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Journal articles on the topic 'Television in politics – Cameroon'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Ngomba, Mbella M., and R. L. Nwafo Nwanko. "The Context of Television Broadcasting in Cameroon." Journal of Black Studies 20, no. 3 (March 1990): 335–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479002000307.

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2

McWilliam, David. "London's Dispossessed: Questioning the Neo-Victorian Politics of Neoliberal Austerity in Richard Warlow's Ripper Street." Victoriographies 6, no. 1 (March 2016): 42–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/vic.2016.0210.

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The moral justification for the rollback of benefits and services under the austerity programme unleashed by George Osborne since 2010, when he was first appointed Chancellor of the Exchequer by British Prime Minister David Cameron, is predicated on a neoliberal ideology that views unemployment and poverty as stemming from personal failings rather than the ways in which the free market has shaped British society since the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. By using Charles Murray's neo-Victorian argument that the welfare state has created a work-shy, antisocial ‘underclass’, neoliberal politicians and journalists have mythologised the Victorian era as one of discipline and stability, providing a model for the sort of society we should aspire once more to be. This article argues that Richard Warlow's television series, Ripper Street (2012 –), in showing the socio-economic causes of crime in late-Victorian London and the need for collective action and state intervention to alleviate them, challenges the construction of the era used to justify neoliberal austerity. It does so through what Ann Heilmann and Mark Llewellyn characterise as one of the defining features of neo-Victorian fiction: its ability to demonstrate the ‘quasi-fictiveness of the Victorians to our own period’, implicitly drawing parallels between the progressive zeal of nineteenth-century social reformers and the anti-austerity movement today.

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3

Lunt, Peter. "The performance of power and citizenship: David Cameron meets the people." International Journal of Cultural Studies 22, no. 5 (July 23, 2019): 678–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367877919849960.

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How do citizens respond to and engage with the performance of political power in the context of mainstream media? Through an analysis of two television programmes aired during the UK Brexit referendum campaign of 2016, a picture emerges of citizenship as the performative disruption of the performance of power. In the programmes the then UK prime minister, David Cameron, met members of the public for a mediated discussion of key issues in the Brexit referendum. Their interactions are analysed here as a confrontation between the performance of citizenship and power reflecting activist modalities of disruptive citizenship played out in the television studio. The article ends with reflections on questions about political agency as individualistic forms of disruptive political autonomy.

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4

Ong, Jonathan Corpus, Elisabeth Staksrud, and George Pleios. "The television of politics, the politics of television." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 4, no. 3 (December 8, 2008): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.4.3.391_3.

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5

Ndumbe, PeterM, and Emmanuel Yenshu. "Cameroon: Vaccination and politics." Lancet 339, no. 8803 (May 1992): 1222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(92)91151-w.

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6

Smyth, Dion. "Politics and palliative care: Cameroon." International Journal of Palliative Nursing 23, no. 10 (October 2, 2017): 518. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/ijpn.2017.23.10.518.

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7

Neveu, Erik. "Politics on French Television." European Journal of Communication 14, no. 3 (September 1999): 379–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323199014003004.

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8

Gurevitch, Michael, and Anandam P. Kavoori. "Television spectacles as politics." Communication Monographs 59, no. 4 (December 1992): 415–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03637759209376284.

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9

Bondebjerg, Ib. "Politics Backstage - Television Documentaries, Politics and Politicians." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 22, no. 40 (September 15, 2006): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v22i40.1316.

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This article deals with "the transformation of visibility" in political discourse on and representation of politics and politicians in resent Dansih television documentaries. Drawing on the theories of Habermas, Meyrowitz and John B. Thompson, it is argued that the political persona on television is moved closer to the individual citizen, creating a sort "mediated quasi-inter- action" giving mediated communication a stronger element of face-to-face interaction. Together with the more pervasive "live" coverage of politics and politicians, this expands media coverage to both the backstage of political processes and the private and personal backstage of politicians, changing the form of democracy and public debate.

