Journal articles: 'Temple destruction'

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Shahar, Meir Ben. "When was the Second Temple Destroyed? Chronology and Ideology in Josephus and in Rabbinic Literature." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (November 25, 2015): 547–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340439.

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Jewish tradition holds that both the first and second Jerusalem temples were destroyed on the 9th of Av (m. Taʿan. 4:6). According to Josephus both temples were destroyed on the 10th of Av (J.W. 6.250). Although Josephus proffers an elaborately detailed chronology of the temple’s final days, an attentive reading reveals that he in fact delayed the destruction of the temple by one day. Ideological motives impelled Josephus to defer the date of the destruction of the Second Temple to the date he had for the destruction of the First Temple (the 10th of Av). He proposes an analogy between the two in support of his position that God was punishing the rebels for their sins. Finally, the article suggests that the Jewish tradition that establishes the 9th of Av as the date for the destruction of both temples, derives from a mythical conception of history.

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Rojas-Flores, Gonzalo. "From John 2.19 to Mark 15.29: The History of a Misunderstanding." New Testament Studies 56, no. 1 (December 2, 2009): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688509990178.

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Against the consensus that John 2.19 alludes to the destruction of the temple and is dependent on Synoptic traditions, it is argued here that: (a) there is some interdependence between the Johannine and Synoptic sayings on temple destruction, but not so as to posit Johannine use of Synoptic material; (b) Jesus' saying in John 2.19 does not refer to the destruction of the Jerusalem temple, but to his death and resurrection (proof of his temple-cleansing authority), formulated in distinctively and exclusively Johannine terms; (c) Mark takes Jesus to have predicted the destruction of the temple, but the notion that he also predicted its rebuilding (Mark 15.29) can be explained only as a distorted version of John 2.19, known to Mark via a source hostile to Jesus.

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Chance, J. Bradley. "The Cursing of the Temple and the Tearing of the Veil in the Gospel of Mark." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 268–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184874.

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AbstractThe paper explores the relationship between the pericope of the temple incident of Mark 11:15-19 and the scene of Jesus' death in Mark 15:33-39. The temple incident portrays a prophetic action and word of curse and destruction against the temple and its guardians. The cause for the act and word of judgment against the temple was that it and its guardians had become exclusionary, both of the marginalized among God's people and the Gentiles. It had also become a symbol of violent opposition against Rome. For Jesus' opposition to the Judean leadership and their temple, the leadership seeks to destroy him.Though the leadership will succeed in destroying Jesus, it is precisely through such destruction that Jesus is vindicated. His word of judgment and destruction against the temple is realized in the tearing of the veil. The exclusionary practice of the temple is reversed with the confession of the centurion—with the temple's destruction the barrier between God and "the many" is broken down. Finally, though the Judean leadership succeeds in destroying Jesus, they become victims of their own success, for with Jesus' destruction, comes their own. The power of their temple is broken and the exclusion of "the many" that they had worked so hard to maintain is reversed.

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Waghorne, Joanne Punzo. "The Diaspora of the Gods: Hindu Temples in the New World System 1640–1800." Journal of Asian Studies 58, no. 3 (August 1999): 648–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659115.

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The proliferation of hindu temples now spread over the North American religious landscape appear at first glance to be part of a new process of globalization for Hinduism in an era of transnational religions. South India, long a bastion of temple culture, is simultaneously in the midst of a new boom in temple construction. The present resurgence of “Hinduism” in north India, steeped in ideology, nonetheless is written in terms of the alleged destruction of thousands of temples in north India by Muslim rulers and calls for their reconstruction. “My gods are crying,” writes one “angry” Hindu; “They are demanding restatement in all their original glory” (quoted in Bhattacharya 1991, 127).

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Branfoot, Crispin. "Remaking the past: Tamil sacred landscape and temple renovations." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 1 (January 15, 2013): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x12001462.

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AbstractThis article explores the repeated renovation of south Indian temples over the past millennium and the conception of the Tamil temple-city. Though the requirement for renovation is unremarkable, some “renovations” have involved the wholesale replacement of the central shrine, in theory the most sacred part of the temple. Rather than explaining such radical rebuilding as a consequence of fourteenth-century iconoclasm, temple renovation is considered in this article as an ongoing process. Several periods of architectural reconstruction from the tenth to the early twentieth centuries demonstrate the evolving relationship between building, design and sacred geography over one millennium of Tamil temple history. The conclusion explores the widespread temple “renovations” by the devout Nakarattar (Nattukottai Chettiar) community in the early twentieth century, and the consequent dismay of colonial archaeologists at the perceived destruction of South India's monumental heritage, in order to reassess the lives and meanings of Tamil sacred sites.

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Kirschner, Robert. "Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000027371.

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Until Titus's destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, the national and religious life of Palestinian Jewry was organized around the cultic system of the Temple. Despite many changes in the political status of the nation and of Jerusalem itself, the Temple continued to serve as the seat of the priesthood, the destination of sacred pilgrimage, and the instrument of cultic expiation. Other places and forms of worship are attested during the second commonwealth, and by the advent of the common era groups such as the Qumran community had turned away from Jerusalem altogether. Yet there can be little doubt that the Temple was perceived as the preeminent symbol of Israel's God. Excavations of first-century Palestinian synagogues have revealed a basic architectural design of orientation toward the sanctuary. Although geographically and religiously remote from the Temple, the Jews of the diaspora continued, writes Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 BCE–50 CE), to “hold the Holy City where stands the sacred Temple of the most high God to be their mother city.”

