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1
Middlemas, Jill. "Temples and templeless times." Collegium Biblicum Årsskrift (CBÅ) 13 (December 1, 2009): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/cb.v13i0.16980.
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I forskningen er 'eksilet' den mest anvendte term for perioden efter babylonernes ødelæggelse af Jerusalem og dets Jahve-tempel. Her anbefales i stedet termen 'den tempelløse tid' som en bredere og mere dækkende betegnelse, for fraværet af templet i Jerusalem var et afgørende vilkår for alle Jahve-dyrkende israelitter / In biblical scholarship 'the exile' is the most commonly used term for designating the period after the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem and its Yahweh-temple. In this paper, the term 'templeless time' is proposed as a better alternative to 'exile', since it covers a condition of fundamental importance for all Yahweh-worshipping Israelites
2
ELIOR, Rachel. "The Jerusalem Temple." Studies in Spirituality 11 (January 1, 2001): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/sis.11.0.505278.
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De Hemmer Gudme, Anne Katrine. "Blev templet på Garizim bygget med templet i Jerusalem som forbillede?" Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 78, no. 3 (October 10, 2015): 261–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v78i3.105760.
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Was the Yahweh temple on Mount Gerizim modelled after the temple in Jerusalem? This question is important for our understanding of the sanctuary on Mount Gerizim and the people who worshipped there; if the Gerizim temple was modelled after the Jerusalem temple the argument in favour of the Gerizim cult as derived from the cult in Jerusalem is strengthened. On the other hand, if no such connection can be demonstrated convincingly one must look elsewhere for the answer to the question of Samaritan origins.The present article gives a brief introduction to the relationship between early Judaism and early Samaritanism, or rather Southern and Northern Yahwism, followed by a presentation of Mount Gerizim and the excavations that were recently carried out there. Finally I shall turn to the theory that the temple on Mount Gerizim was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, which has recently been recast by Dr Yitzhak Magen. I conclude that the archaeological remains from the Persian period sanctuary on Mount Gerizim offer no evidence that this temple was modelled on the temple in Jerusalem.
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Gudme, Anne Katrine de Hemmer. "Was the Temple on Mount Gerizim Modelled after the Jerusalem Temple?" Religions 11, no. 2 (February 6, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020073.
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Was the Yahweh temple on Mount Gerizim modelled after the temple in Jerusalem? This question is important for our understanding of the sanctuary on Mount Gerizim and the people who worshipped there in the Persian and Hellenistic period; if the Gerizim temple was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, the argument in favour of the Gerizim cult as derived from the cult in Jerusalem is strengthened. On the other hand, if no such connection can be demonstrated convincingly, one must look elsewhere for the answer to the question of Samaritan origins. The present study gives a brief introduction to the relationship between early Judaism and early Samaritanism, or rather Southern and Northern Yahwism, followed by a presentation of Mount Gerizim and the excavations that were carried out there between 1982 and 2006. Finally, I shall turn to the theory that the temple on Mount Gerizim was modelled after the Jerusalem temple, which has been recast by Dr Yitzhak Magen (2008). I conclude that the archaeological remains from the Persian-period sanctuary on Mount Gerizim offer no evidence that this temple was modelled on the temple in Jerusalem.
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Sheppard, Anthony. "The Letter of Barnabas and the Jerusalem Temple." Journal For The Study of Judaism 48, no. 4-5 (October 11, 2017): 531–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12481176.
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AbstractThis article examines a short passage in the Letter of Barnabas (16:3-4) which appears to refer to a rumoured, planned, or actual contemporary rebuilding of the Jerusalem Temple under Roman auspices. I identify a possible historical context and set the possible attempted reconstruction of the Temple in the framework of Roman policy relating to colonies and indigenous temples. In particular, I reject attempts to date Barnabas from a cryptic apocalyptic quotation (4:4-5), preferring to rely mainly on an apparent reference to 4 Ezra, datable to ca. 100 ce. Combining this approach to dating with a search for possible historical contexts leads me to opt for a Hadrianic date, specifically during the planning of the Roman military colony of Aelia Capitolina, for the actual or, more likely, planned/rumoured reconstruction of the Temple.
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Leppäkari, Maria. "Liberating the Temple Mount: apocalyptic tendencies among Jewish temple activists." Scripta Instituti Donneriani Aboensis 19 (January 1, 2006): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.30674/scripta.67309.
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Every now and then instances of violence are played out at the Temple Mount area in Jerusalem, also known as the Haram-esh-sharif. Some of the cases are referred to as results of the so-called ‘Jerusalem syndrome’, incidents when individuals’ manifestations of pre-existing psychopathology culminate in violent actions. Israeli psychiatrists and others have treated such incidents as examples of when peoples’ expectations of a heavenly Jerusalem collide with the very earthly reality in the city. For some people, such encounters may create anxiety that may threaten the victim’s very sanity. In such situations, an apocalyptic mission may become the only way for them to cope with the situation at hand. But the Temple Mount does not only attract lone-acting individuals, it also attracts organized groups who refer to the very spot as an important identity marker. In this article, the author draws on her field research material and interviews with Jewish Third Temple activists in Jerusalem collected on and off between 1998 and 2004. Here Yehuda Etzion’s, Gershon Salomon’s and Yoel Lerner’s theology and activities are studied in light of apocalyptic representations, and how these are expressed in relation to religious longing for the Third Temple in the light of the Gaza withdrawal. Not all those who are engaged in endtime scenarios act upon their visions. In Jerusalem, there have been, and still are, several religious-political groups that more or less ritually perambulate the Temple Mount area.
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Lapin, Hayim. "Feeding the Jerusalem Temple." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 410–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00803006.
