they ever used condoms as they professed to talk about the behaviour of others rather than themselves. Injectable contraceptives were believed to have long-term negative effects. Common sources of contraceptive information were friends or peers, school curriculum and to a lesser extent family members.Conclusions: Findings of the study suggest that young adolescents are sexually active and have inadequate knowledge and misconceptions about contraception. These findings should inform educational programmes about risks of early sexual activity and about contraception.

Background: Namibia bears a large burden of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), and the youth are disproportionately affected. Objectives: To explore the current knowledge, attitudes and behaviour of female adolescents attending family planning to HIV prevention.Methods: A cross-sectional study design was used on a sample 251 unmarried female adolescents aged from 13 years to 19 years accessing primary care services for contraception using an interviewer-administered questionnaire. Data were analysed using Epi Info 2002. Crude associations were assessed using cross-tabulations of knowledge, attitude and behaviour scores against demographic variables. Chi-square tests and odds ratios were used to assess associations from the cross-tabulations. All p-values < 0.05 were considered statistically significant.Results: A quarter of sexually active teenagers attending the family-planning services did not have adequate knowledge of HIV prevention strategies. Less than a quarter (23.9%) always used a condom. Most respondents (83.3%) started sexual intercourse when older than 16 years, but only 38.6% used a condom at their sexual debut. The older the girls were at sexual debut, the more likely they were to use a condom for the event (8% did so at age 13 years and 100% at age 19 years).Conclusions: Knowledge of condom use as an HIV prevention strategy did not translate into consistent condom use. One alternate approach in family-planning facilities may be to encourage condom use as a dual protection method. Delayed onset of sexual activity and consistent use of condoms should be encouraged amongst schoolchildren, in the school setting.

This paper examines how children aged 11-16 in three European countries (Italy, UK and Spain) develop and present their online identities, and their interactions with peers. It focuses on young people’s engagement with the construction of an online identity on social media through pictures, and explores how peer-mediated conventions of self-presentation are appropriated, legitimated, or resisted in pre-teens’ and teenagers’ discourses. In doing so, we draw on Goffman’s (1959) work on the presentation of self and “impression management” to frame our analysis. Mobile communication and social network sites serve an important role in the process of self-presentation and emancipation, providing “full-time” access to peers and peer culture. Our findings suggest that there are gender differences and the presence of sexual double standards in peer normative discourses. Girls are positioned as being more subjected to peer mediation and pressure. Boys blame girls for posing sexy in photos, and negatively sanction this behaviour as being aimed at increasing one’s popularity online or as an indicator of “a certain type of girl.” However, girls who post provocative photos chose to conform to a sexualised stereotype as a means of being socially accepted by peers. Moreover, they identify with the pressure to always look “perfect” in their online pictures. While cross-national variations do exist, this sexual double standard is observed in all three countries. These insights into current behaviours could be further developed to determine policy guidance for supporting young people as they learn to manage image laden social media.

Introduction Discourses of queer youth suicide regularly represent non-heterosexual young men as vulnerable and as victims who are inherently without strategies for coping with adversity (qv. Rasmussen; Marshall; Driver 3). Alternatively, queer youth are sometimes marked as fundamentally resilient, as avid users of tools of resilience and community such as the internet (Smith & Gray 74; Wexler et al. 566; Hillier & Harrison; Bryson & McIntosh). In the latter approach, protective factors are typically presented as specific to queer youth (e.g., Russell 10), therefore also minoritising and essentialising resilience. Both approaches ignore the diversity of queer young lives and the capacity for a subject to be both vulnerable and resilient—concepts which need to be unpacked if we are to further our understanding of minority lives. Significantly, both approaches also ignore the fact that growing up occurs in a series of transitions, cultural encounters and circumstantial changes. Queer (LGBT) youth are neither all victims and vulnerable, nor are they all self-reliant and resilient. Recent research has indicated that non-heterosexual youth continue to have a higher rate of suicide and self-harm (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide), although this is by no means indicative that vast numbers of LGBTI require support, intervention or preventative measures throughout all aspects of the transition into adult life. This article has two objectives, both of which are best addressed together in order to come at an understanding as how best to frame approaches to queer youth suicide as an ongoing social concern. Firstly, to ask what human, psychological and subjective ‘resilience’ might be said to mean in the context of public discourses of queer youth suicidality, and secondly to ask what a concept of ‘resilience’ does for queer youth identity in terms of relationality. Neither objective, of course, can be met alone in a short article—the purpose here is to open thinking on the topic in ways that question normative assumptions about the conditions of queer youth in the context of liveable lives and the positioning of resilience as reliant on normative accounts of identity. The article begins with a brief overview of the different uses of resilience in the context of broad social representations of queer youth. It goes on to discuss the It Gets Better video site which aimed to produce resilience among predominantly bullied queer youth by ‘imparting hope’. Some remarks on the relationship between identity, sexuality, sociality and resilience will conclude. Resilience and the Queer Youth Subject Developed by Crawford Holling in the 1970s, the concept of resilience was used to describe the capacity of a system to “absorb change and disturbance and still maintain the same relationships between populations or state variables” (Holling 14). In terms of ecology and the physical sciences, the notion of resilience operates within an assumption that future events will not be known but will be unexpected, thereby requiring a capacity to accommodate those events whatever form they take (21). When later used in the psychological sciences, the term resilience likewise assumes disruption and uncertainty in lived experience, requiring a resilient subject to be capable in both learning and adaptation. In the context of queer youth, resilience, then, can be applied to mean an adaptation to new situations which exacerbate vulnerability to suicidality for those who are positioned to seek escape from intolerable emotional pain or the perception of life as unliveable (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide 10, 148). Resilience in this use presumes that, for example, bullying has a detrimental causal relationship with suicidality when it newly occurs if the subject does not have the capacity to adapt and incorporate it into everyday life. Bullying, however, is generally related to suicide only by virtue of its ongoingness rather than it being a sudden shift in social relations. Striking about much of the discourse of resilience in the psychological sciences is that the concept of resilience presumes a unitary subject who is a subject prior to relationality and sociality (e.g. Leipold & Greve; Singh et al.; Smith & Gray). Resilience is thus seen as a capacity to cope with adversity as if adversity arises prior to the subject rather than being a form of relationality that conditions the subject. In that context, the queer youth subject is understood in essentialist terms, whereby sexual subjectivity is represented simultaneously as both a norm and abnormal, and is a factor of subjectivity that is understood to pre-exist sociality. That is, the queer youth subject is queer before relationality with others, thereby before the kinds of relationalities that might demand resilience. An alternative is to understand queer youth not as vulnerable because they are queer, but as subjects constituted in the (inequitably distributed) precarity of corporeal life in sociality, and thereby already formed in (inequitably distributed) resilience to the sorts of shifts, changes and adversities that shift one from an experience of vulnerability to an experience of a life that is unliveable (Butler, Precarious Life; Frames of War). Approaching queer youth suicide from a perspective not of risk but through the simultaneous fostering and critique of resilience opens the possibility of providing solutions that aid younger persons to resist suicidality as a flight from intolerable pain without articulating the self as inviolable and thereby losing the ethical value of the recognition of vulnerability. The question, then, is whether such critique can be found in sites of resilience discourse in relation to queer youth. Queer Youth and It Gets Better The video blogging site It Gets Better (http://www.itgetsbetter.org) was begun by columnist Dan Savage in response to a spate of reported queer student suicides in September/October 2010 in the United States. The site hosts more than a thousand video contributions, many from queer adults who seek to provide hope for younger persons by showing that queer adulthood is markedly different from the experiences of harassment, bullying, loneliness or surveillance experienced by queer youth in school and family environments. This is among the first widely-available communicative media form to address directly queer youth on issues