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DULK, MATTHIJS DEN. "Measuring the Temple of God: Revelation 11.1–2 and the Destruction of Jerusalem." New Testament Studies 54, no. 3 (June 6, 2008): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688508000222.

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Rev 11.1–2 refers to the destruction of the temple in 70 ce. The measuring of the temple area does not signify that it will be protected, as is commonly thought, but symbolises that it falls under God's judgment. The underlying idea is that the destruction of the temple at the hands of the Gentiles has been possible only because it was preceded by God's judgment, a notion also found in contemporary apocalyptic literature. John argues that God has given the Gentiles the authority to ‘trample the holy city’, including the temple, for a limited period of time.

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Perrin, Nicholas. "From One Stone to the Next." Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus 13, no. 2-3 (May 5, 2015): 255–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455197-01302007.

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Some twenty years after the publication of N.T. Wright’s Jesus and the Victory of God, this article seeks to engage that volume’s treatment of the Temple in relationship to Jesus’ messiahship. While the present author finds Wright’s overall account to be persuasive, questions are raised regarding the link posited between Jesus’ messianic claims and the destruction of the Temple. Here, in dialogue with Jesus and the Victory of God, it is argued that Jesus asserted his messiahship not on the basis of some general authority over the Temple (involving among other things its future destruction), but on the more specific claim that he would be the one to rebuild the Temple. Such a claim is not only historically defensible in the Sitz im Leben Jesu, but also does better justice to the Second Temple Jewish and early Christian belief.

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Rosenfeld, Ben Zion. "Sage and Temple in Rabbinic Thought After the Destruction of the Second Temple." Journal for the Study of Judaism 28, no. 4 (1997): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006397x00101.

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Rosenfeld, Ben Zion. "Sage and Temple in Rabbinic Thought After the Destruction of the Second Temple." Journal for the Study of Judaism 28, no. 3 (1997): 437–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006397x00228.

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Panagiotaki, Marina. "Dating the Temple Repositories vases." Annual of the British School at Athens 93 (November 1998): 185–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400003427.

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This paper examines a set of the most characteristic decorated vases from the Temple Repositories at Knossos. The aim is to re-assess the date of the destruction of the shrine to which the Temple Repositories material belonged.

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Marx, Dalia. "The Missing Temple: The Status of the Temple in Jewish Culture Following its Destruction." European Judaism 46, no. 2 (September 1, 2013): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2013.46.02.06.

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13

Oppenheimer, Aharon. "L'élaboration de la halakha après la destruction du Second Temple." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 51, no. 5 (October 1996): 1027–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1996.410903.

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Durant près de douze siècles, au cours de la période du Second Temple puis à l'époque de la Michna et du Talmud (538 avant-638 après notre ère), le peuple juif vécut en Eretz-Israël sous la domination d'empires divers : les Perses, les Ptolémées, les Séleucides, les Romains, les Byzantins. Il connut néanmoins près d'un siècle d'indépendance, sous le règne des Hasmonéens, de 164 à 63 avant notre ère. La première moitié de cette période fut marquée par le Second Temple et le culte qui s'y déroulait. La seconde moitié vit l'élaboration de la Michna et du Talmud, oeuvres centrales qui, avec la Bible, déterminèrent le mode de vie du peuple juif depuis lors et au fil des générations. Le traumatisme que provoqua la destruction du Second Temple menaça la survie nationale du peuple dans sa patrie. Mais les autorités romaines décidèrent de poursuivre leur politique de coexistence avec les Juifs d'Eretz-Israël. Elles leur accordèrent une grande autonomie, ce qui contribua à l'édification d'une nouvelle classe de dirigeants locaux, constituée de Sages. Ceux-ci élaborèrent un système juridico-religieux adapté aux nouvelles circonstances. La conjonction de ces deux éléments — d'une part la privation de l'indépendance politique et la destruction de Jérusalem et du Temple, d'autre part l'octroi d'une pleine autonomie à une classe dirigeante qui fit montre de dynamisme et de vitalité — permit précisément la création d'un corpus législatif, la halakha, qui protégea la nation bien des siècles plus tard, durant les périodes où elle fut forcée de survivre dans les dures conditions de l'exil et des persécutions incessantes.

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배정훈. "The Prophets Who Proclaimed Temple Destruction: Jeremiah and Jesus." Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology 47, no. 1 (March 2015): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2015.47.1.002.

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15

정용한. "2 Baruch’s Consolation for the Destruction of the Temple." Korea Presbyterian Journal of Theology 47, no. 3 (September 2015): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15757/kpjt.2015.47.3.002.

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16

Ripper Naigeborin, Gabriela. "Loss and Longing in the Zoharic Reading of Eichah." Cadernos de Língua e Literatura Hebraica, no. 16 (May 13, 2021): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2317-8051.cllh.2018.172251.