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Although the Jerusalem Temple plays a central role in Jewish/Judaean society in both ancient sources and scholarly assessments, we have little direct evidence for how it functioned as an institution. Rather than work outward from the literary sources, this article works with a hypothetical model of the Temple’s minimal requirements. This approach helps to concretize the factors that we need to understand further, to identify areas where we can find substantiating or comparative evidence, and to provide a framework for critique of this and other treatments and for further research. The article presents an assessment of the economic scale of such a modeled Jerusalem Temple, suggesting that it mobilized resources comparable to those of a city, almost certainly exceeding the scale of operations of any individual enterprise. In addition, the article considers questions of provisioning a Temple operating on this scale with animals and other resources, and the local economic and social implications of sacrifice and pilgrimage for Jerusalem and its hinterland.
8
Schwartz, Joshua. "The Temple of Jerusalem." Journal of Jewish Studies 49, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2135/jjs-1998.
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Lapin, Hayim. "Feeding the Jerusalem Temple." Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, no. 3 (November 13, 2017): 410–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/jaju.2017.8.3.410.
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Jung, Deok Hee. "Fluid Sacredness from a Newly Built Temple in Luke–Acts." Expository Times 128, no. 11 (April 26, 2017): 529–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524617700348.
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In Stephen’s speech in Acts 7, Luke negates God’s indwelling of the Jerusalem Temple. God’s presence is not confined to a specific place, but is fluidly revealed to God’s people. In Luke-Acts, Jesus and his apostles take over the role of the old Temple so that they become newly built corporeal temples. Luke transfers the presence of the divine from the old Temple to the bodies of Jesus and his followers, and their behaviour produces sanctity around them. As the corporeal temple moves, this generates new sacred space everywhere. Thus, sacredness does not dwell in a fixed place, such as the Temple, but is fluidly expanded across previously restricted place.
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Spicer, Andrew. "Rebuilding Solomon’s Temple? The Architecture of Calvinism." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014479.
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During the autumn of 1566 a series of Calvinist churches or temples were erected across the Southern Netherlands. These buildings attracted the attention and curiosity of contemporaries because of their unusual appearance and the speed with which they appeared. The polygonal ground plan of these buildings as well as the use of the term ‘temple’ led some observers to associate them with the Temple of Solomon. The English merchant Richard Clough commented that in Antwerp the Reformed had ‘layd the fondasyonss of syche tempelles more lyker the tempell of Salomon then hoder wysse’. Another observer also described these round churches as being built in the style of Solomon’s Temple in Jerusalem. These comments suggest that Calvinists were perceived (at least by some) as linking their reformation of religion with an appropriation, possibly a recreation, of Jerusalem in the West. The purpose of this paper is to examine this contention, setting the architecture against the tradition of medieval conceptions of the architecture of the Temple, and of Calvin’s and Calvinists’ ideas of the role and use of space in the Reformed religion.
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Adler, Yonatan. "Between Priestly Cult and Common Culture:." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 2 (May 14, 2016): 228–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00702005.
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Although miqwa’ot and chalkstone vessels have been found throughout Israel, the unparalleled number of such finds at Jerusalem has conventionally been explained in terms of the special demands of the Temple cult and of the city’s priestly residents. In light of a growing number of archaeological discoveries from the past number of years, however, the conception that Jerusalem and its Temple served as focal points of ritual purity observance deserves to be significantly reevaluated. The new data indicate that regular, widespread use of ritual baths and chalkstone vessels was not at all unique to Jerusalem or the priesthood, but rather was commonplace to a comparable degree in Jewish society throughout early Roman Judea. Jews everywhere throughout the country strove on a regular basis to maintain the purity of their bodies, clothing, utensils, food, and drink, and there is no reason to suppose that in doing so they somehow had the Temple in mind. Most Jews living at this time would probably have understood the pentateuchal purity regulations as prescribing that ritual purity be maintained on a regular basis in ordinary, everyday life – without specific regard to the Temple or its cult. This new understanding encourages us to reinterpret the archaeological finds from Jerusalem as reflecting an important facet of prevailing common culture rather than as stemming from the unique sanctity of Jerusalem, the Temple, or its priests.
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Koltun-Fromm, Naomi. "Imagining the Temple in Rabbinic Stone: The Evolution of the ʾEven Shetiyah." AJS Review 43, no. 2 (November 2019): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000539.
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The mythical ʾeven shetiyah, often translated as the “foundation stone,” marks the physical place where the Jerusalem temples once stood in the rabbinic imagination. In its earliest incarnation it identified the place where the ark of the covenant resided in Solomon's Temple. Over the centuries it absorbed cosmogonic and eventually eschatological meaning. In later post-talmudic rabbinic literature, it adopted another mythic trope—the seal on the tehom. I argue that these two separate narrative strands of a seal on the tehomunder the Temple and ʾeven shetiyahin the Temple became intertwined, but only in late (post-talmudic) rabbinic midrash. I trace this evolutionary trend and argue that while the early rabbis both innovated and reinvigorated older biblical and ancient Near Eastern cosmogonic motifs with their ʾeven shetiyah, the later rabbinic texts were influenced by Christian and Muslim competition for spiritual and earthly Jerusalem. The stone that started as a means for rabbinic self-authorization became a reassertion of God's control of history and protection of Israel and the world, but in the process displaced priestly authority.
14
Moore, Nicholas J. "Heaven and temple in the Second Temple period: A taxonomy." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 33, no. 1 (September 2023): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09518207211052237.
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It is a commonplace of ancient Near Eastern worldviews that temples have cosmic significance. This understanding persists and develops in the Second Temple period, with numerous texts witnessing to a widely held belief that the Jerusalem temple reflected heaven or the universe. Scholars have largely been content either to recognize a basic relationship, or to distinguish temple-in-heaven from temple-as-universe, sometimes construing the former as “apocalyptic” and the latter as “Hellenistic.” Jonathan Klawans’ work represents an important articulation of this distinction. This article summarizes his contribution, and critiques it on the grounds that it remains overly dichotomous and does not do full justice to the evidence. Instead, a fresh taxonomy is proposed with four key categories, each illustrated from Second Temple and biblical texts. None of these categories is discrete; rather they demarcate a spectrum or scale of ways that ancient Jewish and early Christian writers conceptualized the heaven–temple relationship.