related to suicide, and the first to draw on lived experiences as a means by which to provide resources for queer youth resilience. The fact that these experiences are related through video-logs (vlogs) provides the texts with a greater sense of authenticity and a framework which often addresses youth directly on the topic of suicidality (Cover, Queer Youth Suicide). Savage’s intention was to produce resilience in queer youth by imparting ‘hope for young people facing harassment’ and to create ‘a personal way for supporters everywhere to tell LGBT youth that … it does indeed get better’ (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/pages/about-it-gets-better-project/). Hope, in this context, is represented as the core attribute of queer youth resilience. The tag-line of the site is: Many LGBT youth can’t picture what their lives might be like as openly gay adults. They can’t imagine a future for themselves. So let’s show them what our lives are like, let’s show them what the future may hold in store for them (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/). Hope for the future is frequently presented as hope for an end to school days. In the primary video of the site, Dan Savage’s partner Terry describes his school experiences: My school was pretty miserable … I was picked on mercilessly in school. People were really cruel to me. I was bullied a lot. Beat up, thrown against walls and lockers and windows; stuffed into bathroom stalls. . . . Honestly, things got better the day I left highschool. I didn’t see the bullies every day, I didn’t see the people who harassed me every day, I didn’t have to see the school administrators who would do nothing about it every day. Life instantly got better (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/pages/about-it-gets-better-project/) Such comments present a picture of school life in which the institutional norms of secondary schools that depend so heavily on surveillance, discriminative norms, economies of secrecy and disclosure permit bullying and ostracisation to flourish and become, then, the site of hopelessness in what to many appears at the time as a period of never-ending permanency. Indeed, teen-aged life has often been figured in geographic terms as a kind of hopeless banishment from the realities that are yet to come: Eve Sedgwick referred to that period as ‘that long Babylonian exile known as queer childhood’ (4). The emphatic focus on the institutional environment of highschool rather than family, rural towns, closetedness, religious discourse or feelings of isolation is remarkably important in changing the contemporary way in which the social situation of queer youth suicide has been depicted. The discourse of the It Gets Better project and contributions makes ‘school’ its object—a site that demands resilience of its queer students as the remedy to the detrimental effects of bullying. Here, however, resilience is not depicted as adaptability but the strength to tolerate and, effectively, ‘wait out’, a bullying environment. The focus on bullying that frames the dialogue on queer youth suicide and youth resilience in the It Gets Better videos is the product of a mid-2000s shift in focus to the effects of bullying on LGBT youth in place of critiques of heterosexism, sexual identity, coming out and physical violence (Fodero), regularly depicting bullying as directly causal of suicide (Kim & Leventhal 151; Espelage & Swearer 157; Hegna & Wichstrøm 35). Bullying, in these representations, is articulated as that which is, on the one hand, preventable through punitive institutional policies and, on the other, as an ineradicable fact of living through school years. It is, in the latter depiction, that experience for which younger LGBT persons must manage their own resistance. In depicting school as the site of anti-queer bullying, the It Gets Better project represents queer youth as losing hope of escape from the intolerable pain of bullying in its persistence and repetition. However, the site’s purpose is to show that escape from the school environment to what is regularly depicted as a neoliberal, white and affluent representation of queer adulthood, founded on conservative coupledom (Cover, “Object(ives) of Desire”), careers, urban living, and relative wealth—depictions somewhat different from the reality of diverse queer lives. The shift from the school-bullying in queer youth to the liberal stability of queer adulthood is figured in the It Gets Better discourse as not only possible but as that which should be anticipated. It is in that anticipation that resilience is articulated in a way which calls upon queer youth to manage their own resiliency by having or performing hopefulness. Representing hope as the performative element in queer youth resilience has precedence as a suicide prevention strategy. Hopelessness is a key factor in much of the contemporary academic discussion of suicide risk in general and is often used as a predictor for recognising suicidal behaviour (Battin 13), although it is also particularly associated with suicidality and queer teenagers. Hopelessness is usually understood as despair or desperateness, the lack of expectation of a situation or goal one desires or feels one should desire. For Holden and colleagues, hopelessness is counter to social desirability, which is understood as the capacity to describe oneself in terms by which society judges a person as legitimate or desirable (Holden, Mendonca & Serin 500). Psychological and psychiatric measurement techniques frequently rely on Aaron T. Beck’s Hopelessness Scale, which utilises a twenty-question true/false survey designed to measure feelings about the future, expectation and self-motivation in adults over the age of seventeen years as a predictor of suicidal behaviour. Beck and colleagues attempted to provide an objective measurement for hopelessness rather than leave it treated as a diffuse and vague state of feeling in patients with depression. The tool asks a series of questions, most about the future, presenting a score on whether or not the answers given were true or false. Questions include: ‘I might as well give up because I can’t make things better for myself’; ‘I can’t imagine what my life would be like in ten years’; ‘My future seems dark to me’; and ‘All I can see ahead of me is unpleasantness rather than pleasantness’. Responding true to these indicates hopelessness. Responding false to some of the following also indicates hopelessness: ‘I can look forward to more good times than bad times’; and ‘When things are going badly, I am helped by knowing they can’t stay that way forever’ (Beck). While these questions and the scale are not used uncritically, the relationship between the discursive construction through the questions of what constitutes hopelessness and the aims of the It Gets Better videos are notably comparable. The objective, then, of the videos is to provide evidence and, perhaps, instil hope that would allow such questions to be answered differently, particularly to be able to give a true response to the last question above. Hallway Allies liaison support group, which operates across university campuses and high schools to prevent bullying, stated in this representative way in the introduction to their video contribution: ‘Remember to keep your head up, highschool doesn’t last forever’ (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/video /entry/5wwozgwyruy/). Or, as Rebecca in the introductory statement of another video contribution put it: You may be feeling like this pain will last forever, like you have no control, it’s dark, oppressive and feels like there is no end. I know – I get it. but I promise … hang in there and you’ll find it … Wait – you’ll see – it gets better! (http://www.itgetsbetter.org/video/entry/wxymqzw3oqy/). As can be seen, such video examples respond to a discourse of hopelessness aligned with the framework exemplified by Beck’s scale, prompting queer youth audiences of these videos to imagine a future for themselves, to understand hope in temporal terms of future wellbeing, and to know that the future does not necessarily hold the same kinds of unpleasantness as experienced in the everyday high school environment. Sexual Identity, Resilience and the Normative Lifecycle In the It Gets Better framework, resilience is produced in the knowledge of a queer life that is linear and patterned through stages in relation to institutional forms of belonging (and non-belonging). That is, a queer life is represented as one which undergoes the hardship of being bullied in school, of leaving that institutional environment for a queer adulthood that is built on a myth of safety, pleasure, success and a distinctive break from the environment of the past (as if the psyche or the self is re-produced anew in a phase of a queer lifecycle). Working within a queer theoretical and cultural understanding of identity, sexual subjectivity can be understood as constituted in social and cultural formations. Overturning the previously-held liberal notion of power as the power which represses sex and sexualities, Foucault’s History of Sexuality provided queer theory with an argument in which power, as deployed through discourse and discursive formations, produces the coherent sexual subject. This occurs historically and only in specific periods. In Foucault’s analysis, homosexual identities become conceivable in the Nineteenth Century as a result of specific juridical, medical and criminal discourses (85). From a Foucauldian perspective, there is no subject driven by an inner psyche or a pre-determined desire (as in psychoanalysis). Instead, such subjectivity occurs in and through the power/knowledge network of discourse as it writes or scripts the subject into subjectivity. Canonical queer theorist Judith Butler has been central in extending Foucault’s analysis in ways which are pragmatic for understanding queer youth in the context of growing up and transitioning into adulthood. Her theory of performativity has usefully complexified the ways in which we can understand sexual identity and allowed us to overcome the core assumption in much queer youth research that heterosexual and homosexual identities are natural, mutually-exclusive and innate; instead, allowing us to focus on how