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1
Krebs, Julia, Evie A. Malaia, Ronnie B. Wilbur, and Dietmar Roehm. "Visual boundaries in sign motion: processing with and without lip-reading cues." Experiments in Linguistic Meaning 2 (January 27, 2023): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/elm.2.5336.
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Sign languages demonstrate a higher degree of iconicity than spoken languages. Studies on a number of unrelated sign languages show that the event structure of verb signs is reflected in the phonological form of the signs (Wilbur (2008), Malaia & Wilbur (2012), Krebs et al. (2021)). Previous research showed that hearing non-signers (with no prior exposure to sign language) can use the iconicity inherent in the visual dynamics of a verb sign to correctly identify its event structure (telic vs. atelic). In two EEG experiments, hearing non-signers were presented with telic and atelic verb signs unfamiliar to them, which they had to classify in a two-choice lexical decision task in their native language. The first experiment assessed the timeline of neural processing mechanisms in non-signers processing telic/atelic signs without access to lip-reading cues in their native language, to understand the pathways for incorporation of physical perceptual motion features into linguistic processing. The second experiment further probed the impact of visual information provided by lip-reading (speech decoding based on visual information from the face of the speaker, most importantly, the lips) on the processing of telic/atelic signs in non-signers.
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Urrutia, Mabel, Soraya Sanhueza, Hipólito Marrero, Esteban J. Pino, and María Troncoso-Seguel. "Neural Correlates of Telicity in Spanish-Speaking Children with and without Developmental Language Disorder." Children 11, no. 8 (2024): 982. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/children11080982.
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Background: It is broadly acknowledged that children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD) show verb-related limitations. While most previous studies have focused on tense, the mastery of lexical aspect—particularly telicity—has not been the primary focus of much research. Lexical aspect refers to whether an action has a defined endpoint (telic verbs) or not (atelic verbs). Objective: This study investigates the effect of telicity on verb recognition in Chilean children with DLD compared to their typically developing (TD) peers using the Event-Related Potential (ERP) technique. Method: The research design is a mixed factorial design with between-group factors of 2 (DLD/TD) and within-group factors of 2 (telic/atelic verbs) and 2 (coherent/incoherent sentences). The participants were 36 school-aged children (18 DLD, 18 TD) aged 7 to 7 years and 11 months. The task required subjects to listen to sentences that either matched or did not match an action in a video, with sentences including telic or atelic verbs. Results: The study found notable differences between groups in how they processed verbs (N400 and post-N400 components) and direct objects (N400 and P600 components). Conclusions: Children with DLD struggled to differentiate telic and atelic verbs, potentially because they employed overgeneralization strategies consistent with the Event Structural Bootstrapping model.
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Kushariputri, Nailla Shahifah Rahmadiva, Beny Alam, and Imron Hadi. "Dynamic Verbs in Peaky Blinders Season 1." Jurnal Bahasa Asing 17, no. 1 (2024): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.58220/jba.v17i1.72.
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The need to be able to understand what other people convey is very important for humans as social beings. Humans communicate through words that have forms and meanings that contain ideas, intentions, or emotions. This research was written to find out the meaning in the form of an action of a word form, namely a dynamic verb when it is associated with the whole sentence. Dynamic verbs and their types that will be analyzed are taken from the popular series, Peaky Blinders Season 1 Episode 1 and Episode 2. The writer took thirty data to be the object of the analysis. The qualitative method is the method used in the preparation of this study based on Saeed (2016) who divides dynamic verbs into four types namely, durative-punctual and telic-atelic as the main theory. The findings were: three data were declared as durative-atelic with a percentage of 10%, ten data were declared as punctual-telic with a percentage of 33.3%, and seventeen data were declared as durative-telic with a percentage of 56.7%. There are three positions from the findings, namely durative-telic as the most type, punctual-telic in the middle position, and durative-atelic as the least.
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Najmudin, Onin, та Nandang Rahmat. "TELISITAS VERBA MAJEMUK –KOMU (―込む) PADA BAHASA JEPANG". Makna: Jurnal Kajian Komunikasi, Bahasa, dan Budaya 2, № 2 (2017): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33558/makna.v2i2.791.
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A telic event refers to an event with an endpoint whereas an atelic event is one that has no endpoint from compound verb of V1+komu. This research aimed to identify telicity or the existence of endpoint of compound verb of V1+komu. Related to its telicity, compound verb of V1+komu consists of two; thematic compound verb and aspectual compound verb. Thematic V1+komu compound verb is one that its telicity is defined by komu verb that adds its objective meaning toward V1, giving telic meaning to V1+komu compound verb. On the other hand, aspectual V1+komu is an atelic compound verb as komu verb as V2 does not add any aspectual meaning
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Strickland, Brent, Carlo Geraci, Emmanuel Chemla, Philippe Schlenker, Meltem Kelepir, and Roland Pfau. "Event representations constrain the structure of language: Sign language as a window into universally accessible linguistic biases." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112, no. 19 (2015): 5968–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1423080112.
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According to a theoretical tradition dating back to Aristotle, verbs can be classified into two broad categories. Telic verbs (e.g., “decide,” “sell,” “die”) encode a logical endpoint, whereas atelic verbs (e.g., “think,” “negotiate,” “run”) do not, and the denoted event could therefore logically continue indefinitely. Here we show that sign languages encode telicity in a seemingly universal way and moreover that even nonsigners lacking any prior experience with sign language understand these encodings. In experiments 1–5, nonsigning English speakers accurately distinguished between telic (e.g., “decide”) and atelic (e.g., “think”) signs from (the historically unrelated) Italian Sign Language, Sign Language of the Netherlands, and Turkish Sign Language. These results were not due to participants' inferring that the sign merely imitated the action in question. In experiment 6, we used pseudosigns to show that the presence of a salient visual boundary at the end of a gesture was sufficient to elicit telic interpretations, whereas repeated movement without salient boundaries elicited atelic interpretations. Experiments 7–10 confirmed that these visual cues were used by all of the sign languages studied here. Together, these results suggest that signers and nonsigners share universally accessible notions of telicity as well as universally accessible “mapping biases” between telicity and visual form.
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Rastelli, Stefano, and Mirta Vernice. "Developing actional competence and the building blocks of telicity in L2 Italian." iral 51, no. 1 (2013): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/iral-2013-0003.
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Abstract The Aspect Hypothesis assumes that – in early interlanguages – the perfective past spreads from telic to atelic verbs because events occuring in the past are easier to be associated with predicates having an inherent endpoint in their lexico-conceptual representation. In this study it is questioned whether for initial L2ers knowing the general meaning of a verb entails knowing also its actional template and that learners have innate principles that drive them to distinguish telic and atelic verbs from scratch. Data from our experiment of prompted narrative suggest that L1 English, L2 Italian tutored learners – although having knowledge of some telic verbs of motion – prefer to use the underspecified <italic>andare</italic> `go' and to build telicity compositionally. The overuse of most frequent and “basic verbs” and the promotion of adjuncts to the rank of real arguments is a challenge for both the Aspect Hypothesis and the parametric view to the acquisition of the tense-aspect system in a second language.