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Shahar, Meir Ben. "When was the Second Temple Destroyed? Chronology and Ideology in Josephus and in Rabbinic Literature." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (November 25, 2015): 547–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340439.
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Jewish tradition holds that both the first and second Jerusalem temples were destroyed on the 9th of Av (m. Taʿan. 4:6). According to Josephus both temples were destroyed on the 10th of Av (J.W. 6.250). Although Josephus proffers an elaborately detailed chronology of the temple’s final days, an attentive reading reveals that he in fact delayed the destruction of the temple by one day. Ideological motives impelled Josephus to defer the date of the destruction of the Second Temple to the date he had for the destruction of the First Temple (the 10th of Av). He proposes an analogy between the two in support of his position that God was punishing the rebels for their sins. Finally, the article suggests that the Jewish tradition that establishes the 9th of Av as the date for the destruction of both temples, derives from a mythical conception of history.
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Van Aarde, A. G. "Die Jerusalemse tempelkuItus se huweliksmaatreel versus Christelike waardes." Verbum et Ecclesia 18, no. 2 (July 4, 1997): 345–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i2.568.
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The marriage arrangements in the Jerusalem Temple cult in opposition to Christian values. Equal access for everyone to God's grace in an unmediated way is a central aspect of Jesus' presentation of the Kingdom of God. Inclusivity and egalitarity should be regarded as essential aspects of Christian selfunderstanding. This article aims to show how these values stood in opposition to the marriage arrangements in the Jerusalem Temple cult. Marriage strategies during the patriarchal and monarchical periods prior to the first-century Jerusalem Temple cult are also briefly touched upon. In a following up article the author will argue that Paul's use of the notion "adopted as children of God" should be seen as an expression of the Christian values advocated within an inclusive and egalitarian community.
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Kirschner, Robert. "Apocalyptic and Rabbinic Responses to the Destruction of 70." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000027371.
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Until Titus's destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE, the national and religious life of Palestinian Jewry was organized around the cultic system of the Temple. Despite many changes in the political status of the nation and of Jerusalem itself, the Temple continued to serve as the seat of the priesthood, the destination of sacred pilgrimage, and the instrument of cultic expiation. Other places and forms of worship are attested during the second commonwealth, and by the advent of the common era groups such as the Qumran community had turned away from Jerusalem altogether. Yet there can be little doubt that the Temple was perceived as the preeminent symbol of Israel's God. Excavations of first-century Palestinian synagogues have revealed a basic architectural design of orientation toward the sanctuary. Although geographically and religiously remote from the Temple, the Jews of the diaspora continued, writes Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 BCE–50 CE), to “hold the Holy City where stands the sacred Temple of the most high God to be their mother city.”
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Tili, Mihael. "World and world views at the time of the first Christians." Sabornost, no. 14 (2020): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2014023t.
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Central places like Rome, Delphi, or Jerusalem legitimize the respective cult community by directing all conditions in the world and in history towards their center. Accordingly, the world order is maintained in the microcosm of the temple. As the "navel of the world," the temple thus serves the emergence and preservation of the cultic community. On the one hand, this makes it understandable that even the first Christians held fast to the Jerusalem Temple as a place of religious orientation. On the other hand, it explains why the Christian tradition soon identified the crucifixion site of Golgotha as the sacred world center.
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Ciecieląg, Jerzy. "The Temple on the Coins of Bar Kokhba – a Manifestation of Longing or a Political Programme? A Few Remarks." Notae Numismaticae - TOM XV, no. 15 (May 17, 2021): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.52800/ajst.1.a.02.
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The article is an attempt to answer the question of whether the building on coins issued during the Bar Kokhba revolt, usually interpreted as the Temple in Jerusalem, was a testimony of the control of Jerusalem by the rebels or a manifestation of the political programme of the revolt. This meant that perhaps also worship on the Temple Mount was resumed. The image of the building itself is analysed against a comparative background composed of other sacred buildings shown on earlier Jewish coins, in particular those coming from the period of the First Jewish War with Rome. Coins from other areas where similar buildings are represented were also used as comparative material. Consequently, the answer to the basic question of whether the possible Temple on Bar Kokhba coins was a confirmation of the historical fact of taking power over the Jewish capital or was it only a manifestation of longing – firstly after the loss of the Temple in 70, and secondly after the restoration of Jerusalem as the spiritual and political centre of the Chosen Nation – clearly leads to the second conclusion.
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Sleeman, Matthew. "Mark, the Temple and Space: A Geographer's Response." Biblical Interpretation 15, no. 3 (2007): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x184919.
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AbstractAs a production of space, the Jerusalem temple has multiple dimensions which render a rich material and ideational locale. The paper links interpretation of the Jerusalem temple in Mark's Gospel to a growing interest in spatial theory and narrative spatiality which resists reducing space to either background staging or the realm of ideas. Such theory calls for a genuinely spatialized reading, rather than a privileging of temporality which marginalizes readings for space.
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Bokhorst, Mirjam Judith. "Enoch’s Vision of the Heavenly Temple (1 En. 14:8–25) Reconsidered." Biblical Annals 14, no. 2 (April 26, 2024): 245–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/ba.16674.
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The paper focuses on a reexamination and reassessment of the textual evidence of Enoch’s Vision of the Heavenly Temple and of its classical interpretation as a heavenly temple complex. In line with the common scholarly opinion, 1 En. 14:8–25 has so far been interpreted in the sense of a bipartite or even tripartite temple which resembles the earthly temple in Jerusalem not only in structure but also in appearance. In contrast, this paper claims that this passage of the Book of the Watchers provides a twofold vision of two different temples, namely the inferior earthly temple and the ideal heavenly sanctuary. In this way, it articulates one of the most radical temple critiques of ancient Judaism. This interpretation is based on a careful textual analysis and a meticulous discussion of the individual elements of, in particular, the first house, taking into account other ancient Jewish sources such as Ezekiel, Haggai and the Animal Apocalypse which partially have been ignored so far but provide a helpful and illuminating background for the interpretation of Enoch’s Heavenly Vision.