the process of subject formation for youth is implicated in the tensions and pressures of a range of cultural, social, organisational and communicative encounters and engagements. Butler projects the most useful post-structuralist discussion of subjectivity by suggesting that the subject is constituted by repetitive performances in terms of the structure of signification that produces retroactively the illusion of an inner subjective core (Butler, Gender Trouble 143). Queer identity becomes a normative ideal rather than a descriptive feature of experience, and is the resultant effect of regimentary discursive practices (16, 18). The non-heterosexual subject, then, is performatively constituted by the very ‘expressions’ that are formed as recognisable identity performances in the context, here, of a set of lifecycle expectations built through a vulnerable queer childhood, being bullied, attaining hope, leaving school and fruition in queer adulthood. Resilience, in the It Gets Better discourse, then, is seen to be produced in understanding the stages of a normative queer life. An issue emerges for how queer youth suicide is understood within this particular formation that posits non-heterosexuality as the problematic source of suicidality emerges in the assumption that the vulnerability to suicidal behaviours for queer youth is the result singularly of sexuality, rather than looking to the fact that sexuality is one facet of identity – an important and sometimes fraught one for adolescents in general – located within a complex of other formations of identity and selfhood. This is part of what Diana Fuss has identified as the “synecdochical tendency to see only one part of a subject’s identity (usually the most visible part) and to make that part stand for the whole” (116). This ignores the opportunity to think through the conditions of queer youth in terms of the interaction between different facets of identity (such as gender and ethnicity, but also personal experience), different contexts in which identity is performed and different institutional settings that vary in response and valuation of non-normative aspects of subjectivity, thereby allowing a vulnerability not to be an attribute of being a queer youth, but to be understood as produced across a nuanced and complex array of factors. While the very concept of resilience invokes both an individualisation of the subject and a disciplinary regime of pastoral care (Foucault, Abnormal), queer youth in the It Gets Better discourse of hope are depicted multiply as: Inherently vulnerable and lacking resilience as a result of an essentialist notion of sexual orientation.Constituted in a relationality within a schooling environment that is conditioned by bullying as the primary expression of diverse socialityFinding resilience only through a self-managed and self-articulated expression of ‘hope’ that is to be produced in the knowledge that there is an ‘escape’ from a school environment. What the discourse of that which we might refer to as “resilient hopefulness” does is represent queer youth reductively as inherently non-resilient. It ignores the multiple expressions of sexual identity, the capacity to respond to suicidality through a critique of normative sexual subjectivity, and the capabilities of queer youth to develop meaningful relationships across all sexual possibilities that are, themselves, forms of resilience or at least mitigations of vulnerability. At the same time, “resilient hopefulness” is produced within a context in which a normative sociality of bullying culture is expressed as timeless and unchangeable (rather than historical and institutional), thereby requiring queer younger persons to undertake the task of managing vulnerability, risk, resilience and identity as an individualised responsibility outside of communities of care. Whether the presentation of a normative lifecycle is genuinely a preventative measure for queer youth suicidality is that which suicidologists and practitioners must test, although one might argue at this stage that resilience is better produced through a broader appeal to social diversity rather than the regimentation of a queer life that must ‘wait in hope’ for a liveability that may never come. References Battin, Margaret Pabst. Ethical Issues in Suicide. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1995. Beck, Aaron T., Arlene Weissman, Larry Trexler, and David Lester. “The Measurement of Pessimism: The Hopelessness Scale” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42.6 (1974): 861–865. Bryson, Mary K., and Lori B. MacIntosh. “Can We Play ‘Fun Gay’?: Disjuncture and Difference, and the Precarious Mobilities of Millennial Queer Youth Narratives.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 23.1 (2010): 101-124. Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. London & New York: Routledge, 1990. Butler, Judith. Precarious Life. London: Verso, 2004. Butler, Judith. Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable? London and New York: Verso, 2009. Cover, Rob. “Object(ives) of Desire: Romantic Coupledom versus Promiscuity, Subjectivity and Sexual Identity.”Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 24.2 (2010): 251-263. Cover, Rob. Queer Youth Suicide, Culture and Identity: Unliveable Lives? London: Ashgate, 2012. Driver, Susan. “Introducing Queer Youth Cultures.” Queer Youth Cultures. Ed. Susan Driver. Albany, NY: SUNY Press (2008). 1-18. Espelage, Dorothy L., and Susan M. Swearer. “Addressing Research Gaps in the Intersection between Homophobia and Bullying.” School Psychology Review 37.2 (2008): 155–159. Fodero, Lisa. “Teen Violinist Dies after Student Internet Lark.” The Age, 1 Oct. 2010. 1 Oct. 2010 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/world/>. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley. London: Penguin, 1990. Foucault, Michel. Abnormal: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1974–1975. Eds. Valerio Marchetti and Antonella Salmoni. Trans. Graham Burchell. New York: Picador, 2004. Fuss, Diana. Essentially Speaking: Feminism, Nature & Difference. New York and London: Routledge, 1989. Hegna, Kristinn, and Lars Wichstrøm. “Suicide Attempts among Norwegian Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Youths: General and Specific Risk Factors.” Acta Sociologica 50.1 (2007): 21–37. Hillier, Lynne, and Lyn Harrison. “Building Realities Less Limited than Their Own: Young People Practising Same-Sex Attraction on the Internet.” Sexualities 10.1 (2007): 82-100. Holden, Ronald R., James C. Mendonca and Ralph C. Serin. “Suicide, Hopelessness, and social desirability: A Test of an Interactive Model.” Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 57.4 (1989): 500–504. Holling, C. S. “Resilience and Stabity of Ecological Systems.” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 4 (1973): 1-23. Kim, Young Shin, and Bennett Leventhal. “Bullying and Suicide. A Review.” International Journal of Adolescent Medical Health 20.2 (2008): 133–154. Leipold, Bernhard, and Werner Greve. “Resilience: A Conceptual Bridge between Coping and Development.” European Psychologist 14.1 (2009): 40-50. Marshall, Daniel. “Popular Culture, the ‘Victim’ Trope and Queer Youth Analytics.” International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education 23.1 (2010): 65-86. Rasmussen, Mary Lou. Becoming Subjects: Sexualities and Secondary Schooling. New York: Routledge, 2006. Russell, Stephen T. “Beyond Risk: Resilience in the Lives of Sexual Minority Youth.” Journal of Gay & Lesbian Issues in Education 2.3 (2005): 5-18. Sedgwick, Eve Kosofsky. “Queer Performativity: Henry James’s The Art of the Novel.” GLQ 1.1 (1993): 1–14. Singh, Anneliese A., Danica G. Hays, and Larel S. Watson. “Strength in the Face of Adversity: Resilience Strategies of Transgender Individuals.” Journal of Counseling & Development 89.1 (2011): 20-27. Smith, Mark. S., and Susan W. Gray. “The Courage to Challenge: A New Measure of Hardiness in LGBT Adults.” Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services 21.1 (2009): 73-89. Wexler, Lisa Marin, Gloria DiFluvio, and Tracey K. Burke. “Resilience and Marginalized Youth: Making a Case for Personal and Collective Meaning-Making as Part of Resilience Research in Public Health.” Social Science & Medicine 69.4 (2009): 565-570.

Introduction Gore Vidal, the famous writer and literary critic, was recently buried next to his long-term partner, Howard Austen. The couple, who met in the 1950s, had lived together happily for decades. They were in many ways the kind of same-sex couple frequently valorised in contemporary gay marriage campaigns. Vidal and Austen, however, could not serve as emblematic figures for this campaign, and not only because the two men had no interest in marriage. Vidal, who reportedly had over a hundred lovers, both male and female, once attributed the longevity of their relationship to its platonic nature; both men continued to sleep with other people, and they reportedly stopped having sex with each other after they moved in together (Vidal, Palimpsest, 131–32). A relationship that decoupled monogamy, romance, companionship, and sexuality, and reconnected them in a way that challenged the accepted truths of institutionalised marriage, stands as an implicit questioning of the way in which gay marriage campaigns construct the possibilities for life, love, and sex. It is this questioning that we draw out in this article. In his writing, Vidal also offers a perspective that challenges the assumptions and certainties of contemporary politics around gay marriage. In 1981, he wrote “Some Jews and the Gays” in response to an article entitled “The Boys on the Beach” by conservative Jewish writer Midge Decter. Vidal’s riposte to Decter’s depiction of the snide superiority of the “boys” who disturbed her beachside family holidays highlighted the lack of solidarity conservative members of the Jewish community displayed towards another persecuted minority. From Vidal’s perspective, this was because Decter could not conceive of gay identity as anything other than pathological: Since homosexualists choose to be the way they are out of idle hatefulness, it has been a mistake to allow them to come out of the closet to the extent that they have, but now that they