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Gulgowski, Piotr. "Resultative and goal phrases in Polish and English: Interaction with aspect." Questions and Answers in Linguistics 1, no. 1 (2013): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qal-2015-0001.
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Abstract The article examines the interaction of resultative and goal phrases with aspect in Polish and English. The first research problem concerns the ability of resultative and goal phrases to aspectually delimit (telicize) an atelic predicate. Data from English shows that resultative and goal phrases systematically make an atelic predicate telic in non-progressive sentences, but they fail to do so in progressive constructions. In Polish, imperfective (atelic) constructions can never be aspectually delimited by such phrases. It is argued that resultative and goal phrases lose their telicizing potential when in the scope of an aspectual functional head Asp specified as [-telic]. This is the case in English progressive and Polish imperfective sentences. The Asp head is able to override the telicity specification established compositionally within VP. The Asp head in Polish is obligatory and the value of its telicity feature ([+telic] for perfective and [-telic] for imperfective) is responsible for the interpretation of the VP selected by Asp as a complement. In English such projection is optional. When it is absent, the telicity of a predicate can be computed from the default aspectual type of the lexical verb combined with other elements inside VP, including resultative and goal phrases. A related problem also addressed in the article concerns the meaning of progressive / imperfective resultative and goal constructions. The problem is presented as part of a larger task of finding a proper analysis for accomplishment predicates combined with a progressive / imperfective operator. The proposed solution is based on the notion of directionality. It is suggested that resultative and goal constructions denote a process of some entity changing in the ‘direction’ of a new state. When the process is understood as having a culmination, the ‘direction’ of the transition indicates a new state actually holding of the entity undergoing transition. When a progressive / imperfective operator is introduced, it can remove the culmination leaving just the directed-transition process. A formalization of this analysis is provided.
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Malaia, Evie, and Ronnie B. Wilbur. "Kinematic Signatures of Telic and Atelic Events in ASL Predicates." Language and Speech 55, no. 3 (2011): 407–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0023830911422201.
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Khatri, Vijay, Sudha Ram, Richard T. Snodgrass, and Paolo Terenziani. "Capturing Telic/Atelic Temporal Data Semantics: Generalizing Conventional Conceptual Models." IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering 26, no. 3 (2014): 528–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tkde.2012.74.
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Terenziani, Paolo, Richard T. Snodgrass, Alessio Bottrighi, Mauro Torchio, and Gianpaolo Molino. "Extending temporal databases to deal with telic/atelic medical data." Artificial Intelligence in Medicine 39, no. 2 (2007): 113–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.artmed.2006.08.003.
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Stephany, Ursula, and Maria Voeikova. "On the early development of aspect in Greek and Russian child language, a comparative analysis." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 211–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.177.
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The category of aspect is grammaticized in both Greek and Russian opposing perfective and imperfective verb forms in all inflectional categories except the nonpast (‘present’). Despite these similarities there are important differences in the way the aspectual systems function in the two languages. While in Greek nearly all verbs oppose a perfective to a given imperfective grammatical form, Russian aspect is more strongly lexicalized with pairs of imperfective and perfective lexemes not only differing aspectually, but also as far as their lexical meanings are concerned. This is especially true of perfective verbs formed by prefixes as compared to their imperfective bases. Thus, in pairs of prefixed and unprefixed dynamic verbs, the derived prefixed (perfective) member has a telic meaning while its unprefixed (imperfective) counterpart is atelic (e.g. sjest’ (PFV) ‘to eat up’ vs. jest’ (IPF) ‘to eat’). Such derived perfective verbs may in turn be “secondarily” imperfectivized by suffixation furnishing the only “true” perfective/imperfective pairs of verbs (e.g. sjest’ (PFV) ‘to eat up’ vs. sjedat’ (IPF) ‘to eat up’ (iterative)). “Secondary” imperfectives do not occur in our child data.
 
 In this pilot study, we will analyze the tense-aspect-mood forms of the 20 most frequent verbs with equivalent meanings occurring in the longitudinal audiotaped data of a Greek and a Russian boy between 2;1 and 2;3 (their entire lexical inventories comprise approx. 100 verbs each).
 
 We adopt a constructivist perspective on the development of aspect in Greek and Russian child language and will show that in spite of a broad inventory of imperfective and perfective verb forms to be found in the speech of both children aspect has not yet developed into a generalized grammatical category, but is strongly dependent on aktionsart (stative/dynamic, telic/atelic) in both languages. While this results in a strong preference for perfective verb forms of telic verbs and of imperfective forms of atelic ones in the speech of the Greek boy, the Russian child tends to use the unmarked members.
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Gabriele, Alison. "Deriving meaning through context: Interpreting bare nominals in second language Japanese." Second Language Research 26, no. 3 (2010): 379–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658310365783.
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Previous studies on the second language acquisition of telicity have suggested that learners can use morphosyntactic cues to interpret sentences as telic or atelic even in cases where the cues differ in the first language (L1) and second language (L2) (Slabakova, 2001, 2005; Gabriele, 2008; Kaku et al., 2008a, 2008b). The present study extends this line of research by focusing on a case in which learners cannot rely on morphosyntactic cues in order to reach the appropriate aspectual interpretation. We examine the acquisition of telicity by English-speaking learners of Japanese, focusing on how learners interpret bare count nouns such as kaado ‘card’ that obligatorily display count noun morphosyntax in English. In Japanese, a bare noun such as kaado is ambiguous with respect to number and therefore a verb phrase such as kaado-o kakimashita ‘wrote card’ can be interpreted as either telic ‘wrote the cards’ or atelic ‘wrote cards’ depending on the context. The results of two studies with both intermediate (Study 1: n = 38; Study 2: n = 38) and advanced (Study 1: n = 7; Study 2: n = 10) learners of Japanese show that there are learners at both levels of proficiency that have difficulty with the interpretation of bare count nouns and assign an exclusively telic reading to a verb phrase such as kaado-o kakimashita ‘wrote card’. We argue that this interpretation is due to the boundedness of count nouns in L1 English and propose that a retreat from negative transfer is difficult when there is variability in the native speaker input and when meaning has to be derived from context in the absence of morphosyntactic cues.
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Rech, Núbia. "A formação de construções resultativas no português brasileiro." Cadernos de Estudos Lingüísticos 49, no. 1 (2011): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/cel.v49i1.8637248.