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Giulea, Dragoş Andrei. "The Meeting of the Three Temples: Co-celebrating with the Angels in Early Christian Liturgies." Studia Liturgica 50, no. 2 (September 2020): 226–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720945725.
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A new inspection of the ancient liturgical pattern of praying with the angels unveils that Jewish materials limited it to the priestly class and such legendary figures as Enoch, Abraham, Moses, or Elijah. The classical Christian anaphoras of the third and fourth centuries will extend this pattern to the entire congregation based on the early Christian generalization of the priestly status to all the members of the ecclesia. While shifting the focus of discussion to the concepts of “temple” and “priest,” the study finds that these Christian anaphoras include both the Jerusalem Temple feature of serving in front of God’s descended glory and the Second Temple apocalyptic idea of celebrating in the heavenly sanctuary. The earthly and heavenly temples, therefore, become one liturgical space which also intersects a third temple, that of the human being, within which God also descends, sanctifies it, and receives due worship.
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Klem, Matthew J. "Flipping Tables and Building Temples: An Intertextual Reading of Psalm 68:10 LXX in John 2:17." Horizons in Biblical Theology 43, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712207-12341423.
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Abstract John 2:17 quotes Ps 68:10: “Zeal for your house will consume me.” Interpreters disagree about whether consume portrays Jesus’s zeal overwhelming him during the temple incident or leading to his death. They also disagree about whether John alludes metaleptically to the whole psalm, especially the rebuilding of Jerusalem in Ps 68:36–37. This article argues that consume portrays Jesus’s death. It substantiates that John alludes to the whole psalm, not only the rebuilding of Jerusalem in 68:36–37, but also the table becoming a trap and the pouring out of wrath in 68:23, 25. These echoes suggest that Jesus embodies the judgment of God in the temple incident, the suffering of the psalmist in his death, and the restoration of Jerusalem in his resurrection. The story from the Psalter is thus reconfigured in the temple incident: God rebuilds the forsaken city by identifying with Israel’s exile in the crucified body of Jesus.
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Mroczek, Eva. "How Not to Build a Temple: Jacob, David, and the Unbuilt Ideal in Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 46, no. 4-5 (November 25, 2015): 512–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340108.
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Jacob and David share one distinction in early Jewish literature: both wish to build temples, but are denied by direct divine revelation—David in Chronicles, and Jacob in Jubilees. Considering these figures together through the motif of a denied sanctuary illuminates how early Jews conceptualized the temple, both earthly and heavenly. The prohibitions against building are also occasions for cultic inauguration, revelation of writing, and promises of an ideal or eschatological sanctuary. When the Jerusalem temple was considered less than ideal, a return to founding moments, when the temple was still unbuilt—but only a blueprint, vision, or promise—was an important theological move. In those primordial times, nothing had yet been constructed, so nothing could have been ruined; Jacob and David serve as exemplars of how to live when the ideal temple is not yet real. Considering them together provides a richer imaginative context for Chronicles, Jubilees, 11QT, 4QFlor, and other texts.
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Regev, Eyal. "The Temple Cult, Romanization, and the Rebels." Journal of Ancient Judaism 5, no. 1 (May 14, 2014): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00501004.
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Reading Josephus between the lines reveals the rebels’ claim of Roman desecration of the Jewish religion, and specifically of the Jerusalem Temple cult, as well as the rebels’ actions during the Great Revolt to liberate the Temple. In the following article, the rebels’ ideology will be evaluated in light of the Romanization of the cult throughout the Empire, and of the politicization of the Jerusalem Temple in particular. It will be shown that, like other cult-based native revolts against Rome, the rebels were not primarily bothered by direct violations of the Jewish law, such as the alleged deification of the emperor; rather, their ire was directed toward the more implicit Roman intervention in the Temple cult. Finally, I will argue that for the rebels, the Roman governor Florus’ passive support for pagan violation of Jewish ritual rites in Caesarea as well as his plundering of the Temple treasury in 66 C.E., finally proved the last straw.
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Houston, Walter J. "Between Salem and Mount Gerizim: The Context of the Formation of the Torah Reconsidered." Journal of Ancient Judaism 5, no. 3 (May 14, 2014): 311–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00503003.
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Building on recent suggestions, I argue that the final composition of the Pentateuch in the Persian period was the result of common enterprise or compromise between the province of Samaria and Jerusalem. This is based on an examination of the historical circumstances as well as on the contents and text of the Pentateuch. Contrary to the picture painted in Ezra-Nehemiah, there were good relationships and contacts between the upper classes of the two provinces throughout the period, and it is probable that the priestly staff of the temple of Argarizim, which recent evidence shows was established in the mid fifth century, was closely related to that of Jerusalem. The identities of both holy places are hinted at in the text. The likely original text of Deut 27:2–8 ordains sacrifice to be made and the Torah to be inscribed on Mount Gerizim (v. 4), not on Mount Ebal as in the MT. This either suggested the establishment of the sanctuary there (Kartveit), or was suggested by it (Nihan). On the other hand, Gen 14:18 refers to Jerusalem under the name of Salem. The Torah contains material of northern origin, and some of it, especially the story of Joseph, originated relatively late. The Tabernacle and ritual texts in P do not, as often thought, represent the Jerusalem temple, but an ideal sanctuary, and they are available to reform the practice of both temples. The MT, like the Samaritan Pentateuch, contains revisions away from the common inheritance.
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Shin, W. Gil. "The Ambivalence of Jerusalem in Luke–Acts: The Limitations of Dyadic Approaches, and a Test of a Sojan Model of Thirdspace for Acts 7." Bulletin for Biblical Research 32, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 41–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.32.1.0041.