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10

Engelstad, Audun. "Watching Politics." Nordicom Review 29, no. 2 (November 1, 2008): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0193.

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Abstract What can fictional television drama tell us about politics? Are political events foremost related to the personal crises and victories of the on-screen characters, or can the events reveal some insights about the decision-making process itself? Much of the writing on popular culture sees the representation of politics in film and television as predominately concerned with how political aspects are played out on an individual level. Yet the critical interest in the successful television series The West Wing praises how the series gives insights into a wide range of political issues, and its depiction of the daily work of the presidential staff. The present article discusses ways of representing (fictional) political events and political issues in serialized television drama, as found in The West Wing, At the King’s Table and The Crown Princess.

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11

Bolin, Göran. "Television Journalism, Politics, and Entertainment." Television & New Media 15, no. 4 (March 13, 2014): 336–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527476414525671.

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12

Daniels, Douglas J. "TELEVISION AND/IN FRENCH POLITICS." Contemporary French Civilization 13, no. 2 (October 1989): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1989.13.2.006.

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13

Peter, Jochen, Holli A. Semetko, and Claes H. de Vreese. "EU Politics on Television News." European Union Politics 4, no. 3 (September 2003): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14651165030043003.

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14

Karel, Thomas A. "Politics and television re-viewed." Government Information Quarterly 3, no. 2 (January 1986): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0740-624x(86)90027-4.

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15

Edwards, Brent, Michael Field, Cameron Bennett, Jon Stephenson, and David Robie. "Journalists at risk: News media perspectives." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 1 (May 1, 2010): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i1.1007.

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On 22 May 2009, Massey University’s Wellington campus hosted many speakers addressing the conference on war reporting jointly organised by the International Committee of the Red Cross. Media speakers included Television New Zealand’s Sunday programme reporter Cameron Bennett; Radio NZ political editor Brent Edwards; Fairfax NZ reporter Michael Field; Fairfax Media editorial development manager Clive Lind; Pacific Media Centre director and AUT University associate professor Dr David Robie; freelance foreign correspondent Jon Stephenson; and Radio NZ International news editor Walter Zweifel. Commentaries, in some cases transcribed from recordings of proceedings, have been abridged. This transcript was compiled by Massey journalism programme lecturer Alan Samson.

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16

Page, Ben, Martin Evans, and Claire Mercer. "Revisiting the Politics of Belonging in Cameroon." Africa 80, no. 3 (August 2010): 345–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2010.0301.

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The article introduces a themed section in the journal on hometown associations in Cameroon. It outlines the impact of ten years’ work in this field and argues that notions of autochthony remain central in understanding Cameroonian politics. However the three articles go on to argue that some of the claims about home, belonging and politics are difficult to reconcile with the hazier reality observed on the ground. The articles aim to disturb any universal, inevitable or overly tidy segue between questions of belonging and claims of political segmentation. Too often the existing literature moves too quickly to an analysis that foregrounds only the worrisome dimensions of a politics of belonging, thus leaving little space for other interpretations. To explore this dilemma the article continues by exploring a land dispute in Bali Nyonga, north-west Cameroon. It shows (1) how ideas of belonging remain central to the practice of politics; (2) how the politics of belonging has changed over time; and (3) how it is possible to foreground an alternative ‘politics of conviviality’, which would otherwise be shaded out by the dominance of the politics of belonging within the literature.

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17

Bile, Olivier. "The Economic Organization of Television in Cameroon: Challenges and Prospects." Theoretical Economics Letters 10, no. 03 (2020): 718–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/tel.2020.103044.

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18

Zeng, Wenna, and Colin Sparks. "Production and politics in Chinese television." Media, Culture & Society 41, no. 1 (April 6, 2018): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443718764785.

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Political pressure and censorship are unavoidable conditions for producing an entertainment show in Chinese TV. The relationships between a production team and the government are, however, extremely complex. Based on participant observation in a TV channel and in-depth interviews with related television professionals, this article analyses the tensions between production and politics in Chinese television. The article argues that a centralized and top-down model fails to capture all the aspects of power relations in television production. A more productive starting point is that television production necessarily involves negotiation between different participants. This article analyses relations between the production team, the central broadcasting authorities and local governments. The production team in this case study utilized different strategies to negotiate with multiple levels of government.