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This paper aims mainly at investigating if there is the formation of resultative constructions with simple adjective in Brazilian Portuguese, since researchers disagree on the existence of these constructions in Romance Languages. To start this discussion, first I make a distinction between resultative, depictive and circumstantial constructions. Then, I relate some of their main characteristics, testing how they appear in sentences written in Brazilian Portuguese. Afterwards, I propose an extension of Folli and Ramchand (2001)’s analysis on the Portuguese. These authors use a structure of verb phrase that consists of three different projections, each one consisting in a subpart of the event: Cause, Process and Result. My hypothesis about the Brazilian Portuguese is that the verbs of causative alternation – as they imply change of state – are the head of Result projection and have as their complement an adjective small clause (SC), whose predicate indicates the telic aspect of event, forming a resultative construction. Following this perspective of analysis, I study the possibility of formation of adjective resultatives with atelic and telic verbs that admit causative alternation. I also approach – although briefly – other types of constructions that express results, whose secondary predicates are, respectively, a complex adjective phrase, a PP or a DP. In this paper, only the constructions resulting from verbal actions are considered. Thus, goal of motion constructions – in which prepositions indicate the following of movement and its ending – and resultative constructions with causative verbs are not considered. The results show that there are not resultative constructions in the Brazilian Portuguese equivalent to those found in Germanic Languages, in which an atelic verb becomes a telic verb by adding a resultative secondary predicate to the sentence.
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Willim, Ewa. "On inchoative states. Evidence from modification of Polish perfective psych verbs by degree quantifiers." Questions and Answers in Linguistics 3, no. 2 (2016): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qal-2016-0008.
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AbstractThe special properties that psych(ological) verbs manifest cross-linguistically have given rise to on-going debates in syntactic and semantic theorizing. Regarding their lexical aspect classification, while verbal psych predicates with the Experiencer argument mapped onto the subject (SE psych predicates) have generally been analyzed as stative, there is little agreement on what kinds of eventualities object Experiencer (OE) psych predicates describe. On the stative reading, OE psych predicates have been classified as atelic causative states. On the (non-agentive) eventive reading, they have been widely analyzed as telic change of state predicates and classified as achievements or as accomplishments. Based on Polish, Rozwadowska (2003, 2012) argues that nonagentive eventive OE psych predicates in the perfective aspect denote an onset of a state and that they are atelic rather than telic. This paper offers further support for the view that Polish perfective psych verbs do not denote a change of state, i.e., a transition from α to ¬α. The evidence is drawn from verbal comparison and the distribution of the comparative degree quantifier jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’ in perfective psych predicates. It is argued here that in contexts including jeszcze bardziej ‘even more’, the perfective predication denotes an onset of a state whose degree of intensity exceeds the comparative standard. While a degree quantifier attached to the VP in the syntax contributes a differential measure function that returns a (vague) value representing the degree to which the intensity of the Experiencer’s state exceeds the comparative standard in the event, it does not affect the event structure of the perfective verb and it does not provide the VP denotation it modifies with a final endpoint. As the perfective picks the onset of an upper open state, perfective psych predicates typically give rise to an atelic interpretation.
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Beliën, Maaike. "Dutch impersonal passives." Linguistics in the Netherlands 33 (December 14, 2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/avt.33.01bel.
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Abstract Dutch impersonal passives are often considered to be only compatible with atelic volitional verbs, such as werken ‘work’, lachen ‘laugh’, and zwemmen ‘swim’. Two recent corpus studies, however, argue that a wider range of verbs is compatible with the construction, presenting examples of attested impersonal passives with telic and non-volitional verbs. This paper lends further support to this view, by providing an exploratory study of the frequencies of different intransitive verbs appearing in the construction, as well as a discussion of the telicity of attested impersonal passives with vallen ‘fall’ and sterven ‘die’. The paper concludes that also with these telic non-volitional verbs, the impersonal passive merely conveys the occurrence of the type of act described by the verb, without specifying whether this occurrence is constituted by a single or multiple events, or whether it involves one or more participants.
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Chiravate, Boonjeera. "The Roles of L1 and Lexical Aspect in the Acquisition of Tense-Aspect by Thai Learners of English." English Language Teaching 11, no. 8 (2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/elt.v11n8p111.
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Investigating the L2 temporality, most previous studies within the Aspect Hypothesis framework focused on the basic meanings or prototypical uses of past morphology. The present study, however, including other less prototypical uses of past morphology, addresses 2 questions: (i) how the uses of simple past and past progressive morphology change as learners become more proficient in their target language; (ii) to what extent lexical aspectual class and L1 influence the uses of simple past and past progressive morphology. Using a cloze test as an elicitation task, this study analyzes data from 5 groups of Thai EFL learners at different proficiency levels. Results show that learners use past morphology more accurately as their L2 proficiency levels increase. The tense-aspect marking was, however, affected by lexical aspectual class. Learners first use simple past form on telic verbs, eventually extending its use to atelic verbs. The progressive form, on other hand, begins with atelic verbs and then extends to telic verbs. All learner groups, however, exhibit a higher rate of appropriate use of past morphology in the more prototypical uses than in the less prototypical uses. Additionally, L1 plays an important role in the tense-aspect marking. Learners at different proficiency levels, however, use different L1-influenced forms, suggesting that L1 influence is constrained by L2 development. Contributing to the body of research on L2 tense-aspect, this study shed light on the nature of difficulty learners experience in developing L2 tense-aspect system.
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Kątny, Andrzej. "Zur Darstellung der Tempora in ausgewählten Grammatiken des Deutschen." Studia Germanica Posnaniensia, no. 38 (June 25, 2018): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sgp.2017.38.07.
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The meaning of past tenses is presented in various grammars in different ways. It was especially the hypothesis of the aspect-oriented meaning of Perfekt tense that has been paid attention to; its supporters claim that German Perfekt and Plusquamperfekt tenses express the meaning of completed action. The analysis of works of scholars has proved that the basic meaning of Perfekt tense is expressing the concept of anteriority. In the following part a few grammars have been presented. Their authors analysed the meaning of Perfekt tense having discussed telic and atelic verbs.
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Tatevosov, Sergei. "Actionality across (sub)paradigms." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 74, no. 3-4 (2021): 561–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1045.
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Abstract This paper explores the verbal system of Tundra Nenets and offers a partition of the entire set of derivationally minimal verbs into actional classes, which include stative, process, inceptive-stative, ingressive-atelic, durative and punctual telic, durative and punctual ingressive, and bi-telic verbs. This classification is established in a bottom-up manner, starting from the lowest level of actional interpretations of individual subparadigms of a verb. As a result, 18 subparadigmatic classes are established. At the next stage, an actional characteristic is assigned to the entire paradigm and the 18 subparadigmatic classes are reduced to seven actional macroclasses. However, at the paradigmatic level, one discovers that for certain types of verbs actional information available paradigm-internally does not suffice. To recover the missing information, one needs to examine derivationally related lexical items that realize semantic configurations unavailable paradigm-internally. This paradigm-external perspective leads to the recognition of cross-paradigmatic actional characteristics assigned to groups of derivationally related verbs.
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Jeschull, Liane. "What particle verbs have to do with grammatical aspect in early child English." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.172.