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Luke’s ambivalent attitude toward Jerusalem and the temple remains a thorny issue in Lukan scholarship. This article reviews the history of scholarship according to two models of replacement versus continuity, which often operate in a dyadic paradigm. Sojan geography is suggested as a way of breaking through the deadlock this paradigm has created, as it attends to “thirding” that encompasses the two sides of ambivalence. In utilizing Sojan geography, a modified rubric derived from Prinsloo’s model is introduced as a remedy to Sleeman’s primarily synchronic approach. A test of this modified model is conducted on the spatiality of Jerusalem in Acts 7. This examination elucidates the complex ambivalence of Jerusalem without having to reduce one aspect over the other. Especially, Stephen’s retold history shows the trialectic structure of “lived space” in Abraham’s relation to the land, which becomes a model of the Jerusalem temple as a “lived space” for his offspring.
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GELİR ÇELEBİ, Azize. "JERUSALEM CITY IN THE PERIOD OF KING HEROD." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 8, no. 38 (July 15, 2023): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.948.
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Jerusalem has hosted many civilizations throughout its long history. Among these civilizations, Rome is one of the longest-lasting with 700 years. During the period when Jerusalem was ruled as a kingdom dependent on Rome, King Herod came to the fore with his devotion to Rome and the works he dedicated to his kingdom. King Herod was not just a manager/manager, but an engineer, city planner and entrepreneur. Knowing well the meaning it has for Jerusalem and the Jews, King Herod first built the larger and more magnificent Second Temple in Jerusalem, instead of the Temple built by King Solomon. In this way, Herod, who aimed to make the Jews happy and to get the support of his Jewish subjects, turned Jerusalem into a pilgrimage center. Herod, who had the Antonia Castle built in order to ensure the safety of the Holy Temple, had this castle built to have the characteristics of a palace. King Herod, who had his own palace built in the west of the city, displayed his fondness for luxury and splendor in this palace, as in all the palaces he had built. Adding entertainment structures such as the theater and hippodrome to the social life, Herod also showed his loyalty to Rome in the city he transformed into a Roman colony. King Herod's reign was a time of high economic prosperity for Jerusalem and its Jewish people. In addition, King Herod gained the title of "Great" with every building and project he signed and managed to write his name in history as Herod the Great.
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Ma'oz, Moshe. "The Role of the Temple Mount / Al-Haram Al-Sharif in the Deterioration of Muslim–Jewish Relations." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (December 8, 2014): 60–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67550.
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For both Jews and Muslims the Temple Mount and the Old City of Jerusalem constitute highly important religious, cultural, political and national centres. For centuries Jews in the diaspora prayed in the direction of Jerusalem, vowed never to forget it (‘If I forget thee Jerusalem, may my right arm wither’); and blessed one another ‘Next year in Jerusalem’. The Zionist-Jewish movement (since the 1880s) – although predominantly secular – has considered Jerusalem (Zion) as the political and cultural centre of the Jewish people.By comparison, the Palestinian-Arab national movement has, since the 1920s established its national and political-cultural centre in East Jerusalem, while the Haram al Sharif, particularly the Al-Aqsa Mosque, has continued to be a top religious shrine for Muslims. They termed it Awla Al-Qiblatayn (the first prayer direction before Mecca); Thani Masjidayn (the second mosque after Mecca); a place where Prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven (Isra’ and Mi’raj).This article will examine the changes in Muslim–Jewish mutual relations, especially since 1967, at both government and public levels. Special attention will be given to the development of both Islamic Judeophobia and Jewish Islamophobia, which have been associated with the dispute over the Temple Mount and East Jerusalem.
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Girardin, Michaël. "Monnaie du tribut, monnaie de l’offrande en Judée séleucide et romaine." Revue des Études Anciennes 121, no. 1 (2019): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2019.6902.
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It is generally assumed that the Seleucid and Roman taxes in Judaea were taken in money, while the taxes of the temple of Jerusalem were only paid in Tyrian staters. Yet, a re-examination of these both assertions with the aid of the tax parchments found in the Judean desert, proves that these ideas are based on fragile foundations. Using the expression “ tribute money” by which Jesus of Nazareth designated the denier, it will be seen that, if the links between the currency and the taxes were very narrows, taxes were not totally monetarized, and that there existed nor “ tribute money”, neither “ temple money”. The denier seems to be accepted in the temple of Jerusalem, at least in certain ways.
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Wardle, Timothy. "Mark, the Jerusalem Temple and Jewish Sectarianism: Why Geographical Proximity Matters in Determining the Provenance of Mark." New Testament Studies 62, no. 1 (November 20, 2015): 60–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688515000375.
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Rome or Syria? This article addresses the issue of the provenance of Mark's Gospel by exploring affinities between the second Gospel and Jewish sectarian groups of the first centuries bce and ce. It is argued that Mark displays certain sectarian tendencies, and that these tendencies, most notably seen in the Gospel's negative evaluation of the Jerusalem temple and its priestly overseers, strongly suggest that the Gospel was written in close geographical proximity to Jerusalem and its temple. Accordingly, an area in the Syrian Decapolis is a much more likely place of origin for Mark's Gospel than that of Rome.
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Patrich, Joseph, and Asher Selig Kaufman. "Kaufman, "The Temple of Jerusalem: Tractate Middot"." Jewish Quarterly Review 85, no. 3/4 (January 1995): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1454741.
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Vainstub, Daniel. "Incense from Sheba for the Jerusalem Temple." Jerusalem Journal of Archaeology 4 (2023): 42–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52486/01.00004.2.