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19

Barraclough, Steven. "Pakistani Television Politics in the 1990s." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 63, no. 2-3 (May 2001): 225–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549201063002008.

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20

Rawlings, H. F. "Impartiality in Television Coverage of Politics." Modern Law Review 48, no. 5 (September 1985): 584–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1985.tb00862.x.

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21

Levine, Elana. "Teaching the Politics of Television Culture in a “Post-television” Era." Cinema Journal 50, no. 4 (2011): 177–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2011.0047.

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22

Delmont, Matt. "“Miserable Women on Television”: Irene McCabe, Television News, and Antibusing Politics." Camera Obscura: Feminism, Culture, and Media Studies 29, no. 3 (2014): 33–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/02705346-2801507.

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23

PETERSON, MARK ALLEN. "Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt:Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt." Visual Anthropology Review 21, no. 1-2 (April 2005): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/var.2005.21.1-2.183.

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24

Edwards, Adrian, and Philip Burnham. "The Politics of Cultural Difference in Northern Cameroon." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no. 3 (September 1999): 483. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2661304.

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25

BREITINGER, ECKHARD. "‘LAMENTATIONS PATRIOTIQUES’: WRITERS, CENSORS AND POLITICS IN CAMEROON." African Affairs 92, no. 369 (October 1993): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098665.

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26

Nyamnjoh, F. B. "Entertaining repression: Music and politics in postcolonial Cameroon." African Affairs 104, no. 415 (April 1, 2005): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi007.

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27

Seaton, Jean. "Politics and television: The case ofyesterday's men." Contemporary British History 10, no. 4 (December 1996): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619469608581417.

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28

Nightingale, Virginia, and Tim Dwyer. "The audience politics of enhanced television formats." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp.2.1.25/1.

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29

Traquina, Nelson. "Portuguese television: the politics of savage deregulation." Media, Culture & Society 17, no. 2 (April 1995): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016344395017002004.

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30

Hoover, Michael. "Tanner ‘88 and the television of politics." New Political Science 15, no. 1-2 (June 1994): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393149408429711.

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31

Barnett, Steven. "Hijacked! - television and politics during the election." British Journalism Review 3, no. 2 (June 1992): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095647489200300204.

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32

BOURDIEU, PIERRE. "Television." European Review 9, no. 3 (July 2001): 245–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000230.

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Television claims to report reality but largely creates its own reality. There is very little autonomy, largely because the competition for ‘market share’ is so intense. The pressure to fill the space is strong; hence, it must be something for everyone. Everyone is looking over their shoulder to see what their rivals are saying; to know what to say, you need to know what everyone else is saying. This leads to homogenization and political conformity. Politics and economics lead to an internal censorship. ‘News’ is selective, favouring the extremes, blood, sex, crime, riots, not what ordinary people experience. Television calls for dramatization and the exaggeration of the importance of events. In debate, the fast, superficial thinker is favoured over the original and profound. Can you refuse to talk on television? There is a desire to be seen that is exploited.

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33

Awasom, Nicodemus Fru. "Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959-1960." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (December 2002): 2–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2002.49.4.2.

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34

Awasom, Nicodemus Fru. "Politics and Constitution-Making in Francophone Cameroon, 1959-1960." Africa Today 49, no. 4 (2002): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0033.

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35

Nyamnjoh, Francis, and Michael Rowlands. "Elite associations and the politics of belonging in Cameroon." Africa 68, no. 3 (July 1998): 320–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161252.

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The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.

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36

Orock, Rogers. "Rumours in war: Boko Haram and the politics of suspicion in French–Cameroon relations." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 4 (December 2019): 563–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000508.