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This essay proposes a close analysis of the introduction to the Kabbalist text known as Midrash ha-Ne’lam al Eichah, an interpretation of the biblical book of Lamentations which integrates the medieval text of the Sefer ha-Zohar. While the biblical version centers the destruction of the First Temple in 586 B.C.E., the medieval narrative of the Midrash ha-Ne’lam opens with an anachronistic argument between the two Jewish communities historically formed with the fall of the First Temple: the one in Babylon, the symbol of the Jewish Diaspora, and the other in Jerusalem, the heart of the Holy Land of the Jewish people. Collapsing the destruction of the First Temple with the subsequent destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E., the Midrash ha-Ne’lam intersperses literal and figurative meaning to craft a cosmic narrative of loss and longing, which runs parallel to the original biblical account. By focusing on the argument between the Babylonian and Jewish communities, the present article probes into a tension that structures the Jewish condition in the diaspora: the combination of material distance from, and spiritual attachment to, one’s sacred homeland, induces a state of spiritual homelessness. The Midrash ha-Ne’lam paints the “competition” for the right to mourn the loss of the Temple as a family argument between those who stayed in the destroyed homeland and those who have strayed from it many generations before, a tension that reverberates to this day on the inner division between diaspora and Israeli Jews.

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Ripper Naigeborin, Gabriela. "Loss and Longing in the Zoharic Reading of Eichah." Cadernos de Língua e Literatura Hebraica, no. 16 (May 13, 2021): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2179-0892.cllh.2018.172251.

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This essay proposes a close analysis of the introduction to the Kabbalist text known as Midrash ha-Ne’lam al Eichah, an interpretation of the biblical book of Lamentations which integrates the medieval text of the Sefer ha-Zohar. While the biblical version centers the destruction of the First Temple in 586 B.C.E., the medieval narrative of the Midrash ha-Ne’lam opens with an anachronistic argument between the two Jewish communities historically formed with the fall of the First Temple: the one in Babylon, the symbol of the Jewish Diaspora, and the other in Jerusalem, the heart of the Holy Land of the Jewish people. Collapsing the destruction of the First Temple with the subsequent destruction of the Second Temple in 70 C.E., the Midrash ha-Ne’lam intersperses literal and figurative meaning to craft a cosmic narrative of loss and longing, which runs parallel to the original biblical account. By focusing on the argument between the Babylonian and Jewish communities, the present article probes into a tension that structures the Jewish condition in the diaspora: the combination of material distance from, and spiritual attachment to, one’s sacred homeland, induces a state of spiritual homelessness. The Midrash ha-Ne’lam paints the “competition” for the right to mourn the loss of the Temple as a family argument between those who stayed in the destroyed homeland and those who have strayed from it many generations before, a tension that reverberates to this day on the inner division between diaspora and Israeli Jews.

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18

Gill, David W. J. "The Temple of Aphaia on Aegina: The Date of the Reconstruction." Annual of the British School at Athens 83 (November 1988): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020694.

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The recent publication of the Attic black-figured pottery from the sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina has brought into question the widely accepted date for the construction of the late archaic temple and its sculpture. Much of the pottery comes from the terrace system around the temple which preceded the building's construction. 47.7% of the black-figured pottery is later than the commonly assumed date of c. 510 for the destruction and rebuilding of the temple. Using the latest pottery and the widely accepted Studniczka-Langlotz chronology a terminus post quem is provided during the time of the Persian Wars. The range of pottery also shows that the terrace fills around the temple fall into the same chronological horizon as deposits at Athens which have been linked to the Persian destruction and may, in fact, be even later. The historical context for the rebuilding seems to be in the affluent years after the Persian Wars when the cities of Greece were able to benefit from booty won on the field of battle.

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Granerød, Gard. "Temple Destruction, Mourning and Curse in Elephantine, with a View to Lamentations." Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 132, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 84–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2020-0004.

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AbstractThe article discusses the lament over the Temple of YHW in Elephantine from three angles: from the perspective of the internal rhetoric or composition of the letter, from the perspective of the world of the Judaeans who wrote the petition, and from the perspective of the world of the intended recipient of the letter. In addition, the article explores how the mention of collective mourning and curse in the petition letter from Elephantine may provide a text of comparison – and context – for the laments over the destruction of the city of Zion and her temple found in the Book of Lamentations.

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Yang, J., and M. Fu. "RESEARCH ON NON-DESTRUCTIVE TESTING TECHNOLOGY IN CONSERVATION REPAIR PROJECT OF ANCESTRAL TEMPLE IN MUKDEN PALACE." ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences IV-2/W2 (August 17, 2017): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-annals-iv-2-w2-341-2017.

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Due to the use of wood and other non-permanent materials, traditional Chinese architecture is one of the most fragile constructions in various heritage objects today. With the increasing emphasis on the protection of cultural relics, the repair project of wooden structure has become more and more important. There are various kinds of destructions, which pose a hidden danger to the overall safety of the ancient buildings, caused not only by time and nature, but also by improper repairs in history or nowadays. Today, the use of digital technology is a basic requirement in the conservation of cultural heritage. Detection technology, especially non-destructive testing technology, could provide more accurate records in capturing detailed physical characteristics of structures such as geometric deformation and invisible damage, as well as prevent a man-made destruction in the process of repair project. This paper aims to interpret with a typical example, Ancestral Temple in Mukden Palace, along with a discussion of how to use the non-destructive testing technology with ground penetrating radar, stress wave, resistograph and so on, in addition to find an appropriate protection method in repair project of traditional Chinese wooden architecture.