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In Eilat Mazar’s excavations in the Ophel in Jerusalem, a partially preserved inscription engraved on the shoulder of a pithos was found in 2012 in a context dated to the 10th century BCE. Although close to a dozen interpretations of the inscription have been offered over time, its reading remains highly disputed. All of these interpretations consider the script to be Canaanite. In this study, it is argued that the inscription was engraved in the Ancient South Arabian script and that its language is Sabaean. The inscription reads “ ]šy ladanum 5.” The aromatic ladanum (Cistus ladaniferus), rendered as lḏn in the inscription, is most probably שׁ ְ חֵ לֶ ת (šǝḥēlet), the second component of incense according to Exod 30:34. The inscription was engraved before the locally made vessel was fired, leading to the conclusion that a Sabaean functionary entrusted with aromatic components of incense was active in Jerusalem by the time of King Solomon.
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Shemesh, Abraham. "“Holiness, War, and Peace”: Ancient Jewish Traditions Concerning the Landscape and Ecology of Jerusalem and Its Environs in the Second Temple Period." Religions 9, no. 8 (August 9, 2018): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9080241.
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The Second Temple period is considered both a pinnacle and a low point in the history of Jerusalem. One manifestation of the sharp fluctuations in Jerusalem’s status is its flora and ecology. The current study aims to address the historical events and the Talmudic traditions concerning the flora and landscape of Jerusalem. In the city’s zenith, the Jewish sages introduced special ecological regulations pertaining to its overall urban landscape. One of them was a prohibition against growing plants within the city in order to prevent undesirable odors or litter and thus maintain the city’s respectable image. The prohibition against growing plants within the city did not apply to rose gardens, maybe because of ecological reasons, i.e., their contribution to aesthetics and to improving bad odors in a crowded city. In the city’s decline, its agricultural crops and natural vegetation were destroyed when the beleaguered inhabitants were defeated by Titus’ army. One Talmudic tradition voices hope for the rehabilitation of the flora (“shitim”) around the city of Jerusalem. Haggadic-Talmudic tradition tries to endow Jerusalem with a metaphysical uniqueness by describing fantastic plants that allegedly grew in it in the past but disappeared as a result of its destruction.
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Jordaan, Pierre J. "THE TEMPLE IN 2 MACCABEES – DYNAMICS AND EPISODES." Journal for Semitics 24, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 352–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3452.
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Scholars differ among each other about the importance of the Jerusalem temple in 2 Maccabees. Some see the temple as of minor importance while others are of the opinion that the temple takes centre stage in this book. This article concurs with the second view. However, it goes further by also exploring crucial temple dynamics. These temple dynamics are determined by certain pre-set criteria and centre mainly on the relationship between God and the nation. The result is that three different temple episodes can be distinguished. The positive/negative view of each temple episode is determined by this relationship between the nation and God. This opens a new way of exploring 2 Maccabees.
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Yisraeli, Oded. "Jerusalem in Naḥmanides's Religious Thought: The Evolution of the “Prayer over the Ruins of Jerusalem”." AJS Review 41, no. 2 (November 2017): 409–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009417000435.
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R. Moses ben Naḥman (1194–1270), one of the most prominent rabbinic figures of medieval Spanish Jewry, wrote the majority of his works in Catalonia, and composed only a few isolated pieces after his move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el three years before his death. This article examines one of his latest works—the prayer he delivered in Jerusalem on visiting its ruins in 1267. This lament over the city, which extols its majesty during its glory days, also reflects the place the temple occupied in Naḥmanides's religious thought. This article presents an earlier version of the prayer that was probably written during the heyday of his career in Catalonia. A close analysis of the changes Naḥmanides made to it after his move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el reveals changes in his perception of the temple, perhaps also shedding light on some of the motives behind his decision to move to ’Ereẓ Yisra'el at the end of his life.
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Trotter, Jonathan R. "Jewish Identity and the Intercommunal Links between Diaspora Jewish Communities in the Second Temple Period." Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 1 (March 29, 2021): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-12340020.
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Abstract Many diaspora communities identify not only with a distant homeland but also with others distant from the homeland. How exactly do these intercommunal connections take place and contribute toward a shared identity? What specific aspects of diasporan identity are created or strengthened? What practices are involved? This study will begin to answer these questions through investigating two practices which were widespread among diaspora Jewish communities during the last two centuries of the Second Temple period (1st cent. B.C.E.–1st cent. C.E.). First, we will show how sending offerings and making pilgrimages to the Jerusalem temple from these communities enabled regular intercommunal contact. Then, we will suggest some ways in which these voluntary practices reinforced a cohesive Jewish identity and the importance of the homeland, especially the city of Jerusalem and the temple, for many diaspora Jews, whether they lived in Alexandria, Rome, Asia Minor, or Babylonia.
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Hays, J. Daniel. "The Persecuted Prophet and Judgment on Jerusalem: The Use of LXX Jeremiah in the Gospel of Luke." Bulletin for Biblical Research 25, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 453–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.25.4.0453.
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Abstract This article argues that within Second Temple Judaism, Jeremiah was well known as the paradigmatic “persecuted prophet” and was likewise closely associated with the consequential fall and destruction of Jerusalem. Thus, when the Gospel of Luke portrays Jesus as the “persecuted prophet” in conflict with the leaders in Jerusalem or recounts Jesus' warnings of judgment on Jerusalem, allusions and parallels to Jeremiah are numerous, implying that the traditions associated with LXX Jeremiah form a critical background for understanding those texts.
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Zeidan, David. "Jerusalem in Jewish fundamentalism." Evangelical Quarterly 78, no. 3 (April 21, 2006): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-07803006.
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Orthodox Jews are a small minority of the minority of religious Jews in Israel. Some are anti-Zionist even to the extent of not recognising the State of Israel. Other Orthodox Jews are messianic fundamentalists and Zionists. These ideas are found especially in Gush Enumim, ‘The Bloc of the Faithful’, which teaches that the Jewish people should occupy the whole land of Israel and rebuild the Temple. Some more radical groups are prepared to use any means to hasten this.