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The current study investigates the relation between aspect and particle verbs in the acquisition of English. Its purpose is to determine whether children associate telicity, as argued in previous studies, or rather perfectivity, which entails completion of a telic situation, with their early particle verb use. The study analyzes naturalistic data of four monolingual children between 1;6 and 3;8 from CHILDES acquiring English as their first language. On the one hand, it finds that children use both –ed and irregular perfective morphology with simplex verbs before particle verbs. They further use imperfective before perfective morphology with particle verbs. These findings suggest that there is no correlation between telic particle verbs and perfective morphology, as would have been predicted on an account which claims that lexical aspect of predicates guides the acquisition of grammatical aspect (Olsen & Weinberg 1999). On the other hand, the study finds that the children’s particle verbs denote telic situations from early on, but not half of them were used to refer to situations that are also completed. This finding questions analyses which claim that, at an initial stage, children will only interpret predicates as telic if they refer to situations that are at the same time completed. Completion information is not necessary for children in order to use particle verbs correctly for telic situations, as would have been predicted on an extended account along the lines of Wagner (2001). As a conclusion, it is suggested that the divergent findings result from a difference in methodology. While restrictions of perfective and imperfective morphology to particular classes of lexical aspect pertain to the production of grammatical aspect morphology, perfective and imperfective viewpoints on situations pertain to the level of interpretation of telic and atelic situations.
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Breu, Walter. "Actionality and the degree of temporal dynamics." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 74, no. 3-4 (2021): 435–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2021-1041.
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Abstract The interaction of lexical actionality with grammatical aspect is explained in a comprehensive system, based on the “degree of temporal dynamics” of simple and complex actional classes and of the various functions, expressed by aspect grammemes (extended ILA model, focus aspect). Then a new conceptualization of less frequent aspect phenomena is presented. A novelty is the differentiation of focus aspect from status aspect, characterized by habitualization and the transformation of telic events into atelic activities. Argument structures are claimed to be responsible for class changes, especially with respect to the incorporative (INCO) class, combining activity, telicity and a subsequent state.
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CHOI, Jiyoung. "On the lexical meaning of inchoative states in Korean." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 47, no. 2 (2018): 198–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-04702003.
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AbstractThis paper aims to investigate the lexical meaning of so-called inchoative states (INSs) in Korean that do not fit into Vendler (1967)’s aspectual classification, in that they show properties of both atelic (states) and telic (change-of-state) predicates. Building on Bar-el (2005), this paper proposes that INSs in Korean are semantically complex predicates describing a sequence of two events, one that is a change-of-state an achievement would describe, immediately followed by a second that is an eventuality a typical state would describe. This paper also provides an analysis of INSs accounting for their temporal properties.
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Sikora, Dorota. "L’adverbial en X temps, est-il vraiment un test de télicité ?" Adverbes et compléments adverbiaux / Adverbs and adverbial complements 36, no. 2 (2013): 276–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.36.2.06sik.
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The French adverbial PP en X temps is often considered telicity test. The present paper address the question of its reliability : how can we be sure that a VP is telic as long as it is compatible with en X temps ? Corpus data investigated in the article provide evidence that the supposed telicity test often appears in clearly atelic contexts. Further investigation of the linguistic features of the PP under analysis in such contexts leads to the conclusion that there is no reason to rise the adverbial clause en X temps to the rank of telicity test.
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Bril, Isabelle. "Lexical restrictions on grammatical relations in voice constructions (Northern Amis)." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 75, no. 1 (2022): 21–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2022-1048.
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Abstract Amis (Austronesian, Taiwan) displays a rich, partly symmetrical voice system and a split case-marking pattern which are selected and restricted by (i) verb classes whose basic diathesis correlates with semantic properties such as activities versus states, and (ii) by Aktionsart features (i.e., atelic activities versus telic accomplishment and achievements), which also denote degrees of patient affectedness. Referential features such as patient definiteness, and semantic features such as agent’s animacy and intentionality also bear on voice selection. This voice system offers alternate ways of encoding arguments within a bipartite case-marking pattern; it also promotes peripheral, non-core arguments to subject function via applicative voice constructions.
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Musan, Renate. "Zur Semantik von werden: ist prädikatives werden transitional?" ZAS Papers in Linguistics 14 (January 1, 1999): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.14.1999.15.
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The paper addresses the longstanding question of whether the copular verb "werden" ('become') is a transitional, i.e. telic, or a nontransitional, i.e. atelic, verb, or verb that is unspecified with regard to telicity. By means of standard tests and historical considerations, it is argued that the verb is telic and refers to accomplishment situations. Nevertheless, there are two types of copular "werden"-clauses with regard to which this view may seem questionable at first sight. First, some "werden"-clauses appear to refer to achievements. This, however, is not a matter concerning the semantics of werden. Rather, the crucial cases are accidentally instantaneous because their predicative complements are absolute predicates. Hence, they do not allow for extended transitions from one state to another. Second, some other "werden"-clauses, expecially those with comparative complements, sometimes appear to refer to processes. However "werden" combined with a comparatival adjective can be shown to be able to refer to clear accomplishment situations. The process-effect is due to a common phenomenon of reinterpretation that leads to iterative transitions between degrees.
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Reznikova, Tatiana I. "On the Development of an Abstract Meaning: Verbs of Doing and Making in a Diachronic Perspective." Izvestiia Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. Seriia literatury i iazyka 81, no. 5 (2022): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s160578800022746-6.
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The paper discusses the process of semantic generalization, i.e. semantic evolution from a more concrete to a more abstract meaning. We focus on the development of verbs of doing as evidenced by available etymological data of Germanic, Slavic, Turkic, Semitic and some other languages. The general line of this development goes from the idea of creating a certain type of objects (cf. ‘cook’) via a more general meaning of any action that results in creation of a new entity (cf. Engl. make) to the expression of any telic action and then to a verb of any (including atelic) agentive activity. This evolution is challenging from a theoretical standpoint since it exhibits a complex interaction between metonymic and metaphorical mechanisms of semantic change.
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Salvà i Puig, Sebastià. "Past Participle Agreement in Majorcan Catalan: the Relevance of Inner Aspect." Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics 6, no. 1 (2017): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/1.6.1.4101.
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This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object in situ (PPAOIS) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states —except for certain telic dynamic constructions built with Kiparsky (1998) and Jaque’s (2014) high pure stative verbs—, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects bounded by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPAOIS to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc[uq][uϕ]), related to so-called inner aspect, must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double Agree relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [uϕ] features valued. It is also explored the possibility that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPAOIS follows. Moreover, PPAOIS will be only materialised if a pro object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position —similar to the AgrO projection proposed by Kayne (1989).
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Li, Wenchao. "A Scale Structure View of Resultatives in Japanese, Chinese and German." International Journal of Linguistics 7, no. 5 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v7i5.8117.
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<p class="1"><span lang="X-NONE">This paper provides a scale-based semantics for resultatives in Japanese, Chinese and German, in an effort to arrive at: how adjectival complements and verbs in resultative constructions show sensitivity to the scalar structure. The findings reveal that Japanese accepts both open and closed-scale adjectives but disallows atelic verbs in resultatives. It appears that both telic and atelic verbs are welcome by Chinese resultatives. Adjectival complements in German resultatives are of no diverse distribution, i.e. both open and closed-scale APs are allowed to indicate a result in inherent resultatives and derived resultatives. </span><span lang="X-NONE">However, German verbs show sensitivity to the scalar property. The conclusion that one can draw here is that Japanese tends to be a </span><span lang="X-NONE">‘BECOME-focused’ language, with the encoding of resutlatives arriving at morph-syntactic level. </span><span lang="X-NONE">German, on the other hand, is likely to be a ‘BE AT-focused’ language. There is no restriction towards adjectives, but verbs show sensitivity to the scalar structure. Chinese is also a ‘BE AT-focused’ language, with resultatives mainly facilitated via syntax. Moreover, neither verbs nor adjectives are sensitive to the scalar structure. </span></p>
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Arkadiev, Peter. "From transitivity to aspect: the causative-inchoative alternation and its extensions in Lithuanian." Baltic Linguistics 4 (December 31, 2013): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.32798/bl.409.