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Geeheun Lee. "A Meaning of Eschatology in the Destruction of Jerusalem Temple." Life and Word 16, no. ll (December 2016): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33135/srlt.2016.16..111.

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Grabbe, Lester L. "Ancient Israel: from Abraham to the Destruction of the Temple." Journal of Jewish Studies 52, no. 1 (April 1, 2001): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2319/jjs-2001.

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Denker, Ahmet. "Rebuilding Palmyra virtually: recreation of its former glory in digital space." Virtual Archaeology Review 8, no. 17 (July 26, 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2017.5963.

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<p class="VARAbstract">This paper addresses the role of the digital tools and methods in the preservation of cultural heritage. As the destruction of Palmyra made international headlines, digital tools emerged as a key tool to fight back against the total deletion of the heritage site from memories. Palmyra in Syria had been, with its Corinthian colonnades, theatre and splendidly built temples to ancient gods, source of inspiration and imagination for Western architecture. In this paper, the aim is reviving the lost reality of Palmyra by digitally reconstructing its “ghost images” from rubbles. The paper offers a glimpse of the grandeur and beauty of the ruins of Palmyra, none of which any longer remains in its entirety. 3D models of the most significant structures of Palmyra, including Temple of Bel and Temple of Baalshamin which have been levelled as a result of conflict based vandalism, as well as the Grand Colonnaded Street and the theatre are presented as “ghost images” through reconstructed 3D models. The focus has been in maintaining the accuracy and validity of the visualised data of the relics and environment of Palmyra, as they were once extant. Following the trauma caused by the destruction of Palmyra, these reconstructions revive in our memory the splendour of the city in the Greco-Roman Period.</p>

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Shepardson, Christine. "Paschal Politics: Deploying the Temple's Destruction against Fourth-Century Judaizers." Vigiliae Christianae 62, no. 3 (2008): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x262866.

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AbstractThe fourth-century Syriac writings of Aphrahat and Ephrem, and Greek homilies by the Syrian John Chrysostom, warn Christian congregants against joining Jewish festival celebrations such as Passover. In light of the respected age of Judaism's scriptures and traditions, not all of these authors' church attendees were easily convinced by supersessionist claims about Judaism's invalidity. These authors surpass earlier Christian claims that the Temple's destruction revealed God's rejection of the Jews, by arguing that Jewish scripture requires ritual sacrifices that were confined to the Jerusalem Temple. us without the Temple sacrifices, fourth-century Jewish festivals, these authors claimed, defied God's biblical commands, a declaration with sharp implications for Judaizing Christians. Demonstrating the nuances of this argument, which crossed eastern linguistic and political boundaries, contributes to complex discussions regarding these texts' audiences, highlights distinctive elements that their contexts shared, and reveals an unrecognized role that the Temple's destruction played in fourth-century anti-Judaizing discourse.

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Lycett, Mark T., and Kathleen D. Morrison. "The “Fall” of Vijayanagara Reconsidered: Political Destruction and Historical Construction in South Indian History." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 3 (2013): 433–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341314.

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Abstract The eponymous capital of Vijayanagara was largely abandoned following the defeat of the imperial army at Talikota in 1565. The city was burned and looted and its monumental temple complexes, gateways, and images left in ruins. Despite large-scale damage to architecture in the city, however, the level and focus of destruction was strikingly variable. In this paper, we draw on the material record of late Vijayanagara temple complexes and other archaeological evidence to examine patterns of differentially distributed political violence. We suggest that these patterns may be understood, in part, in terms of the contemporary politics of sovereignty, incorporation, and reconstitution of elite authority. Drawing on these observations, we discuss the role of commemorative destruction as well as post-1565 temple rededications and abandonments in the afterlife of Vijayanagara as a social space. In particular, we examine the potential of monumental violence to act as a symbol or to index social memory through a creative and fluid process of instituting claims about the past, heritage, authenticity, and the nature of the present.

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Rosenfeld, B. Z., and H. Perlmutter. "The Attitude to Poverty and the Poor in Early Rabbinic Sources (70-250 ce)." Journal for the Study of Judaism 47, no. 3 (September 28, 2016): 411–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340454.

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This research examines the attitude of rabbinic literature to poverty and the poor after the destruction of the Second Temple. In the Hebrew Bible there are instructions to care for the poor and to be compassionate toward them. However, in Wisdom literature there is also criticism of the poor depicting them as lazy. The Torah obligates the individual Jew to support the poor though tithes from the produce of the fields, giving charity and free loans, but does not advocate establishing public funds for the relief of the poor. Rabbinic literature from after the destruction of the temple shows that the rabbis advocated community responsibility for helping the poor. It shows compassion toward the poor and encourages the Jews to support them through charity. They amended religious laws in order to enable the poor to have more to consume. This seems to be a change from the way the rabbis related to the poor prior to the destruction as is depicted by the New Testament. Examination of actions attributed to sages from before the destruction shows that the rabbis related positively primarily toward poor who were “sons of good” citizens. The other poor were “others” and were left to charity and tithes. After the destruction all poor are “ours,” sons of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob.