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Ousterhout, Robert. "Rebuilding the Temple: Constantine Monomachus and the Holy Sepulchre." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 48, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/990407.
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The reconstruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem c. 1042-1048 by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine IX Monomachus marks an important turning point in the history of the building. An analysis of the surviving remains of this phase of construction suggests that the plan was determined by an architect from the Byzantine capital, and the construction was carried out by two teams of masons. One workshop was apparently from Constantinople, and the other was trained locally in or around Jerusalem. An analysis of wall and vault construction bears out this conclusion.
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Fonfeder, Robert, Mark P. Holtzman, and Eugene Maccarrone. "INTERNAL CONTROLS IN THE TALMUD: THE JERUSALEM TEMPLE." Accounting Historians Journal 30, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.30.1.73.
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We examine the Hebrew Talmud's account of internal controls in the ancient Jerusalem Temple (c.823 B.C.E. to 70 C.E.) This far-reaching enterprise involved an extensive system of sacrificial offerings, management of three annual pilgrimages, a court system and maintenance of a priestly class. We outline the annual process of collecting half-shekel and other donations, withdrawals from the Temple treasury and the sale of libations. The Talmud describes numerous internal controls: donations were segregated according to their specific purposes and donation chests were shaped with small openings to prevent theft. When making withdrawals from the Temple treasury, the priest-treasurer was required to wear specific clothing to prevent misappropriation of assets. The Treasury chamber itself had seven seals, requiring the presence of seven different individuals, including the king, in order to open it. The process of selling libations and meal offerings required purchasing and then redeeming different tickets, which were specifically marked to prevent fraud. In explaining the reasoning for this tight system of internal controls, the Talmud reveals that an individual “shall be guiltless before G-D and before Israel” [Numbers 32: 22], so that a sound system of internal controls prevents both theft and any suspicion of theft, thus establishing the fiscal credibility of the Temple institution in the eyes of its congregants. Such an approach indicates that accounting did not represent a profane, secular vocation at odds with the Temple's mission. To the contrary, a system of accountability formed integral steps in the Temple's ritual processes.
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Ammann, Sonja. "The Fall of Jerusalem: Cultural Trauma as a Process." Open Theology 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 362–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2022-0212.
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Abstract Cultural trauma theory provides a framework for studying the socio-cultural process which takes place between an event and its (socially accepted) representation. This article will apply the process-oriented approach of cultural trauma theory to studying biblical narratives of the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem, focusing in particular on the destruction and pillage of the temple. The comparison of the various accounts of the Babylonian conquest of Jerusalem, and of their different versions transmitted in Hebrew and in Greek, reveals that the memory of this event was by no means unified and developed over a longer period of time. Discussing passages from 2 Kgs 24–25 and their parallels in the book of Jeremiah, this article will argue that the devastation of the temple of Jerusalem, which is often regarded as a major traumatizing event in the history of ancient Judah, became remembered as such only as the result of a longer process.
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Cohen, Yoel, and Azi Lev-On. "The Dormant Volcano: Social Media and the Temple Mount, Jerusalem." Social Media + Society 8, no. 4 (October 2022): 205630512211387. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051221138754.
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Social media have become primary venues for pubic conversations, but we know very little about how and where holy places are discussed in social media and who participates in these conversations. To address these questions, we look at the Temple Mount, one of the most significant places to the three ancient monotheistic religions, which is of great importance in political, national, and other contexts. The research question is twofold: In what contexts are discussions taking place in the Hebrew Facebook-sphere around the Temple Mount? And, what are the leading social media venues where the Temple Mount is discussed? Data collection took place in 2017, when Israel celebrated 50 years since capturing the mount, and experienced a major security event—the “metal detector crisis,” followed by major clashes between Jews and Palestinians. We found that the Temple Mount is portrayed prominently in three contexts: national, religious, and security and that “ ordinary” social media interest in it is limited to groups of mostly nationalist and religious Jews who demand prayer rights on the mount and rarely cross to become an issue for the broader Israeli social media public until a major security development initiates an “ extraordinary” discourse involving many more individuals and groups. In one sense, the discourse about the Temple Mount is reminiscent of a “dormant volcano” that does not erupt regularly, but when it does, no one knows how the eruption will end. Lessons for the representation of holy places in social media are discussed.
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Бельский, Владимир Викторович. "Organization of Jewish Worship in Jerusalem During the Teispid Period." Theological Herald, no. 4(51) (December 15, 2023): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/gb.2023.51.4.002.
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В центре внимания данной статьи свидетельство Книги Ездры (Езд. 3, 1–6) о сооружении жертвенника в Иерусалиме при Кире II (539–530 гг. до Р. Х.) иудеями первой волны репатриации. На основании текста Книги Ездры создаётся впечатление, что сооружение алтаря открытого типа в первый год Кира Великого является началом реконструкции Иерусалимского храма. Некоторые факты и их сопоставление заставляют усомниться в том, что сообщение Езд. 3, 1–6 исторически достоверно. Однако исследователи начального периода эпохи Второго храма не учитывают особенностей древнеизраильских богослужебных практик с их градацией сакральных мест. В статье предпринимается попытка объяснить содержание указанного фрагмента Книги Ездры в контексте многообразия ветхозаветных литургических практик и различия мест, приспособленных для совершения богослужения. Судя по всему, упоминающийся в указанном фрагменте жертвенник мог быть сооружён в правление Кира II, однако это был не алтарь реставрируемого Иерусалимского храма, а одиночный жертвенник с ограниченным богослужебным функционалом. The focus of this article is the testimony of the book of Ezra (Ezra 3, 1–6) about the construction of an altar in Jerusalem under Cyrus II (539–530 BC) by the Jews of the first waves of repatriation. The restoration of the cult of Yahweh in Yehud was not only of religious significance, but also played an important role in the administrative and political forms of the Jewish community and in resolving the socio-economic situation in the southern Levant. However, before Darius Hystaspes (522–486 BC), there were no conditions for the construction of a temple, which would become the center of unification of the Jews of this region in the civil-temple community. Based on the text of the book of Ezra, it seems that the construction of the open altar in the first year of Cyrus the Great is the beginning of the construction of the Jerusalem temple. The beginning of the construction of the temple under Cyrus II in the absence of sufficient material resources, Divine sanction in the form of prophecy and clearly formulated royal sanction causes justified criticism in the scientific literature. In addition, the consecration of the altar in the open air contradicted the usual order of consecration of the temple, in which the consecration of the altar occurred at the very end, after the construction of the temple walls, and was combined with the investiture of the priests of this temple. All this casts doubt on the ancient reliability of the text of Ezra 3, 1–6. However, researchers of the initial period of the Second Temple era do not pay attention to ancient Israelite liturgical practices with their gradation of sacred places. The article attempts to explain the message of the indicated pericope of the book of Ezra in the ninth variety of Old Testament liturgical practices and systems of places adapted for worship. According to the hypothesis put forward in this education, the altar discussed in the indicated Conservative narrative could indeed have been built in the reign of Cyrus II, but it was not the altar of the restored Jerusalem Temple, a single altar with limited liturgical functionality.