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This paper proposes a unified treatment of two important types of morphosemantic correlations involving Lithuanian verbs forming their present stem with nasal infix or suffix -st: the causative/inchoative correlation of the type kilti ‘rise’ (intransitive) vs. kelti ‘raise’ (transitive) and the purely aspectual (actional) correlation of the type verkti ‘weep’ (atelic process) vs. pravirkti ‘start weeping’ (telic achievement), involving mostly intransitive verbs differing as process/state vs. event and not affecting their argument structure. It is argued that the latter correlation, despite having been largely neglected in the literature, is even more widespread in Lithuanian than the former. It is argued that the aspectual correlation has undergone extension in the more recent history of Lithuanian, and a diachronic scenario is outlined accounting for the semantic and morphological links between the older transitivity alternation and the newer actional alternation.
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Hwang, Hyunmi. "A Study on the Factors Affecting the Interpretation of the Telicity in the ‘atelic adverb+telic verb’ Constructions." Journal of Language Sciences 28, no. 3 (2021): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.14384/kals.2021.28.3.187.
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Terenziani, P., and R. T. Snodgrass. "Reconciling point-based and interval-based semantics in temporal relational databases: a treatment of the telic/atelic distinction." IEEE Transactions on Knowledge and Data Engineering 16, no. 5 (2004): 540–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tkde.2004.1277816.
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Tracy-Ventura, Nicole, and Jhon A. Cuesta Medina. "Can native-speaker corpora help explain L2 acquisition of tense and aspect?" Tense and aspect in Second Language Acquisition and Learner Corpus Research 4, no. 2 (2018): 277–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijlcr.17001.tra.
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Abstract This study investigates the distributional patterns of verb form frequencies in the Spanish past tense (the Preterit and the Imperfect) in the Corpus del Español (Davies, 2002). Following a usage-based approach, we examine the potential influence of input frequency as a driving factor in L2 learning. Results provide support for the existence of a distributional bias in L1 Spanish, with several telic predicates more often occurring in the Preterit and several atelic predicates in the Imperfect. Results also demonstrate that the distribution of verbs in the Preterit and the Imperfect is Zipfian, with the most frequent verbs overall accounting for the majority of all the tokens. Finally, an analysis of the different meanings of the Imperfect demonstrates clear differences in frequency of use with the continuous meaning as the most frequently expressed meaning, followed by habituality and progressivity. Implications for research and teaching are discussed.
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Gulgowski, Piotr, Joanna Błaszczak, and Veranika Puhacheuskaya. "The influence of aspect on the countability of Polish deverbal nominalizations: Evidence from an acceptability rating study." Zeitschrift für Sprachwissenschaft 40, no. 1 (2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfs-2020-2014.
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Abstract The paper presents the results of a study investigating a possible influence of the viewpoint (perfective vs. imperfective) and lexical (telic vs. atelic) aspect of Polish verbs on the countability of eventive nominalizations (substantiva verbalia) derived from these verbs. Polish substantiva verbalia preserve many properties of the base verbs, including the eventive meaning and aspectual morphology. Native speakers of Polish rated the acceptability of nominalizations in count and mass contexts. An effect of both viewpoint and lexical aspect was found in mass contexts, where aspectually delimited (perfective, accomplishment) nominalizations were less acceptable than non-delimited (imperfective, state) nominalizations. In count contexts, only an effect of the lexical aspect was clearly present, with accomplishment nominalizations being more acceptable than state nominalizations. The nominalizations were overall rated as more natural in mass than count constructions, regardless of the aspect. The results indicate that aspect plays a role in establishing the countability of a word, but it does not fully determine it.
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Delidaki, Sophia, and Spyridoula Varlokosta. "Testing the aspect first hypothesis: a preliminary investigation into the comprehension of tense in child Greek." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.169.
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Crosslinguistic research on the production of tense morphology in child language has shown that young children use past or perfective forms mainly with telic predicates and present or imperfective forms mainly with atelic predicates. However, this pattern, which has come to be known as the Aspect First Hypothesis, has been challenged in a number of comprehension studies. These studies suggest that children do not rely on aspectual information for their interpretation of tense morphology. The present paper tests the validity of the Aspect First Hypothesis in child Greek by investigating Greek-speaking children’s early comprehension of present, past and future tense morphology as well as the role that lexical aspect plays in the early use of tense morphology. It is suggested that although Greek-speaking children have not yet fully mapped the tense concepts to the correct tense morphology, tense acquisition does not seem to be significantly affected by the aspectual characteristics (i.e. the telicity) of the verb.
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Felfe, Marc. "Marcello lächelt sein Mastroianni-Lächeln." Zeitschrift für germanistische Linguistik 46, no. 3 (2018): 355–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zgl-2018-0023.
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Abstract Sentences with a cognate object typically consist of an intransitive activity verb, its subject NP and a second NP in the accusative. Its nominal core is typically derived as nomen actionis and/or nomen acti from the verb. Essential questions are: How are cognate objects licensed? What role do they play in verbal activity? Which nouns and which verbs come into question? Can the reading of cognitive objects be predicted as an event or object? In this paper I will propose a constructional grammatical analysis. Different readings of the cognate object as well as the temporal constitution as a telic or atelic situation are explained within the construction by compositional processes. These are essentially analyzed as a transfer of the nominal reference mode to the entire VP. The nominal reference method also results from compositional processes within the NP. An important focus of the analysis is on overrides and adjustments (coercion) in case of semantic conflicts.
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Han, Mengna, and Soyoung Park. "A Study on Teaching Past Adnominal Endings -un/ten/essten for Chinese Learners of Korean." Korean Society of Bilingualism 84 (September 30, 2021): 393–416. https://doi.org/10.17296/korbil.2021..84.393.
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The purpose of this paper is to suggest an effective education method of past tense adnominal endings such as-eun/ten/essten for Chinese learners of Korean, based on a survey of their usage patterns. Despite that the endings are taught at a fairly early stage of Korean education, it is a challenging task for Chinese learners to fully master their complicated distributions. This paper presents a systematic paradigm regarding the semantics of the endings, which vary majorly depending on aspectual properties of their combined predicates. Chinese learners showed relatively poor achievements when the endings are intended to have imperfective, simple past, and perfective meanings, and also when combined with state, psychological, and accomplishment predicates. Based on these results, it is emphasized that learners should be taught each realized meaning of the endings, in close relation to whether their combined predicates are telic or atelic, and that the mutual replacability of the endings should be explicitly instructed to learners.