are out (which most are not), they will have no choice but to face up to their essential hatefulness and abnormality and so be driven to kill themselves with promiscuity, drugs, S-M, and suicide. (Vidal, Some Gays) In response, Vidal made a strong case for solidarity between Jews, African-Americans, and what he termed “homosexualists” (or “same-sexers”). More importantly for our argument, he also contested Decter’s depiction of the typical homosexual: To begin to get at the truth about homosexualists, one must realise that the majority of those millions of Americans who prefer same-sex to other-sex are obliged, sometimes willingly and happily but often not, to marry and have children and to conform to the guidelines set down by the heterosexual dictatorship. (Vidal, Some Gays) According to Vidal, Decter’s article applied only to a relatively privileged section of homosexualists who were able to be “self-ghettoized”, and who, despite Decter’s paranoid fantasies, lived lives perfectly “indifferent to the world of the other-sexers.” In the thirty years since the publication of “Some Jews and the Gays” much has clearly changed. It is unlikely that even a conservative publication would publish an article that depicts all homosexualists as marked by idle hatefulness. However, Decter’s self-hating homosexualist continues to haunt contemporary debates about same-sex marriage, albeit in sublimated form. Critiques of gay marriage campaigns, which are becoming increasingly difficult to ignore, often focus on the politics of inclusion and exclusion, whether on the terrain of gender (non)conformity (Spade), or the campaigns’ implicit and racialised assumption of a white, middle-class homosexual couple as the subject of their efforts (Riggs; Farrow). While our article is indebted to these critiques, our argument is focused more specifically on the unintended effect of the Australian debate about same-sex marriage, namely the (re)creation of the married couple’s other in the form of the adolescent, promiscuous, and unhappy homosexual. It is here that we find the source of our title, also chosen in tribute to Vidal, who in his life and writing disrupts this dichotomy. We argue that the construction of the respectable white middle-class same-sexer who sits at the centre of gay marriage discourse relies on a contemporary manifestation of the self-hating homosexualist – the sexually irresponsible queer constructed in contrast to the responsible gay. The first half of this article traces this construction. In the second section, we argue that this process cannot be divorced from the ways that advocates of same-sex marriage depict the institution of marriage. While critics such as Judith Butler have attempted to separate arguments against homophobic discrimination from the need to advocate for marriage, we argue that the two are intrinsically linked in marriage equality campaigns. These campaigns seek to erase both the explicit critique of marriage found in Vidal’s article and the implicit possibility of living otherwise found in his life. Instead of a heterosexual dictatorship that can be successfully avoided, marriage is proclaimed to be not only benign but the only institution capable of saving self-hating queers from misery by turning them into respectable gay married couples. This is, therefore, not an article about today’s Midge Decters, but about how contemporary same-sex marriage supporters rely on a characterisation of those of us who would or could not choose to marry as, to return to Vidal (Some Jews), “somehow evil or inadequate or dangerous.” As queer people who continue to question both the desirability and inevitability of marriage, we are ultimately concerned with thinking through the political consequences of the same-sex marriage campaign’s obsessive focus on normative sexuality and on the supposedly restorative function of the institution of marriage itself. Hateful Queers and Patient Gays Contemporary supporters of gay marriage, like Vidal so many years earlier, do often oppose conservative attempts to label homosexualists as inherently pathological. Tim Wright, the former convenor of “Equal Love,” one of Australia’s primary same-sex marriage campaign groups, directly addressing this in an opinion piece for Melbourne’s The Age newspaper, writes, “Every so often, we hear them in the media calling homosexuals promiscuous or sick.” Disputing this characterisation, Wright supplants it with an image of patient lesbians and gay men “standing at the altar.” Unlike Vidal, however, Wright implicitly accepts the link between promiscuity and pathology. For Wright, homosexuals are not sick precisely because, and only to the extent that they accept, a forlorn chastity, waiting for their respectable monogamous sexuality to be sanctified through matrimony. A shared moral framework based upon conservative norms is a notable feature of same-sex marriage debates. Former Rainbow Labor convenor Ryan Heath articulates this most clearly in his 2010 Griffith Review article, excerpts of which also appeared in the metropolitan Fairfax newspapers. In this article, Heath argues that marriage equality would provide a much-needed dose of responsibility to “balance” the rights that Australia has accorded to homosexuals. For Heath, Australia’s gay and lesbian communities have been given sexual freedoms by an indulgent adult (heterosexual) society, but are not sufficiently mature to develop the social responsibilities that go with them: “Like teenagers getting their hands on booze and cars and freedom from parental surveillance for the first time, Australia’s gay and lesbian communities have enthusiastically taken up their new rights.” For Heath, the immaturity of the (adult) gay community, with its lack of married role models, results in profound effects for same-sex attracted youth: Consider what the absence of role models, development paths, and stability might do to those who cannot marry. Is there no connection between this and the disproportionate numbers of suicides and risky and addictive behaviours found in gay communities? It is this immaturity, rather than the more typically blamed homophobic prejudice, bullying or persecution, that is for Heath the cause of the social problems that disproportionately affect same-sex attracted adolescents. Heath continues, asking why, after journalist Jonathan Rauch, any parent would want to “condemn their child to…‘a partnerless life in a sexual underworld’.” His appeal to well-meaning parental desires for the security and happiness of children echoes countless insidious commentaries about the tragedy of homosexual existence, such as Decter’s above. These same commentaries continue to be used to justify exclusionary and even violent reactions by families and communities when children reveal their (non-heterosexual) sexualities. As for so many social conservatives, for Heath it is inconceivable to view a partnerless life as anything other than tragedy. Like Wright, he is also convinced that if one must be partnerless it is far better to be forlornly chaste than to participate in an “underworld” focused primarily on promiscuous sex. The opinions of those condemned to this purgatorial realm, either through compulsion or their own immaturity, are of little interest to Heath. When he states that “No families and couples I have interviewed in my research on the topic want this insecure existence,” we are to understand that it is only the desires of these responsible adults that matter. In this way, Heath explicitly invokes the image of what Mariana Valverde has called the “respectable same-sex couple”, homosexualists who are socially acceptable because being “same-sex” is the only thing that differentiates them from the white, middle-class norm that continues to sit at the heart of Australian politics. Heath goes on to describe marriage as the best “social safety net”, adopting the fiscal rhetoric of conservatives such as former federal leader of the Liberal party, Malcolm Turnbull. Turnbull argued in 2012’s annual Michael Kirby lecture (a lecture organised by Southern Cross University’s School of Law and Justice in tribute to the retired gay High Court justice) that same-sex marriage would save the state money, as other relationship recognition such as the 2008 Rudd reforms have. In one of the few passages widely reported from his speech he states: “There will plainly be less demand for social services, medical expenses, hospital care if people, especially older people, like Michael [Kirby] and [partner] Johan, live together as opposed to being in lonely isolation consoled only by their respective cats.” Same-sex marriage is not simply a fight for equality but a fight to rescue homosexualists from the immiserated and emotionally impoverished lives that they, through their lack of maturity, have constructed for themselves, and which, after a brief sojourn in the sexual underworld, can only end in a lonely feline-focused existence funded by the responsible citizens that constitute the bulk of society. We are told by gay marriage advocates that the acceptance of proper adult relationships and responsibilities will not only cure the self-hatred of same-sexers, but simultaneously end the hatred expressed through homophobia and bullying. In the most recent Victorian state election, for example, the Greens ran an online Q&A session about their policies and positions in which they wrote the following in response to a question on relationship recognition: “It would create a more harmonious, less discriminatory society, more tolerant of diversity. It would also probably reduce bullying against same-sex attracted teenagers and lower the suicide rate.” This common position has been carefully unpicked by Rob Cover, who argues that while there may be benefits for the health of some adults in recognition of same-sex marriage, there is absolutely no evidence of a connection between this and youth suicide. He writes: “We are yet to have evidence that there are any direct benefits for younger persons who are struggling to cope with being bullied, humiliated, shamed and cannot (yet) envisage a liveable life and a happy future—let alone a marriage ceremony.” While same-sex marriage advocates consider themselves to be speaking for these same-sex attracted youth, offering