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Seiler, Stefan. "Zur Funktion und Bedeutung der schöpfungstheologischen Aussagen in Ps 74." Vetus Testamentum 69, no. 1 (January 21, 2019): 135–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341348.

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AbstractThe theological remarks on creation in Psalm 74 are of fundamental importance in dealing with the catastrophe of the destruction of the Jerusalem temple as an assembly place for the congregation. The destructive actions of the conquerors, who are represented as “agents of chaos”, are contrasted in Ps 74:13-14 with God’s victorious struggle against chaos in the “primeval period”. There are significant references to the ugaritic Baʿal cycle, which, however, can not be related to the creatio prima. In the context of the annotations about creation in Ps 74:16-17 God is described as a sovereign ruler of space and time, who has established and guaranteed the cosmic rhythms. He is also the owner of all earthly and heavenly spaces, whereby his presence as well as his perception can not be attributed to a specific locality. Considering the destruction of the Jerusalem sanctuary this is of far-reaching theological importance. References between creation and temple arise in Psalm 74 also by the fact that, according to the Ancient Near-Eastern concept, the sanctuary represents heaven and earth as a “microcosmos established by stones” (B. Janowski). Moreover, the royal power of God, who had resided on Zion, is proved by the constant and unchanging processes of creation.

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ASSIS, Elie. "Family and Community as Substitutes for the Temple after Its Destruction." Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 85, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/etl.85.1.2040694.

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Jonathan Bourgel. "The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple by John Hyrcanus: A Reconsideration." Journal of Biblical Literature 135, no. 3 (2016): 505. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1353.2016.3129.

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Bourgel, Jonathan. "The Destruction of the Samaritan Temple by John Hyrcanus: A Reconsideration." Journal of Biblical Literature 135, no. 3 (2016): 505–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jbl.2016.0032.

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Livyatan Ben-Arie, Reut. "A Destruction Layer from the Hellenistic Period at Tel Shiloh." In the Highland's Depth 11, no. 1 (2021): 53–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26351/ihd/11-1/3.

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Excavations at Tel Shiloh revealed a building from the end of the third century BCE. The building was destroyed violently in the middle of the second century BCE. Based on the archaeological context, its relationship with later buildings and other finds from the period in its vicinity, it can be determined that its occupants were gentiles. Shiloh is located between Judea and Samaria, in an area included in different administrative districts at different times during the Second Temple period. In the Persian and Early Hellenistic periods, this area was outside the Land of Judea, but at the end of the Second Temple period it was within the Province of Judea. Historical sources indicate that the population on the eve of the Hasmonean Revolt was heterogeneous; during the revolt there were conflicts between the various ethnic groups. Edomites are mentioned by several sources as being in the area, and Jewish localities are also implied. Discharged Seleucid soldiers may have settled in the area as well, as they did in western Samaria. In any case, it is clear that the foreign settlement in Shiloh was destroyed in a violent confrontation. Based on its dating, the destruction must be attributed to the conquests of Jonathan and Simeon as part of the expansion of the borders of the Hasmonean state.

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Assis, Elie. "The Date and Meaning of the Book of Joel." Vetus Testamentum 61, no. 2 (2011): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853311x564787.

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AbstractThis paper argues that the Book of Joel is best understood against the background of the exilic period in Judah, after the Destruction but before the Return to Zion, that is, between 587 and 538 BCE. While concrete historical evidence is not decisive, an investigation of the ideology of the Book may determine the Book’s historical setting. The lack of any rebuke in Joel accords with the view that he lived in the exilic period, when it would not have been appropriate to rebuke and criticize the people, who were in a state of deep despair. The Book of Joel places great emphasis on the motif of the Divine presence residing in the midst of Israel. This central message of assurance of the Divine presence is particularly apt if we accept the view that Joel belongs to the period of the Destruction, when the people were in despair and saw in the events their abandonment by God. There are cultic concerns in the book. This is understood if it is accepted that Joel functioned in the exilic period, and aimed at persuading his audience that one can pray to the Lord even when the Temple is in ruins. The prophet’s main purpose was to bring the people to renew their connection with the Lord after the destruction of the Temple, and to focus the people’s attention on the Temple, which, although physically ruined, had not lost its religious significance. Other characteristics of the Book of Joel that point to the same historical setting are discussed in the paper.

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Kulp, Joshua. "The Origins of the Seder and Haggadah." Currents in Biblical Research 4, no. 1 (October 2005): 109–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x05055642.