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Levitskaya, Alina A. "General Effective Aktionsart in the Modern Ossetian Language (Compared with Russian)." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 3 (June 20, 2023): 56–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v263.
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In the functional-semantic field of aspectuality in the modern Ossetian language, one of its most actionally expressive components is effective Aktionsarten: general effective and special effective. This paper studied verbs with the fæ- prefix, which marks, along with special effective Aktionsarten, verbs of general effective Aktionsarten. The most productive in the formation of the latter in the Ossetian language, just like in Russian, are telic verbs of certain lexico-semantic groups that form variants of the general effective Aktionsart. Verbs with the fæ- prefix have a richer palette of actional shades than verbs with other prefixes, deriving effective Aktionsarten from both telic and atelic verbs. In addition, prefixed forms with fæ- act as functional translation equivalents of Russian verbs containing the idea of effectiveness in certain aspectual and aspectual-temporal forms, namely: in the perfective subtype of the generalized-actual type of use of the imperfective aspect; in the total subtype of the concrete-actual type of use of the perfective aspect; in the present tense in the meaning of irrelevant abstract tense, in the descriptive and commenting subtypes, as well as in the meaning of habituality/usuality. A comparison of all types of use of Ossetian verbs with the fæ- prefix with their Russian translations and functional translation equivalents reveals a similar perception of the same facts of objective reality by speakers of the two languages. In addition, it allows us to establish differences in describing the progression and distribution of an effective action in time and, thereby, fill in some gaps in the comparative Ossetian-Russian aspectology.
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Hu, Suhua. "The split word orders APV and PAV of Nuosu Yi." Asian Languages and Linguistics 2, no. 1 (2021): 36–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/alal.20011.hu.
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Abstract Nuosu Yi is a Tibeto-Burman (henceforth TB) language lacking sufficient core case markers. Depending on the telicity and aspectuality of the predicates, its basic word order splits into APV and rigid PAV. To be specific, the atelic and/or imperfective predicates are APV, while the telic predicates indicated by the resultativity or perfect aspect are PAV. This paper describes the semantics and syntax of the syntactic PAV and APV of Nuosu Yi thoroughly; and compares them to other TB languages in terms of role marking strategies. I propose that the conditions of split word order in Nuosu Yi are on a par with those of the split ergativity encoded by the morphological marking in Tibetan and some other TB languages; namely, the rigid PAV corresponds to the ergative alignment, and the rigid APV corresponds to the accusative alignment. The study will deepen Nuosu Yi’s morpho-syntax study and show the word order diversity to the studies of linguistic typology. Additionally, the study sheds light on the possibility of extending the definition of ergativity and its potential counterpart.
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Beké, Len. "Y luego se pintan patrás…" Spanish in Context 15, no. 1 (2018): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sic.00006.bek.
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Abstract The expanded use of patrás is among the most salient features of US Spanish and commonly attributed to English influence. For Lipski (1986), it constitutes a syntactic calque from English constructions with back; Otheguy (1999) maintains it shows cultural but not linguistic influence; Villa (2005, 2010) ascribes patrás to grammaticalization processes internal to Spanish. Previous studies lack a detailed account of the semantics of the spatial adverbial in its historical and contemporary usage. Applying Talmy’s (1983) typology of motion events to corpus data, this paper traces a grammaticalization path for patrás from its historical use to its contemporary use in Nuevomexicano Spanish. Patrás has shifted from primarily atelic backwards motion meanings to primarily telic return meanings. This shift is evident across Germanic languages for adverbs deriving from the noun back and in the Romance prefix re- from Latin adverb retro. This study proposes contact with English led to an increased frequency of satellite-framed constructions in Nuevomexicano Spanish, creating the frequency conditions for innovations in the form and meaning of para atrás to conventionalize and lead to systematic linguistic change.
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Martínez Vera, Gabriel. "Revisiting aspectual se in Spanish: telicity, statives, and maximization." Linguistic Review 39, no. 1 (2022): 159–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tlr-2021-2084.
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Abstract This paper addresses aspectual se in Spanish. Building on the previous analyses that have been proposed in the literature to account for constructions with aspectual se that mainly focus on the syntax of these (see, e.g., MacDonald, Jonathan E. 2017. Spanish aspectual se as an indirect object reflexive: The import of atelicity, bare nouns, and leísta PCC repairs. Probus. International Journal of Romance Linguistics 29(1). 73–118), this paper provides a semantic account that makes explicit (i) why dynamic predicates must be telic in the presence of se, and (ii) why the very same se can appear with a limited number of stative predicates, which are atelic. The account is implemented in the Figure/Path Relation model in Beavers, John. 2011. On affectedness. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 29(2). 335–370, Figure/Path Relation model. I propose a maximization strategy that captures that dynamic predicates in constructions with se are always telic by indicating the conditions under which the theme has a fixed quantity and the scale/path that may be associated with the verb is bounded. This maximization strategy is then compared to and distinguished from the event maximization strategies proposed for Slavic languages (Filip, Hana. 2008. Events and maximalization: The case of telicity and perfectivity. In Susan Rothstein (ed.), Theoretical and crosslinguistic approaches to the semantics of aspect, 217–256. Amsterdam: John Benjamins) and Hungarian (Kardos, Éva. 2016. Telicity marking in Hungarian. Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics 1(1). 1–37), and to the scale/path maximization strategy proposed for Southern Aymara (Martínez Vera, Gabriel. 2021a. Degree achievements and degree morphemes in competition in Southern Aymara. Linguistics and Philosophy 44. 695–735).
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Matsuo, Ayumi. "Effects of semantic and syntactic complexities and aspectual class on past tense production." ZAS Papers in Linguistics 29 (January 1, 2003): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/zaspil.29.2003.174.
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This paper reports results from a series of experiments that investigated whether semantic and/or syntactic complexity influences young Dutch children’s production of past tense forms. The constructions used in the three experiments were (i) simple sentences (the Simple Sentence Experiment), (ii) complex sentences with CP complements (the Complement Clause Experiment) and (iii) complex sentences with relative clauses (the Relative Clause Experiment). The stimuli involved both atelic and telic predicates. The goal of this paper is to address the following questions.
 
 Q1. Does semantic complexity regarding temporal anchoring influence the types of errors that children make in the experiments? For example, do children make certain types of errors when a past tense has to be anchored to the Utterance Time (UT), as compared to when it has to be anchored to the matrix topic time (TT)?
 
 Q2. Do different syntactic positions influence children’s performance on past-tense production? Do children perform better in the Simple Sentence Experiment compared to complex sentences involving two finite clauses (the Complement Clause Experiment and the Relative Clause Experiment)? In complex sentence trials, do children perform differently when the CPs are complements vs. when the CPs are adjunct clauses? (Lebeaux 1990, 2000)
 
 Q3. Do Dutch children make more errors with certain types of predicate (such as atelic predicates)? Alternatively, do children produce a certain type of error with a certain type of predicates (such as producing a perfect aspect with punctual predicates)? Bronckart and Sinclair (1973), for example, found that until the age of 6, French children showed a tendency to use passé composé with perfective events and simple present with imperfective events; we will investigate whether or not the equivalent of this is observed in Dutch.