them a happy future in the form of a wedding, Cover reminds us that these are not the same thing. As we have shown here, this is not a process of simple exclusion, but an erasure of the possibility of a life outside of heteronormative or “respectable”, coupledom. The “respectable same-sex couple”, like its respectable heterosexual counterpart, not only denies the possibility of full participation in adult society to those without partners but also refuses the lived experience of the many people like Vidal and Austen who do not accept the absolute equation of domesticity, responsibility, and sexual monogamy that the institution of marriage represents. A Good Institution? The connection between marriage and the mythical end of homophobia is not about evidence, as Cover rightly points out. Instead it is based on an ideological construction of marriage as an inherently valuable institution. Alongside this characterisation of marriage as a magical solution to homophobia and other social ills, comes the branding of other models of living, loving and having sex as inherently inferior and potentially harmful. In this, the rhetoric of conservatives and same-sex marriage advocates becomes disturbingly similar. Margaret Andrews, the wife of former Howard minister Kevin and a prominent (straight) marriage advocate, featured in the news a couple of years ago after making a public homophobic outburst directed at (queer) writer Benjamin Law. In response, Andrews outlined what for her were the clearly evident benefits of marriage: “For centuries, marriage has provided order, stability, and nurture for both adults and children. Indeed, the status of our marriages influences our well-being at least as much as the state of our finances.” Despite being on the apparent opposite of the debate, Amanda Villis and Danielle Hewitt from Doctors for Marriage Equality agree with Andrews about health benefits, including, significantly, those linked to sexual behaviour: It is also well known that people in long term monogamous relationships engage in far less risky sexual behaviour and therefore have significantly lower rates of sexually transmitted infections. Therefore legalisation of same sex marriage can lead to a reduction in the rates of sexually transmitted disease by decreasing stigma and discrimination and also promoting long term, monogamous relationships as an option for LGBTI persons. Here same-sex marriage is of benefit precisely because it eradicates the social risks of contagion and disease attributed to risky and promiscuous queers. To the extent that queers continue to suffer it can be attributed to the moral deficiency of their current lifestyle. This results in the need to “promote” marriage and marriage-like relationships. However, this need for promotion denies that marriage itself could be subject to discussion or debate and constructs it as both permanent and inevitable. Any discussion which might question the valuation of marriage is forestalled through the rhetoric of choice, as in the following example from a contributor to the “Equal Love” website: We understand that not everyone will want to get married, but there is no denying that marriage is a fundamental institution in Australian society. The right to be married should therefore be available to all those who choose to pursue it. It is a right that we chose to exercise. (Cole) This seemingly innocuous language of choice performs a number of functions. The first is that it seeks to disallow political debates about marriage by simply reducing critiques of the institution to a decision not to partake in it. In a process mirroring the construction of queers as inherently immature and adolescent, as discussed in the previous section, this move brands political critiques of marriage as historical remnants of an immature radicalism that has been trumped by liberal maturity. The contribution of Alyena Mohummadally and Catherine Roberts to Speak Now highlights this clearly. In this piece, Roberts is described as having used “radical feminism” as a teenage attempt to fill a “void” left by the lack of religion in her life. The teenage Roberts considered marriage “a patriarchal institution to be dismantled” (134). However, ten years later, now happily living with her partner, Roberts finds that “the very institutions she once riled against were those she now sought to be a part of” (137). Roberts’ marriage conversion, explained through a desire for recognition from Mohummadally’s Muslim family, is presented as simply a logical part of growing up, leaving behind the teenage commitment to radical politics along with the teenage attraction to “bars and nightclubs.” Not coincidentally, “life and love” taught Roberts to leave both of these things behind (134). The second consequence of arguments based on choice is that the possibility of any other terrain of choice is erased. This rhetoric thus gives marriage a false permanence and stability, failing to recognise that social institutions are vulnerable to change, and potentially to crisis. Beyond the same-sex marriage debates, the last fifty years have demonstrated the vulnerability of marriage to social change. Rising divorce rates, increasing acceptance of de facto relationships and the social recognition of domestic violence and rape within marriage have altered marriage inescapably, and forced questions about its inevitability (see: Stacey). This fact is recognised by conservatives, such as gay marriage opponent Patrick Parkinson who stated in a recent opinion piece in the Sydney Morning Herald that a “heartening aspect” of the “otherwise divisive” debate around gay marriage is that it has marked a “turnaround” in support for marriage, particularly among feminists, gays and other progressives. Malcolm Turnbull also explains his transition to support for same-sex marriage rights on the basis of this very premise: “I am very firmly of the view that families are the foundation of our society and that we would be a stronger society if more people were married, and by that I mean formally, legally married, and fewer were divorced.” He continued, “Are not the gays who seek the right to marry, to formalise their commitment to each other, holding up a mirror to the heterosexuals who are marrying less frequently and divorcing more often?” As Parkinson and Turnbull note, the decision to prioritise marriage is a decision to not only accept the fundamental nature of marriage as a social institution but to further universalise it as a social norm against the historical trends away from such normalisation. This is also acknowledged by campaign group Australian Marriage Equality who suggests that people like Parkinson and Turnbull who are “concerned about the preservation of marriage may do best to focus on ways to increase its appeal amongst the current population, rather than direct their energies towards the exclusion of a select group of individuals from its privileges.” Rather than challenging conservatism then, the gay marriage campaign aligns itself with Turnbull and Parkinson against the possibility of living otherwise embodied in the shadowy figure of the sexually irresponsible queer. The connection between ideological support for marriage and the construction of the “respectable homosexual couple” is made explicit by Heath in the essay quoted earlier. It is, he says, part of “the pattern of Western liberal history” to include “in an institution good people who make a good case to join.” The struggle for gay marriage, he argues, is linked to that of “workers to own property, Indigenous Australians to be citizens, women to vote.” By including these examples, Heath implicitly highlights the assimilationist dimension of this campaign, a dimension which has been importantly emphasised by Damien Riggs. Heath’s formulation denies the possibility of Indigenous sovereignty beyond assimilationist incorporation into the Australian state, just as it denies the possibility of a life of satisfying love and sex beyond marriage. More generally, Heath fails to acknowledge that none of these histories have disrupted the fundamental power dynamics at play: the benefits of property ownership accrue disproportionately to the rich, those of citizenship to white Australians, and political power remains primarily in the hands of men. Despite the protestations of gay marriage advocates there is no reason to believe that access to marriage would end homophobia while racism, class-based exploitation, and institutional sexism continue. This too, is part of the pattern of Western liberal history. Conclusion Our intention here is not to produce an anti-marriage manifesto—there are many excellent ones out there (see: Conrad)—but rather to note that gay marriage campaigns are not as historically innocuous as they present themselves to be. We are concerned that the rush to enter fully into institutions that, while changed, remain synonymous with normative (hetero)sexuality, has two unintended but nonetheless concerning consequences. Gay marriage advocates risk not only the discarding of a vision in which people may choose to not worship at the altar of the nuclear family, they also reanimate a new version of Decter’s self-hating gay. Political blogger Tim Dunlop encapsulates the political logic of gay marriage campaigns when he says, rather optimistically, that barring homosexualists from marriage “is the last socially acceptable way of saying you are not like us, you do not count, you matter less.” An alternative view proffered here is that saying yes to gay marriage risks abandoning a project that says we do not wish to be like you, not because we matter less, but because we see the possibility of different lives, and we refuse to accept a normative political logic that brands those lives as inferior. In casting this critique as adolescent, as something that a mature community should have grown out of, the same-sex marriage campaign rejects what we see as the most important social contributions that “same-sexers” have made. Where we think Vidal was mistaken back in 1981 was in his assertion that we “same-sexers” have been simply indifferent to the world of the “other-sexers.” We have also turned a critical eye upon “heterosexualist” existence, offering important critiques of a so-called adult or responsible