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AbstractCameroon's autocrat, Paul Biya, declared war on Boko Haram in 2014. Using a variety of ethnographic materials, this article examines the politics of rumours and conspiracy theories that have defined the popular response to this war in Cameroon. It underlines the mobilising force of these rumours on intra-elite struggles within the national context as well as on international relations, particularly on French–Cameroon relations. I argue that rumour-mongering is a central mode of production of suspicion in times of war and social crisis. Yet, the current rumours in the wake of the war against Boko Haram in Cameroon are inscribed within a historical framework of a state-directed politics of paranoia that seeks to define ‘enemies of destabilisation’. In the end, this politics of suspicion also works to bring otherwise disaffected Cameroonians to support the autocratic Paul Biya as a victim of foreign plots for regime change in Cameroon.

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37

McBride, Stephanie. "Film & Television: The Politics of 'On Location'." Circa, no. 68 (1994): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25562656.

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38

Gong, Qian. "Ruoyun Bai, Staging Corruption: Chinese Television and Politics,." China Perspectives 2017, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 67–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/chinaperspectives.7500.

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39

Leheny, David, and Ellis S. Krauss. "Broadcasting Politics in Japan: NHK and Television News." Monumenta Nipponica 56, no. 1 (2001): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2668464.

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40

Larabee, Ann. "Editorial: Mapping Television and Politics in Popular Culture." Journal of Popular Culture 50, no. 1 (February 2017): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpcu.12528.

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41

Chu, Yingchi. "Review: Culture, Politics, and Television in Hong Kong." Media International Australia 97, no. 1 (November 2000): 161–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009700124.

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42

Guest, Katie Rose. "Entertaining Politics: New Political Television and Civic Culture." Journal of Popular Culture 38, no. 6 (November 2005): 1111–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5931.2005.00184.x.

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43

Petrie, Duncan. "Ken Loach: the politics of film and television." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 32, no. 3 (September 2012): 473–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2012.699620.

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44

Bertrand, Ina. "The forties: sexual politics in film and television." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 12, no. 3 (January 1992): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439689200260131.

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45

Pye, Lucian W., and Ellis S. Krauss. "Broadcasting Politics in Japan: NHK and Television News." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 4 (2000): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049866.

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46

Freeman, Laurie A., and Ellis S. Krauss. "Broadcasting Politics in Japan: NHK and Television News." Journal of Japanese Studies 28, no. 1 (2002): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126795.

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47

Cardo, Valentina. "Entertaining Politics – New Political Television and Civic Culture." European Journal of Communication 21, no. 3 (September 2006): 414–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323106066689.

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48

Archibald, D. "Ken Loach: the Politics of Film and Television." Screen 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 427–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/hjt025.

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49

Quester, George H. "Coping with transborder penetration: The politics of television." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 3, no. 4 (February 1, 2007): 532–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.4050030404.

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50

Waters, Rob. "Black Power on the Telly: America, Television, and Race in 1960s and 1970s Britain." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 4 (September 2, 2015): 947–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.112.

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AbstractThis paper proposes the importance of television, the televisation of US and British race politics, and the framing of “Black Power” in this television coverage, for race politics in Britain in the late 1960s and early 1970s. British politics and culture was “re-racialized” in the postwar era, and television, for white and black Britons, became a site of racial knowledge, racial identification, and racial dislocation. The rise of television as a central medium of everyday life saw it emerge, too, as a central site for the imagination of community. As critics have long noted, the community imagined in British television programming of this era was overwhelmingly white, and black people were featured most often only as a marker of social difference or social “problems.” Many black Britons, excluded from the national “everyday” as it was constituted on television, and facing increasing institutional and interpersonal racism in daily life, found in coverage of the burgeoning black liberation movements of the United States a useable politics through which to articulate new sites of identification, community, and solidarity. For others, though, coverage of race politics in the United States could be a source of anxiety and alarm. The televisation of US race politics was central to the growth of cultures and politics of radical blackness in Britain, but it also reconstituted the politics of white racism, recasting blackness in Britain as a sign of violence and impending social disorder.

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