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Richter, Michael, and Roeland van Hout. "Aspectual coercion of telic verbs and atelic adverbials in German: Acceptability judgments on sentences with conflicting aspectual information by native speakers." Lingua 214 (October 2018): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2018.08.004.
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Vanhala, Otso. "Verbal derived stems and semantics of prefixed verbs in the earliest Lithuanian texts." Lietuvių kalba 17 (December 30, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2022.3.
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This article discusses the deverbal verb derivation by the means of the prefixes in the Old Lithuanian language, basing on the corpus of about 110 primary verbs and their approximately 460 derivates attested in the Evangelijos bei epistolos (Gospels and Epistles, ViE) and the Catechism (ViC) of Baltramiejus Vilentas, with additional data from other Prussian Old Lithuanian sources up to the year 1600.
 By comparing the derived verbs with their bases occurring in the Old Lithuanian texts, the co-occurring morphological and semantical changes were found out. Attention is brought on the together co-occurring morphological and semantical changes used in deriving telic verbs from their often atelic bases, e. g. the loss of infinitive formants -ė- and -o-, as in giedoti ‘to sing’→ pragysti ‘to start to sing, to start to crow’, or the ablaut change in šaukti ‘to shout’ → prašukti ‘to cry out, to exclaim’. The change in telicity can be used to classify the derived verbs into aktionsart classes (e. g. ingressive/momentaneous, delimitative). The telic ingressive/momentaneous derivatives also have the nasal infix or -st- formant in the present tense.
 This article shows that the non-prefixed verbs with ingressive or momentaneous meaning of the type gysti occur extremely rarely in the oldest Lithuanian texts, and are better seen as later de-prefixed derivatives of the type pragysti, i.e. pragysti → gysti. Similarly, the derived type pragiedoti is rare in Old Lithuanian as the prefixation is usually accompanied by the shortening of the infinitive stems in the derivatives of this semantic class, leading to pragysti, although the type pragiedoti also occurs. This has led to the formal patterning of the derivatives and base verbs into two new models similar to that of degti → sudegti, the two new patterns showing only a simple prefixation: gysti → pragysti and giedoti → pragiedoti.
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Дьячков, Вадим Викторович, and Сергей Георгиевич Татевосов. "Verbs Derived From Adjectives: Telicity and Event Structure." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 3(41) (November 15, 2023): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2023-3-9-21.
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Рассматривается деривация глаголов от прилагательных в двух ареально связанных языках – горномарийском и татарском (мишарский диалект). Такие глаголы в обоих языках образуются с помощью суффикса -l, который, предположительно, был заимствован в горномарийский из тюркских языков. В обоих случаях суффикс деривирует глаголы нескольких структурных типов (инхоативы, каузативы и неэргативы), однако при этом соотношение между исходной основой и производным глаголом не всегда предсказывается существующими теориями явления. В частности, предполагается, что прилагательные так называемых открытых шкал образуют по умолчанию предельные глаголы, а прилагательные закрытых шкал – непредельные. Мы показываем, что это ожидание нарушается в рассматриваемых языках, и представляем обзор существующих моделей, отличающихся друг от друга характером семантических соотношений между основой и производным глаголом. Хотя большая часть отадъективных глаголов как в горномарийском, так и в татарском ожидаемо образует предельные глаголы с инхоативным компонентом (‘стать А’), в обоих языках есть исключения из этого принципа. В горномарийском языке предельность, по-видимому, связана исключительно с наличием у прилагательного закрытой шкалы, в то время как в татарском она может коррелировать также с возможностью глагола обозначать ненулевое изменение состояния. Кроме того, в обоих языках широко представлена неэргативная модель, по которой образуются непредельные глаголы поведения (‘вести себя образом, связанным с А’). Мы предполагаем, что в последнем случае происходит скрытая субстантивация прилагательного, благодаря которой прилагательное может интегрироваться в неэргативную структуру, что не нарушает принципов известных теорий и не требует каких-либо дополнительных допущений. Это допущение согласуется с тем фактом, что прилагательные, образующие глаголы поведения, в рассматриваемых языках широко используются и как существительные, в то время как шкалы данных единиц ожидаемо предсказывают непредельность глаголов. This article discusses the derivation of verbs from adjectives in two areally related languages, Hill Mari and Tatar (Mishar dialect). Such verbs in both languages are formed using the suffix -l, which, presumably, was borrowed into Hill Mari from the Turkic languages. In both cases, the suffix derives verbs of several structural types (inchoatives, causatives and unergatives), but the semantic relations between the original stem and the derived verb are not always predicted by the existing theories of the phenomenon. In particular, it is commonly assumed that the adjectives of the so-called open scales derive telic verbs by default, and the adjectives of closed scales derive atelic verbs. We show that this prediction is not always confirmed in the languages in question and present an overview of existing derivational models that differ from each other in terms of semantic relationships between the adjectival stem and the derived verb. Although most deadjectival verbs in Hill Mari and Tatar are expected to form telic verbs with an inchoative component (‘become A’), there are exceptions to this principle in both languages. In Hill Mari, telicity is associated exclusively with the closed scale of an adjective, while in Tatar it also correlates with non-zero change-of-state readings available with some verbs. In addition, in both languages, the unergative model is widely represented by atelic behavior-related verbs (‘behave in a manner associated with A’). We propose that in the latter case, adjectival stems undergo covert substantivization and can be integrated into an unergative structure, which does not violate any principles of known theories and does not require any additional assumptions. This proposal is consistent both with the fact that adjectives forming behavior-related verbs are also widely used as nouns in the languages under consideration, and the scale of an adjective correctly predicts telic properties of a verb.
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WEIST, RICHARD M., ALEKSANDRA PAWLAK, and JENELL CARAPELLA. "Syntactic–semantic interface in the acquisition of verb morphology." Journal of Child Language 31, no. 1 (2004): 31–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000903005920.
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The purpose of this research was to show how the syntactic and semantic components of the tense–aspect system interact during the acquisition process. Our methodology involved: (1) identifying predicates, (2) finding the initial occurrence of their tense–aspect morphology, and (3) observing the emergence of contrasts. Six children learning Polish and six children learning English, found in the CHILDES archives, were investigated. The average starting age of the children learning English was 1;11, and 1;8 for the children learning Polish. In the first analysis, we traced the same 12 verbs in both languages, and in the second analysis, we contrasted the acquisition patterns for a set of telic versus atelic predicates. We tracked the verbs/predicates from the starting age to 4;11 or the child's final transcript. In English, progressive aspect is the marked form, and in Polish, perfective aspect is the marked form. This typological distinction has a significant effect of the acquisition patterns in the two languages. We argue that children acquire a multi-dimensional system having deictic relations as one of the basic dimensions. This process can be best understood within a functional theoretical framework having a well-defined syntactic–semantic interface.