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Emerging methods in the study of rabbinic literature now enable greater precision in dating the individual components of the Passover seder and haggadah. These approaches, both textual and socio-historical, have led to a near consensus among scholars that the Passover seder as described in rabbinic literature did not yet exist during the Second Temple period. Hence, cautious scholars no longer seek to find direct parallels between the last supper as described in the Gospels and the rabbinic seder. Rather, scholarly attention has focused on varying attempts of Jewish parties, notably rabbis and Christians, to provide religious meaning and sanctity to the Passover celebration after the death of Jesus and the destruction of the Temple. Three main forces stimulated the rabbis to develop innovative seder ritual and to generate new, relevant exegeses to the biblical Passover texts: (1) the twin calamities of the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple and the Bar-Kokhba revolt; (2) competition with emerging Christian groups; (3) assimilation of Greco-Roman customs and manners. These forces were, of course, significant contributors to the rise of a much larger array of rabbinic institutions, ideas and texts. Thus surveying scholarship on the seder reviews scholarship on the emergence of rabbinic Judaism.

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Lanzinger, Daniel. "Alcimus’ Last Command." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 86–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340095.

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The note in 1 Maccabees 9:54 that the high priest Alcimus ordered the destruction of the wall of the inner temple court is taken by most scholars as a description of a historical event. This paper, however, suggests that the note should rather be read as part of a pro-Maccabean propaganda which serves to defame Alcimus. It is argued that, from a historical perspective, it was not Alcimus but Judas who was responsible for serious damage at the temple precinct as a result of his unsuccessful military operation against the Seleucid Acra (6:18-54). The author of 1 Maccabees tries to downplay this event and to villainise Alcimus by calling destruction what was actually restoration. The paper ends with a comparison to two other passages in 1 Maccabees (4:44-46 and 5:55-62) which shows that the suggested understanding of 9:54 fits well the strategies of legitimisation and delegitimisation that can be found throughout the book.

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Schwartz, Seth. "John Hyrcanus I's destruction of the gerizim temple and Judaean-Samaritan relations." Jewish History 7, no. 1 (March 1993): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01674492.

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Wahlen, Clinton. "The Temple in Mark and Contested Authority." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184883.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study is to demonstrate that Mark's portrayal of Jesus' temple action reinforces a larger narrative aim: to show that the time of messianic fulfillment for both Jews and Gentiles has come. The study consists of three sections. First, it is observed that the unifying theme of Mark 11:12-25 is not the destruction of the temple but prayer. Second, Jesus' activity in the temple occupies a central place not only in this series of pericopae but in the larger structure of Mark 11-15. Mark shows that Jesus fulfils the original design of the temple by making it a place of prayer for everyone. This includes Gentiles as Mark alone makes clear (11:17b; cf. Matt. 21:22; Luke 19:46). Third, enabling Gentiles to worship in the temple meshes with a larger Markan concern. Jesus does not limit his ministry to Galilee but extends it to Gentile lands to the north and east, as a study of the exorcism and feeding stories in relation to the pivotal discussion of 7:1-23 reveals. Implicitly, then, Israel has begun to be redefined. Jesus' action in the temple enlarges on this theme in order to suggest more explicitly that Gentiles have a rightful place within Israel.

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Regev, Eyal. "Temple Concerns and High-Priestly Prosecutions from Peter to James: Between Narrative and History." New Testament Studies 56, no. 1 (December 2, 2009): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868850999021x.

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This article demonstrates that according to the Acts of the Apostles, the major charges brought against Peter, Stephen, and Paul—as well as, in later Christian texts, against James—are violations of the Temple's sacredness, both by means of statements about and actions within it. On the narrative level, in their portrayal of the conflicts and trials of these early Christian leaders, the ancient Christian sources argued that because the early Christian community in Jerusalem sought to partake in the Temple worship in its own way, Jesus' followers were falsely accused of violating the Temple's sacredness. On the historical level, it may be concluded that these events were authentic, and that they were affected by two factors: (a) The assumption, on the part of the Jewish community, that Jesus represented an anti-Temple stance. This assumption was based on Jesus' ‘cleansing’ action at the Temple, and the saying attributed to him regarding the destruction of the Temple and the erection of a new one ‘not made with [human] hands’. As such, Jesus' followers were viewed as posing a threat to the Temple as well. (b) The meticulous approach to Temple rituals held by the Sadducean high priests in charge of the prosecutions. According to their approach, any deviance from the proscribed procedure desecrated the sacrificial cult and was to be avoided at any cost.

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Kandasamy, Kiruthiga, and Thirumaran Kesavaperumal. "Holistic urban heritage management of an historic temple town." Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development 10, no. 2 (October 2, 2019): 105–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jchmsd-07-2018-0052.

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Purpose Urban heritage management is motivated by the alarming rise in destruction of historic buildings; the implementation of pointless urbanization plans and uncontrolled commercial development threatening to overwhelm our historic built heritage. Hence, there is an immediate need for urban heritage planning in historic towns, especially in India where urban growth is rampant. The purpose of this paper is to examine how development in the historic temple town of Kumbakonam can be managed by using a holistic approach that preserves the town’s historic flavor, sacred traditions and built heritage. Design/methodology/approach The historic center of Kumbakonam has been surveyed and is the focus of this study. Utilizing a case study methodology, the authors made multiple field visits to document the special heritage character of the town, conducted interviews with people living in the study area and evaluated the existing policies and guidelines for development of Tamil Nadu in view of the holistic approach. Findings The study reinforced the belief that the historic temple town of Kumbakonam has significant urban heritage worthy of preservation. However, due to chaotic and ill-planned urban development, changing land use, intrusion of contemporary architectural styles, commercialization and the lack of strong policy guidelines for holistic management, the special heritage character of the town is threatened with continued destruction. Practical implications This research on Kumbakonam can help urban planners to develop viable heritage management programs for other historic temple towns of Tamil Nadu. The authors describe and evaluate some guidelines for retaining the social and cultural flavor as well as the built heritage of towns like Kumbakonam by taking a holistic approach. Originality/value Up to now, there has been no attempt to come up with comprehensive management guidelines for integrating the unique urban heritage characteristics of the historic temple towns of Tamil Nadu in plans for urbanization.