life. It is this history that queer writer Sara Ahmed reminds us of, when she celebrates the angry queer at the family dinner table who refuses to simply succumb to a coercive demand to be happy and pleasant. A similar refusal can be found in queer critiques of the “dead citizenship” of heterosexuality, described by José Esteban Muñoz as: a modality of citizenship that is predicated on negation of liveness or presentness on behalf of a routinized investment in futurity. This narrative of futurity is most familiar to those who live outside of it. It is the story of the [sic] nation's all-consuming investment in the nuclear family, and its particular obsession with the children, an investment that instantly translates into the (monological) future. (399) In the clamour to fully assert their membership in the world of adult citizenship, same-sex marriage advocates negate the potential liveness and presentness of queer experience, opting instead for the routinised futurity that Muñoz warns against. Imagining ourselves as forlorn figures, standing with tear-stained cheeks and quivering lips at the altar, waiting for normative relationships and responsible citizenship is not the only option. Like Vidal and Austen, with whom we began, queers are already living, loving, and fucking, in and above our sexual underworlds, imagining that just possibly there may be other ways to live, both in the present and in constructing different futures. References Ahmed, Sara. The Promise of Happiness. Durham: Duke UP, 2010. Andrews, Margaret. “A Health Check on Marriage.” The Punch, 13 Aug. 2010. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.thepunch.com.au/articles/a-health-check-on-marriage/›. Butler, Judith. “Is Kinship Always Already Heterosexual?” differences: A Feminist Journal of Cultural Studies 13.1 (2002): 14–44. Cole, Jules. “Marriage Equality Upholds the rights of all Australians.” Equal Love website, 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.equallove.info/node/83›. Conrad, Ryan, ed. Against Equality: queer critiques of gay marriage. Lewiston: Against Equality Publishing Collective, 2010. Cover, Rob. “Is same-sex marriage an adequate responst to queer youth suicide?”Online Opinion: Australia’s e-journal of social and political debate, 22 Aug. 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=14017›. Dunlop, Tim. “There is no excuse.” ABC The Drum Unleashed, 8 Apr. 2010. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.abc.net.au/unleashed/34402.html›. Farrow, Kenyon, “Why is gay marriage anti-black?” Against Equality: queer critiques of gay marriage. Ed. Ryan Conrad. Lewiston: Against Equality Publishing Collective, 2010. 21–33. Frequently Asked Questions, Australian Marriage Equality, 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.australianmarriageequality.com/faqs.htm›. Grattan, Michelle. “Turnbull’s Gay Marriage Swipe.” The Age. 7 July 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/political-news/turnbulls-gay-marriage-swipe-20120706-21mou.html›. Heath, Ryan. “Love in a Cold Climate.” Griffith Review. 29 (2010). 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.griffithreview.com/edition-29-prosper-or-perish/251-essay/949.html›. Mohummadally, Alyena and Catherine Roberts. “When Worlds, Happily, Collide.” Speak Now: Australian Perspectives on Same-Sex Marriage. Ed. Victor Marsh. Thornbury: Clouds of Magellan, 2012, 134–139. Muñoz, José Esteban. “Citizens and Superheroes.” American Quarterly. 52.2 (2000): 397–404. Parkinson, Patrick. “About Time We All Cared More About Marriage.” Sydney Morning Herald, 24 Aug. 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/opinion/politics/about-time-we-all-cared-more-about-marriage-20120823-24p2g.html›. Rauch, Jonathan. Gay Marriage: Why It Is Good for Gays, Good for Straights, and Good for America. New York: Holt Paperbacks, 2004. Riggs, Damien. “The Racial Politics of Marriage Claims.” Speak Now: Australian Perspectives on Gay Marriage. Ed. Victor Marsh. Thornbury: Clouds of Magellan, 2012. 191–201. Stacey, Judith. Brave New Families: Stories of Domestic Upheaval in Late Twentieth-Century America. Berkeley and Los Angeles: U of California P, 1998. Spade, Dean. Normal Life: Administrative Violence, Critical Trans Politics and the Limits of Law. Cambridge, MA: South End Press, 2011. Turnbull, Malcolm. “Reflections on Gay Marriage: Michael Kirby Lecture 2012.” 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.malcolmturnbull.com.au/media/speeches/reflections-on-the-gay-marriage-issue-michael-kirby-lecture-2012/›. Valverde, Mariana. “A New Entity in the History of Sexuality: The Respectable Same-Sex Couple.” Feminist Studies. 32.1 (2006): 155–162. Vidal, Gore. “Some Jews and the Gays.” The Nation. 14 Nov. 1981. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.thenation.com/article/169197/some-jews-gays›. —. Palimpsest: A Memoir. New York and London: Random House, 1995. Villis, Amanda, and Danielle Hewitt. “Why Legalising Same Sex Marriage Will Benefit Health.”17 Aug. 2012. 24 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=14004›. Wright, Tim. “Same-Sex Couples Still Waiting at the Altar For a Basic Right.” The Age. 31 July 2009. 12 Sept. 2012 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/opinion/samesex-couples-still-waiting-at-the-altar-for-a-basic-right-20090730-e2xk.html›.

On 19 January 1975, Australia’s first youth station 2JJ (Double Jay) launched itself onto the nation’s airwaves with a NASA-style countdown and You Only Like Me ‘Cause I’m Good in Bed by Australian band Skyhooks. Refused airtime by the commercial stations because of its explicit sexual content, this song was a clear signifier of the new station’s intent—to occupy a more radical territory on Australian radio. Indeed, Double Jay’s musical entrée into the highly restrictive local broadcasting environment of the time has gone on to symbolise both the station’s role in its early days as an enfant terrible of radio (Inglis 376), and its near 40 years as a voice for youth culture in Australia (Milesago, Double Jay). In this paper we explore the proposition that Double Jay functioned as an outlet for youth counterculture in Australia, and that it achieved this even with (and arguably because of) its credentials as a state-generated entity. This proposition is considered via brief analysis of the political and musical context leading to the establishment of Double Jay. We intend to demonstrate that although the station was deeply embedded in “the system” in material and cultural terms, it simultaneously existed in an “uneasy symbiosis” (Martin and Siehl 54) with this system because it consciously railed against the mainstream cultures from which it drew, providing a public and active vehicle for youth counterculture in Australia. The origins of Double Jay thus provide one example of the complicated relationship between culture and counterculture, and the multiple ways in which the two are inextricably linked. As a publicly-funded broadcasting station Double Jay was liberated from the industrial imperatives of Australia’s commercial stations which arguably drove their predisposition for formula. The absence of profit motive gave Double Jay’s organisers greater room to experiment with format and content, and thus the potential to create a genuine alternative in Australia broadcasting. As a youth station Double Jay was created to provide a minority with its own outlet. The Labor government committed to wrenching airspace from the very restrictive Australian broadcasting “system” (Wiltshire and Stokes 2) to provide minority voices with room to speak and to be heard. Youth was identified by the government as one such minority. The Australian Broadcasting Commission (ABC) contributed to this process by enabling young staffers to establish the semi-independent Contemporary Radio Unit (CRU) (Webb) and within this a youth station. Not only did this provide a focal point around which a youth collective could coalesce, but the distinct place and identity of Double Jay within the ABC offered its organisers the opportunity to ignore or indeed subvert some of the perceived strictures of the “mothership” that was the ABC, whether in organisational, content and/or stylistic terms. For these and other reasons Double Jay was arguably well positioned to counter the broadcasting cultures that existed alongside this station. It did so stylistically, and also in more fundamental ways, At the same time, however, it “pillaged the host body at random” (Webb) co-opting certain aspects of these cultures (people, scheduling, content, administration) which in turn implicated Double Jay in the material and cultural practices of those mainstream cultures against which it railed. Counterculture on the Airwaves: Space for Youth to Play? Before exploring these themes further, we should make clear that Double Jay’s legitimacy as a “counterculture” organisation is observably tenuous against the more extreme renderings of the concept. Theodore Roszak, for example, requires of counterculture something “so radically disaffiliated from the mainstream assumptions of our society that it scarcely looks to many as a culture at all” (5). Double Jay was a brainchild of the state: an outcome of the Whitlam Government’s efforts to open up the nation’s airwaves (Davis, Government; McClelland). Further, the supervision of this station was given to the publicly funded Australian national broadcaster, the ABC (Inglis). Any claim Double Jay has to counterculture status then is arguably located in less radical invocations of the term. Some definitions, for example, hold that counterculture contains value systems that run counter to culture, but these values are relational rather than divorced from each other. Kenneth Leech, for example, states that counterculture is "a way of life and philosophy which at central points is in conflict with the mainstream society” (Desmond et al. 245, our emphasis); E.D. Batzell defines counterculture as "a minority culture marked by a set of values, norms and behaviour patterns which contradict those of the dominant society" (116, our emphasis). Both definitions imply that counterculture requires the mainstream to make sense of what it is doing and why. In simple terms then, counterculture as the ‘other’ does not