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Li, David C. S. "‘Perfective paradox’." Chinese Language and Discourse 2, no. 1 (2011): 23–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.2.1.02li.
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The toneless aspect mark -guo is generally viewed as a perfective marker with experiential function. It appears to be subject to a number of semantic constraints, such as discontinuity, repeatability or recurrence, reversibility, and indefinite reference. This article demonstrates that ‘experiential’ is only one of the three main local functions of -guo. Crucial to the determination of the local function of a -guo clause is the boundedness of the verb constellation: ‘experiential’ (atelic situation, typically Activity verbs), ‘deresultative’ (telic situation, typically Accomplishment and Achievement verbs), and ‘ex-habitual’ (stative verbs). We will first elucidate these three local functions and clarify various semantic constraints of -guo before examining a small corpus of 300 -guo sentences to ascertain the distribution of its local functions in authentic texts. Then we will analyze how these functions are manifested in other languages. The evidence suggests that -guo is untypical as a perfective marker; rather, cross-linguistically the lexico-grammatical exponents of the experiential, deresultative, and ex-habitual functions suggest that -guo behaves more like a perfect marker, hence the ‘perfective paradox’. This paper is intended to be a contribution to general and contrastive aspectology.
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Daminova, Orzigul Bektoshevna. "ASPECTUALITY IN ENGLISH." International journal of word art 5, no. 6 (2022): 4. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7393723.
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This article describes aspectuality and its characteristics in English, different approaches to aspectuality and aspect. As we know, while learning the text, we come across that every action has it’s beginning, duration or thematic completion, in order to explain this situation we have to address aspectual category. There are different views of linguists regarding aspectuality. Besides that, there are also described grammatical aspect and its specific features. We also try to distinguish between various sub-categories of "aspectuality", which are usually difficult to distinguish properly.
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Schalber, Katharina. "Event visibility in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS)." Investigating Understudied Sign Languages - Croatian SL and Austrian SL, with comparison to American SL 9, no. 1-2 (2006): 207–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sll.9.1.11sch.
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This paper focuses on the phonological visibility of event structure of non-classifier predicates in Austrian Sign Language (ÖGS) as proposed in the Event Visibility Hypothesis (EVH) (Grose et al. 2006; Wilbur in press). The aim of this paper is to investigate the event structure of ÖGS predicate signs and to test the applicability of the EVH. The analysis provides evidence that the event structure of ÖGS predicates is also phonologically visible and that the two unrelated sign languages ASL and ÖGS use the same set of morphemes to mark telic and atelic event structures. The actual phonological realizations of these morphemes, however, are language dependent. The present paper adds to the EVH with a discussion of the observed inability of some predicates to be marked for telicity and with the analysis of mouth nonmanuals which are suggested to be sensitive to the event structure. These nonmanuals divide into two types: (1) continuous posture or P-nonmanuals, composed of a single facial posture which functions as an adverbial modifier of the event, and (2) discontinuous transition or T-nonmanuals, composed of a single abrupt change in the position of the articulator, which appear to emphasize the initial or final portion of the event structure.
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Gibert-Sotelo, Elisabeth, and Rafael Marín. "Spanish adjectival passives with a progressive reading." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 4 (2022): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.167.
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This paper addresses Spanish adjectival passives with estar showing a progressive reading. In the previous literature, it has been acknowledged that the participles of verbs encoding non-dynamic events, such as vigilar ‘guard’, give rise to a progressive reading when embedded in adjectival passives. Yet, we have identified another group of verbs, those of the type of perseguir ‘chase’, which denote dynamic atelic events (i.e., activities) and whose participles are also attested in estar-passives with a progressive denotation. This is a very significant finding, since it is commonly assumed that only participles of verbs including a stative component in their event structure (i.e., telic or stative verbs) can be part of adjectival passives. After comparing the behaviour of these two types of verbs, we propose that they share a relational layer that in the case of vigilar-verbs defines an event as non-dynamic and in the case of perseguir-verbs defines a motion event as continuously maintained. This relational layer, which constitutes the stative component needed for the adjectival passive construction to be possible, accounts for the necessary atelicity of these two verbal classes (which cannot be telicized under any circumstances) and for the progressive reading obtained in their adjectival passives.
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Lebani, Gianluca E., and Giuliana Giusti. "Indefinite determiners in two northern Italian dialects." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 2 (2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.122.
Full textAbstract:
Italian and Italian dialects express indefiniteness in different ways, among which with a null determiner (ZERO) like all other Romance languages, but also with the definite article (ART) unlike what is found in Romance. Italian and some northern Italian dialects also display the so-called “partitive determiner” DI+ART, which is present in French. Few northwestern Italian dialects display (bare) DI, parallel to French. We adopt Cardinaletti and Giusti’s (2015, 2016) unified analysis and build on Cardinaletti and Giusti’s (2018, 2020) hypothesis that the variation and optionality in the distribution of the four determiners in regional Italian mirror their distribution in Italian dialects along two isoglosses: the ART isogloss spreading from the center of Italy towards north-west and south-east; and the DI isogloss spreading from Piedmont eastwards. We conduct a quantitative analysis on the results of a questionnaire in Piacentino and Rodigino. We test the distribution of the four determiners with mass and count nouns in two dimensions: sentence type (positive vs. negative) and predicate type (telic vs. atelic). The results confirm the hypothesis that the complexity of the determiner is related to its distribution highlighting two hierarchies of contexts: NEG < POS and ATEL < TEL. It also confirms that Piacentino, located at the crossroads of the ART and DI isoglosses, has more optionality than Rodigino, located at their borders.
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Ackermann, Katsiaryna. "Towards the prosodic structure of infinitive formations in Baltic and Slavic and its diachronic implications." Indogermanische Forschungen 122, no. 1 (2017): 83–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2017-0004.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe distribution of stem and desinence allomorphs in PB.-Sl. infinitives reveals their initial dependence on syntactic function/semantics and verbal aspect. While constituting part of syntactic constructions, forerunners of infinitives adopted stem allomorphs fitting best the purposive semantics (as the most frequent usage) which correspond to the stems of Slavic aorists and Baltic s-futures. The distribution of the two ending variants in both language branches, the unaccented circumflex *-ti and the acute and partially stressed *-tí, shows that infinitives of originally telic roots (root aorists in PIE) took only the former, whereas infinitives of originally atelic roots (no root aorists in PIE) took the latter variant of the ending. In certain infinitive groups, due to their syllabic structure the prosody has been susceptible to further change, so that the distribution is not obvious at first sight. In the following analysis unstressed circumflex PB.-Sl. *-ti is associated with the dative case-ending of -ti- abstracts: *-tı̃ < *-téi̯-ei̯(with regular circumflexion in auslaut contraction), whereas stressed acute *-tí has been connected to the locative morphology, continuing the lengthened suffix allomorph of the PIE endingless locative: *-tí < *-tēi̯. Originally the dative case-ending best fit use as a purposive, whereas the locative case-ending best fit syntactic functions with concurrent adverbial semantics. Thus a coherent picture of all three components - meaning, form, and function - comes to light.