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Walther, Eric H., and David S. Heidler. "Pulling the Temple Down: The Fire-Eaters and the Destruction of the Union." Journal of Southern History 62, no. 1 (February 1996): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2211236.

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Osthaus, Carl R., and David S. Heidler. "Pulling the Temple Down: The Fire-Eaters and the Destruction of the Union." Journal of American History 82, no. 2 (September 1995): 732. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082270.

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Joffe, Alexander H. "Ancient Israel: From Abraham to the Roman Destruction of the Temple. Hershel Shanks." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 61, no. 2 (April 2002): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/469013.

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Stein, Dina. "Collapsing Structures: Discourse and the Destruction of the Temple in the Babylonian Talmud." Jewish Quarterly Review 98, no. 1 (2008): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2008.0013.

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Concannon, Cavan. "Remembering the Destruction(s) of the Temple at the Museum of the Bible." Near Eastern Archaeology 82, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 172–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705401.

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Faigenbaum-Golovin, Shira, Arie Shaus, Barak Sober, David Levin, Nadav Na’aman, Benjamin Sass, Eli Turkel, Eli Piasetzky, and Israel Finkelstein. "Algorithmic handwriting analysis of Judah’s military correspondence sheds light on composition of biblical texts." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 17 (April 11, 2016): 4664–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1522200113.

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The relationship between the expansion of literacy in Judah and composition of biblical texts has attracted scholarly attention for over a century. Information on this issue can be deduced from Hebrew inscriptions from the final phase of the first Temple period. We report our investigation of 16 inscriptions from the Judahite desert fortress of Arad, dated ca. 600 BCE—the eve of Nebuchadnezzar’s destruction of Jerusalem. The inquiry is based on new methods for image processing and document analysis, as well as machine learning algorithms. These techniques enable identification of the minimal number of authors in a given group of inscriptions. Our algorithmic analysis, complemented by the textual information, reveals a minimum of six authors within the examined inscriptions. The results indicate that in this remote fort literacy had spread throughout the military hierarchy, down to the quartermaster and probably even below that rank. This implies that an educational infrastructure that could support the composition of literary texts in Judah already existed before the destruction of the first Temple. A similar level of literacy in this area is attested again only 400 y later, ca. 200 BCE.

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FULLER, C. J. "The renovation ritual in a south Indian temple: the 1995 kumbha¯bhiseka in the Mi¯na¯ksi¯ Temple, Madurai." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 1 (February 2004): 40–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04000035.

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This article is a description and analysis of the twelve-day renovation ritual or kumbha¯bhiseka (‘water-pot bathing ritual’) celebrated in the Mi¯na¯ksi¯ Temple in the south Indian city of Madurai in 1995. After briefly discussing the historical background, the article describes the priests' division of labour at the kumbha¯bhiseka, the preliminary rituals—including the transfer of the deities' power from their images into water-pots—and the most crucial rituals: the series of ya¯gapu¯ja¯ (‘sacrifice-worship’) rituals, which mainly consisted of fire-sacrifices to enhance the power in the water-pots, and the culmination of the entire event, when the pots were emptied over the Temple's towers and images, so that the power flowed back in. The article concludes that despite its extreme elaborateness, the kumbha¯bhiseka's symbolic logic and purpose, especially as displayed in the spectacular destruction of the fire-sacrifices and then the final water-pouring, are unusually transparent compared to many other temple rituals.

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Santhi, S. "Ma Manigal at the Vennar River Bank." Shanlax International Journal of Tamil Research 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/tamil.v5i2.3484.