exist without its mainstream counterpoint. The particular values with which counterculture is in conflict are generated by “the system” (Heath and Potter 6)—a system that imbues “manufactured needs and mass-produced desires” (Frank 15) in the masses to encourage order, conformity and consumption. Counterculture seeks to challenge this “system” via individualist, expression-oriented values such as difference, diversity, change, egalitarianism, and spontaneity (Davis On Youth; Leary; Thompson and Coskuner‐Balli). It is these kinds of counterculture values that we demonstrate were embedded in the content, style and management practices within Double Jay. The Whitlam Years and the Birth of Double Jay Double Jay was borne of the Whitlam government’s brief but impactful period in office from 1972 to 1975, after 23 years of conservative government in Australia. Key to the Labor Party’s election platform was the principle of participatory democracy, the purpose of which was “breaking down apathy and maximising active citizen engagement” (Cunningham 123). Within this framework, the Labor Party committed to opening the airwaves, and reconfiguring the rhetoric of communication and media as a space of and for the people (Department of the Media 3). Labor planned to honour this commitment via sweeping reforms that would counter the heavily concentrated Australian media landscape through “the encouragement of diversification of ownership of commercial radio and television”—and in doing so enable “the expression of a plurality of viewpoints and cultures throughout the media” (Department of the Media 3). Minority groups in particular were to be privileged, while some in the Party even argued for voices that would actively agitate. Senator Jim McClelland, for one, declared, “We say that somewhere in the system there must be broadcasting which not only must not be afraid to be controversial but has a duty to be controversial” (Senate Standing Committee 4). One clear voice of controversy to emerge in the 1960s and resonate throughout the 1970s was the voice of youth (Gerster and Bassett; Langley). Indeed, counterculture is considered by some as synonymous with a particular strain of youth culture during this time (Roszak; Leech). The Labor Government acknowledged this hitherto unrecognised voice in its 1972 platform, with Minister for the Media Senator Doug McClelland claiming that his party would encourage the “whetting of the appetite” for “life and experimentation” of Australia’s youth – in particular through support for the arts (160). McClelland secured licenses for two “experimental-type” stations under the auspices of the ABC, with the youth station destined for Sydney via the ABC’s standby transmitter in Gore Hill (ABCB, 2). Just as the political context in early 1970s Australia provided the necessary conditions for the appearance of Double Jay, so too did the cultural context. Counterculture emerged in the UK, USA and Europe as a clear and potent force in the late 1960s (Roszak; Leech; Frank; Braunstein and Doyle). In Australia this manifested in the 1960s and 1970s in various ways, including political protest (Langley; Horne); battles for the liberalisation of censorship (Hope and Dickerson, Liberalisation; Chipp and Larkin); sex and drugs (Dawson); and the art film scene (Hope and Dickerson, Happiness; Thoms). Of particular interest here is the “lifestyle” aspect of counterculture, within which the value-expressions against the dominant culture manifest in cultural products and practices (Bloodworth 304; Leary ix), and more specifically, music. Many authors have suggested that music was pivotal to counterculture (Bloodworth 309; Leech 8), a key “social force” through which the values of counterculture were articulated (Whiteley 1). The youth music broadcasting scene in Australia was extremely narrow prior to Double Jay, monopolised by a handful of media proprietors who maintained a stranglehold over the youth music scene from the mid-50s. This dominance was in part fuelled by the rising profitability of pop music, driven by “the dreamy teenage market”, whose spending was purely discretionary (Doherty 52) and whose underdeveloped tastes made them “immune to any sophisticated disdain of run-of-the-mill” cultural products (Doherty 230-231). Over the course of the 1950s the commercial stations pursued this market by “skewing” their programs toward the youth demographic (Griffen-Foley 264). The growing popularity of pop music saw radio shift from a “multidimensional” to “mono-dimensional” medium according to rock journalist Bruce Elder, in which the “lowest-common-denominator formula of pop song-chat-commercial-pop-song” dominated the commercial music stations (12). Emblematic of this mono-dimensionalism was the appearance of the Top 40 Playlist in 1958 (Griffin-Foley 265), which might see as few as 10–15 songs in rotation in peak shifts. Elder claims that this trend became more pronounced over the course of the 1960s and peaked in 1970, with playlists that were controlled with almost mechanical precision [and] compiled according to American-devised market research methods which tended to reinforce repetition and familiarity at the expense of novelty and diversity. (12) Colin Vercoe, whose job was to sell the music catalogues of Festival Records to stations like 2UE, 2SER and SUW, says it was “an incredibly frustrating affair” to market new releases because of the rigid attachment by commercials to the “Top 40 of endless repeats” (Vercoe). While some air time was given to youth music beyond the Top 40, this happened mostly in non-peak shifts and on weekends. Bill Drake at 2SM (who was poached by Double Jay and allowed to reclaim his real name, Holger Brockmann) played non-Top 40 music in his Sunday afternoon programme The Album Show (Brockmann). A more notable exception was Chris Winter’s Room to Move on the ABC, considered by many as the predecessor of Double Jay. Introduced in 1971, Room to Move played all forms of contemporary music not represented by the commercial broadcasters, including whole albums and B sides. Rock music’s isolation to the fringes was exacerbated by the lack of musical sales outlets for rock and other forms of non-pop music, with much music sourced through catalogues, music magazines and word of mouth (Winter; Walker). In this context a small number of independent record stores, like Anthem Records in Sydney and Archie and Jugheads in Melbourne, appear in the early 1970s. Vercoe claims that the commercial record companies relentlessly pursued the closure of these independents on the grounds they were illegal entities: The record companies hated them and they did everything they could do close them down. When (the companies) bought the catalogue to overseas music, they bought the rights. And they thought these record stores were impinging on their rights. It was clear that a niche market existed for rock and alternative forms of music. Keith Glass and David Pepperell from Archie and Jugheads realised this when stock sold out in the first week of trade. Pepperell notes, “We had some feeling we were doing something new relating to people our own age but little idea of the forces we were about to unleash”. Challenging the “System” from the Inside At the same time as interested individuals clamoured to buy from independent record stores, the nation’s first youth radio station was being instituted within the ABC. In October 1974, three young staffers—Marius Webb, Ron Moss and Chris Winter— with the requisite youth credentials were briefed by ABC executives to build a youth-style station for launch in January 1975. According to Winter “All they said was 'We want you to set up a station for young people' and that was it!”, leaving the three with a conceptual carte blanche–although assumedly within the working parameters of the ABC (Webb). A Contemporary Radio Unit (CRU) was formed in order to meet the requirements of the ABC while also creating a clear distinction between the youth station and the ABC. According to Webb “the CRU gave us a lot of latitude […] we didn’t have to go to other ABC Departments to do things”. The CRU was conscious from the outset of positioning itself against the mainstream practices of both the commercial stations and the ABC. The publicly funded status of Double Jay freed it from the shackles of profit motive that enslaved the commercial stations, in turn liberating its turntables from baser capitalist imperatives. The two coordinators Ron Moss and Marius Webb also bypassed the conventions of typecasting the announcer line-up (as was practice in both commercial and ABC radio), seeking instead people with charisma, individual style and youth appeal. Webb told the Sydney Morning Herald that Double Jay’s announcers were “not required to have a frontal lobotomy before they go on air.” In line with the individual- and expression-oriented character of the counterculture lifestyle, it was made clear that “real people” with “individuality and personality” would fill the airwaves of Double Jay (Nicklin 9). The only formula to which the station held was to avoid (almost) all formula – a mantra enhanced by the purchase in the station’s early days of thousands of albums and singles from 10 or so years of back catalogues (Robinson). This library provided presenters with the capacity to circumvent any need for repetition. According to Winter the DJs “just played whatever we wanted”, from B sides to whole albums of music, most of which had never made it onto Australian radio. The station also adapted the ABC tradition of recording live classical music, but instead recorded open-air rock concerts and pub gigs. A recording van built from second-hand ABC equipment captured the grit of Sydney’s live music scene for Double Jay, and in so doing undercut the polished sounds of its commercial counterparts (Walker). Double Jay’s counterculture tendencies further extended to its management style. The station’s more political agitators, led by Webb, sought to subvert the traditional top-down organisational model in favour of a more egalitarian one, including a battle with the ABC to remove the bureaucratic distinction between technical staff and presenters and replace this with the single category “producer/presenter” (Cheney, Webb, Davis 41). The