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Thanjai Mamani Koil near Thanjavur is a set of three Vishnu temples. The legend of Thanjavur District vennatrankarai Mamani temple states that a sage called Parasara sprayed nectar that he obtained from the ocean of milk in the Manimutha river . Then he built an ashram on the banks of the river and started performing penances and yagnas with other sages. In the vicinity were three demons- Thanjakan, Thandakan and Tharakasura. They had received deadly boons from lord Shiva. They began to create obstacles to the penance. The sage requested them to stop this but the demons would not listen to him. Sage Parasara then approached lord Shiva for protection. Lord Shiva sent Kalidevi to destroy them. However the demons drank the river water which was mixed with the nectar and came alive again. Then the sage approached lord Vishnu. Lord Vishnu took the the avatar of Narasimha (lion headed ) and defeated Thanjaka who took the elephant form. The Lord placed the demon on his lap to kill him when the demon gained wisdom, repented and promised to shed his cruel ways. He also begged the Lord to stay in the place and bless everyone. Hence this place was named as Thanjamapuri. Thandakan hid himself under the earth, after seeing the defeat of Thanjaka. The Lord took the form of Varaha (boar) entered the hiding place and killed the demon. Tharaka was killed by Kali. After the destruction of the three demons, the Lord appeared before sage Parasara as Neelamega Perumal. At this place, the Lord has three names in three separate Hindu temples. In the Veera Narasimha temple, lord Vishnu appears with a discus as Chakrathazhwar. In the Neelamega Perumal temple, Mahalakshmi is found to the left of Lord Narasimha. This Narasimha is also called Valavandhai (right side) Narasimha. It is advised that those of short tempered nature should correct themselves if they wish to have the grace of Mahalakshmi. Vishnu is considered as to be the king of this whole universe and he has the sengol (baton) in his hand. Thaayar Senkamalavalli Nachiyar has a seperate shrine. Outside the Thaayar shrine, there is a pillar, on one side Narasimha is portrayed whereas on the other side Lord Hanuman is found. The vimanam (vehicle) of this temple in India is called Soundarya vimanam.

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Getino Granados, Fernando. "ARCHAEOLOGICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN THE NORTHERN PORTION OF ANCIENT TULA." Ancient Mesoamerica 32, no. 1 (2021): 118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536120000255.

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AbstractSalvage excavations along the right of way of a 2 km stretch of proposed highway crossing the northern part of the Postclassic city of Tula, Hidalgo utilized a multi-phase investigation strategy, featuring pedestrian survey and exploratory test-pitting. This fieldwork led to extensive excavation in five localities, which uncovered significant portions of both elite and non-elite residential compounds, a possible administrative structure, and two temples, one of which is the earliest example of a twin temple pyramid in western Mesoamerica. The diversity of structures and corresponding functions encountered in excavation are comparable to those found in previous excavations that suggest the city was organized into barrios, each with its own political, religious, social, and other institutions that mimic those of the larger urban polity. While these investigations confirm previous evidence of considerable destruction of the ancient city in recent decades, they also demonstrate that significant portions are still intact.

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Watts, Rikk. "The Lord's House and David's Lord: The Psalms and Mark's Perspective on Jesus and the Temple." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184937.

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AbstractFour Davidic Psalms (2, 118, 110, and 22), each cited or alluded to at least twice, in this order, and at critical junctures in Mark's narrative, play a key role in his Gospel. In contemporary understanding Psalm 2 was associated with the future messianic purging of Jerusalem and especially the temple (e.g.4QFlor, Pss Sol 17). Psalm 118, concluding the Egyptian Hallel, spoke of Israel's future deliverance under a Davidic king with the restored temple as the goal of Israel's return from exile. Psalm 110's surprisingly elevated royal designation, uniquely expressed in Melchizedekian priestking terms, contributed to several portraits of exalted heavenly deliverers, some messianic, who would preside over Israel's restoration (e.g.11QMelch, 1 Enoch) while Psalm 22's Davidic suffering and vindication described the deliverance of righteous Zion (e.g.4QPs). Drawing from the dual perspective of their original contexts and contemporary interpretations, this paper proposes that Mark's careful arrangement of his psalm citations presents Jesus as both Israel's Davidic Messiah (Pss. 2, 118) and the temple's Lord (Ps. 110) who, coming to purge Jerusalem but rejected by the temple authorities, announces the present structure's destruction and, through his death and vindication (Ps. 22), its replacement with a new people-temple centered on himself.

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Williamson, H. G. M., and H. Shanks. "Ancient Israel. A Short History from Abraham to the Roman Destruction of the Temple." Vetus Testamentum 40, no. 3 (July 1990): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519551.

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Moin, A. Azfar. "Sovereign Violence: Temple Destruction in India and Shrine Desecration in Iran and Central Asia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 2 (March 20, 2015): 467–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000109.

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AbstractWas the destruction of Sufi and ‘Alid saint shrines as a rite of conquest in Iran and Central Asia a phenomenon comparable to the desecration of temples in war in India? With this question in mind, this essay examines the changing nature of Islamic kingship in premodern Iran and Central Asia and compares it to developments in Indic kingship. It begins with the thesis that the decline of the caliphate and the rise of Muslim saints and shrines in thirteenth-century Iran and Central Asia led to a new form of “shrine-centered” sovereignty practiced by the rulers of these regions. This development, in turn, gave rise to a notable pattern in which Muslim kings threatened or attacked the shrines of their enemies’ patron saints in times of war. A focus on this ritual violence, which remains neglected in the studies of Islamic iconoclasm and jihad, reveals how the protocols of violence and accommodation that governed these Muslim milieus became analogous to those enacted by Indic kings who also sacked temples of rival sovereigns in times of war. With the spread of Muslim shrines and the related belief that the “real” sovereign was not the caliph but the enshrined saint, Islam and Hinduism developed comparable grammars of “gifting” and “looting.” This argument allows for a new, transcultural perspective to examine the premodern history of India, Iran, and Central Asia, connected by the rise of Muslim saints and their shrines.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Temple destruction'

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