coordinators also actively subverted their own positions as coordinators by holding leaderless meetings open to all Double Jay employees – meetings that were infamously long and fraught, but also remembered as symbolic of the station’s vibe at that time (Frolows, Matchett). While Double Jay assumed the ABC’s focus on music, news and comedy, at times it politicised the content contra to the ABC’s non-partisan policy, ignored ABC policy and practice, and more frequently pushed its contents over the edges of what was considered propriety and taste. These trends were already present in pockets of the ABC prior to Double Jay: in current affairs programmes like This Day Tonight and Four Corners (Harding 49); and in overtly leftist figures like Alan Ashbolt (Bowman), who it should be noted had a profound influence over Webb and other Double Jay staff (Webb). However, such an approach to radio still remained on the edges of the ABC. As one example of Double Jay’s singularity, Webb made clear that the ABC’s “gentleman’s agreement” with the Federation of Australian Commercial Broadcasters to ban certain content from airplay would not apply to Double Jay because the station would not “impose any censorship on our people” – a fact demonstrated by the station’s launch song (Nicklin 9). The station’s “people” in turn made the most of this freedom with the production of programmes like Gayle Austin’s Horny Radio Porn Show, the Naked Vicar Show, the adventures of Colonel Chuck Chunder of the Space Patrol, and the Sunday afternoon comic improvisations of Nude Radio from the team that made Aunty Jack. This openness also made its way into the news team, most famously in its second month on air with the production of The Ins and Outs of Love, a candid documentary of the sexual proclivities and encounters of Sydney’s youth. Conservative ABC staffer Clement Semmler described the programme as containing such “disgustingly explicit accounts of the sexual behaviour of young teenagers” that it “aroused almost universal obloquy from listeners and the press” (35). The playlist, announcers, comedy sketches, news reporting and management style of Double Jay represented direct challenges to the entrenched media culture of Australia in the mid 1970s. The Australian National Commission for UNESCO noted at the time that Double Jay was “variously described as political, subversive, offensive, pornographic, radical, revolutionary and obscene” (7). While these terms were understandable given the station’s commitment to experiment and innovation, the “vital point” about Double Jay was that it “transmitted an electronic reflection of change”: What the station did was to zero in on the kind of questioning of traditional values now inherent in a significant section of the under 30s population. It played their music, talked in their jargon, pandered to their whims, tastes, prejudices and societal conflicts both intrinsic and extrinsic. (48) Conclusion From the outset, Double Jay was locked in an “uneasy symbiosis” with mainstream culture. On the one hand, the station was established by federal government and its infrastructure was provided by state funds. It also drew on elements of mainstream broadcasting in multiple ways. However, at the same time, it was a voice for and active agent of counterculture, representing through its content, form and style those values that were considered to challenge the ‘system,’ in turn creating an outlet for the expression of hitherto un-broadcast “ways of thinking and being” (Leary). As Henry Rosenbloom, press secretary to then Labor Minister Dr Moss Cass wrote, Double Jay had the potential to free its audience “from an automatic acceptance of the artificial rhythms of urban and suburban life. In a very real sense, JJ [was] a deconditioning agent” (Inglis 375-6). While Double Jay drew deeply from mainstream culture, its skilful and playful manipulation of this culture enabled it to both reflect and incite youth-based counterculture in Australia in the 1970s. References Australian Broadcasting Control Board. Development of National Broadcasting and Television Services. ABCB: Sydney, 1976. Batzell, E.D. “Counter-Culture.” Blackwell Dictionary of Twentieth-Century Social Thought. Eds. Williams Outhwaite and Tom Bottomore. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994. 116-119. Bloodworth, John David. “Communication in the Youth Counterculture: Music as Expression.” Central States Speech Journal 26.4 (1975): 304-309. Bowman, David. “Radical Giant of Australian Broadcasting: Allan Ashbolt, Lion of the ABC, 1921-2005.” Sydney Morning Herald 15 June 2005. 15 Sep. 2013 ‹http://www.smh.com.au/news/Obituaries/Radical-giant-of-Australian-broadcasting/2005/06/14/1118645805607.html›. Braunstein, Peter, and Michael William Doyle. Eds. Imagine Nation: The American Counterculture of the 1960s and '70s New York: Taylor and Francis, 2002. Brockman, Holger. Personal interview. 8 December 2013. Cheney, Roz. Personal interview. 10 July 2013. Chipp, Don, and John Larkin. Don Chipp: The Third Man. Adelaide: Rigby, 2008. Cunningham, Frank. Theories of Democracy: A Critical Introduction. London: Routledge, 2002. Davis, Fred. On Youth Subcultures: The Hippie Variant. New York: General Learning Press, 1971. Davis, Glyn. "Government Decision‐Making and the ABC: The 2JJ Case." Politics 19.2 (1984): 34-42. Dawson, Jonathan. "JJJ: Radical Radio?." Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies 6.1 (1992): 37-44. Department of the Media. Submission by the Department of the Media to the Independent Inquiry into Frequency Modulation Broadcasting. Sydney: Australian Government Publishers, 1974. Desmond, John, Pierre McDonagh, and Stephanie O'Donohoe. “Counter-Culture and Consumer Society.” Consumption Markets & Culture 4.3 (2000): 241-279. Doherty, Thomas. Teenagers and Teenpics: The Juvenilization of American Movies in the 1950s. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1988. Elder, Bruce. Sound Experiment. Unpublished manuscript, 1988. Australian National Commission for UNESCO. Extract from Seminar on Entertainment and Society, Report on Research Project. 1976. Frolows, Arnold. Personal interview. 10 July 2013. Frank, Thomas. The Conquest of Cool: Business Culture, Counterculture, and the Rise of Hip Consumerism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Gerster, Robin, and Jan Bassett. Seizures of Youth: The Sixties and Australia. Melbourne: Hyland House, 1991. Griffen-Foley, Bridget. Changing Stations: The Story of Australian Commercial Radio, Sydney: UNSW Press, 2009. Harding, Richard. Outside Interference: The Politics of Australian Broadcasting. Melbourne: Sun Books, 1979. Heath, Joseph, and Andrew Potter. Nation of Rebels: Why Counterculture Became Consumer Culture. New York: Harper Collins, 2004. Hope, Cathy, and Adam Dickerson. “The Sydney and Melbourne Film Festivals, and the Liberalisation of Film Censorship in Australia”. Screening the Past 35 (2012). 12 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.screeningthepast.com/2012/12/the-sydney-and-melbourne-film-festivals-and-the-liberalisation-of-film-censorship-in-australia/›. Hope, Cathy, and Adam Dickerson. “Is Happiness Festival-Shaped Any Longer? The Melbourne and Sydney Film Festivals and the Growth of Australian Film Culture 1973-1977”. Screening the Past 38 (2013). 12 Aug. 2014 ‹http://www.screeningthepast.com/2013/12/‘is-happiness-festival-shaped-any-longer’-the-melbourne-and-sydney-film-festivals-and-the-growth-of-australian-film-culture-1973-1977/›. Horne, Donald. Time of Hope: Australia 1966-72. Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1980. Inglis, Ken. This Is the ABC: The Australian Broadcasting Commission, 1932-1983. Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1983. Langley, Greg. A Decade of Dissent: Vietnam and the Conflict on the Australian Homefront. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1992. Leary, Timothy. “Foreword.” Counterculture through the Ages: From Abraham to Acid House. Eds. Ken Goffman and Dan Joy. New York: Villard, 2007. ix-xiv. Leech, Kenneth. Youthquake: The Growth of a Counter-Culture through Two Decades. London: Sheldon Press, 1973. Martin, J., and C. Siehl. "Organizational Culture and Counterculture: An Uneasy Symbiosis. Organizational Dynamics, 12.2 (1983): 52-64. Martin, Peter. Personal interview. 10 July 2014. Matchett, Stuart. Personal interview. 10 July 2013. McClelland, Douglas. “The Arts and Media.” Towards a New Australia under a Labor Government. Ed. John McLaren. Victoria: Cheshire Publishing, 1972. McClelland, Douglas. Personal interview. 25 August 2010. Milesago. “Double Jay: The First Year”. n.d. 8 Oct. 2012 ‹http://www.milesago.com/radio/2jj.htm›. Milesago. “Part 5: 1971-72 - Sundown and 'Archie & Jughead's”. n.d. Keith Glass – A Life in Music. 12 Oct. 2012 ‹http://www.milesago.com/Features/keithglass5.htm›. Nicklin, Lenore. “Rock (without the Roll) around the Clock.” Sydney Morning Herald 18 Jan. 1975: 9. Robinson, Ted. Personal interview. 11 December 2013. Roszak, Theodore. The Making of a Counter Culture. New York: Anchor, 1969. Semmler, Clement. The ABC - Aunt Sally and Sacred Cow. Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1981. Senate Standing Committee on Education, Science and the Arts and Jim McClelland. Second Progress Report on the Reference, All Aspects of Television and Broadcasting, Including Australian Content of Television Programmes. Canberra: Australian Senate, 1973. Thompson, Craig J., and Gokcen Coskuner‐Balli. "Countervailing Market Responses to Corporate Co‐optation and the Ideological Recruitment of Consumption Communities." Journal of Consumer Research 34.2 (2007): 135-152. Thoms, Albie. “The Australian Avant-garde.” An Australian Film Reader. Eds. Albert Moran and Tom O’Regan. Sydney: Currency Press, 1985. 279–280. Vercoe, Colin. Personal interview. 11 Feb. 2014. Walker, Keith. Personal interview. 11 July 2013. Webb, Marius. Personal interview. 5 Feb. 2013. Whiteley, Sheila. The Space between the Notes: Rock and the Counter-Culture. London: Routledge, 1992. Wiltshire, Kenneth, and Charles Stokes. Government Regulation and the Electronic Commercial Media. Monograph M43. Melbourne: Committee for Economic Development of Australia, 1976. Winter, Chris. Personal interview. 16 Mar. 2013.