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Avni, Gideon, and Jon Seligman. "Between the Temple Mount/Haram el-Sharif and the Holy Sepulchre: Archaeological Involvement in Jerusalem's Holy Places." Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 19, no. 2 (April 15, 2007): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jmea.2006.v19i2.259.
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Archaeological involvement in the holy places of Jerusalem has become a focus of professional and public concern during recent years. The two sacred areas of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre combine their role as historical and architectural monuments of supreme importance with their daily use as central religious sites. The connection between scholars, mainly archaeologists and architects, who studied these monuments, and the local religious authorities in charge of the holy sites has accompanied research on Jerusalem since the mid-nineteenth century. The main issues to be analyzed in this paper are related to the ways archaeologists and other scholars are involved with the major holy sites of Jerusalem: how the 'owners' of the Temple Mount and the Holy Sepulchre viewed these scholars and their research; to what degree they were prepared to cooperate with them; what their motives were for doing so and how archaeologists and other researchers operated and adhered to scholarly interests in such complex sites. The Jerusalem case study is used to investigate the larger scope of interrelations between the academic world and the religious 'owners' of holy sites in other locations.
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Frilingos, Christopher A. "Parents Just Don't Understand: Ambiguity in Stories about the Childhood of Jesus." Harvard Theological Review 109, no. 1 (January 2016): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816015000474.
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The childhood and teenage years, which we think of as crucial to the formation of the adult personality, go all but unnoticed in the canonical accounts of the life of Jesus. Only the Gospel of Luke includes a story about a twelve-year-old Jesus debating with religious experts in the Jerusalem temple and arguing with his parents. Synopses and commentaries sometimes refer to the episode as the “Finding of Jesus in the Temple” (Luke 2:41–52 NRSV), because it begins when his parents lose track of him. Mary and Joseph, having taken Jesus with them on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem for Passover, begin to make the journey back home to Nazareth. Jesus remains in Jerusalem, without his parents’ permission: “but his parents did not know it” (καὶ οὐκ ἔγνωσαν οἱ γονες [Luke 2:43]). Mary and Joseph search for and find their son “after three days” (2:46), safe and sound, in the great temple of Jerusalem. The boy sits among the elders, asking questions and amazing all with his “understanding” (σύνεσις [2:47]). “Child, why have you done this to us?” Mary reproaches Jesus, “See, your father and I have been worried [ὀδυνώμενοι] looking for you!” (2:48). “Why were you looking for me?” Jesus replies, “Did you not know [οὐκ ᾔδειτε] that I must concern myself with the things of my father?” (2:49). The back and forth confuses the parents: “But they did not understand what he said to them” (καὶ αὐτοὶ οὐ συνκαν τὸ ῥμα ὃ ἐλάλησεν αὐτος [Luke 2:50]).
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Moore, Nicholas J. "‘He Saw Heaven Opened’: Heavenly Temple and Universal Mission in Luke-Acts." New Testament Studies 68, no. 1 (December 9, 2021): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688521000205.
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AbstractNumerous scholars have argued that in Luke-Acts the location of sacred space or divine presence passes from the Jerusalem temple to Jesus, Christian believers, or both; in Acts, this transfer is understood as integral to the universal mission. The present article argues that such studies overlook the important motif of heaven as temple, which plays a role in Jesus’ trial and crucifixion and the Stephen and Cornelius episodes. Using Edward Soja's spatial theory, previous studies’ binary categorisation of temple space is critiqued. The heavenly temple disrupts and reconstitutes understandings of sacred space, and thus undergirds the universal spread of the Way.
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DULK, MATTHIJS DEN. "Measuring the Temple of God: Revelation 11.1–2 and the Destruction of Jerusalem." New Testament Studies 54, no. 3 (June 6, 2008): 436–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688508000222.
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Rev 11.1–2 refers to the destruction of the temple in 70 ce. The measuring of the temple area does not signify that it will be protected, as is commonly thought, but symbolises that it falls under God's judgment. The underlying idea is that the destruction of the temple at the hands of the Gentiles has been possible only because it was preceded by God's judgment, a notion also found in contemporary apocalyptic literature. John argues that God has given the Gentiles the authority to ‘trample the holy city’, including the temple, for a limited period of time.
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Joachimsen, Kristin. "Yehudite Imaginations of King Darius and His Officials: Views from the Province beyond the River." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 19, 2022): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030262.
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This article analyzes representations of the Persian king Darius and his officials in the Books of Haggai, Zechariah 1–8, and Ezra 4–6 in the current Hebrew Bible. These writings, produced in the Persian period or somewhat later, portray these literary characters in various ways in relation to the restoration of the community, city, and temple of YHWH in Jerusalem. In biblical scholarship, the main interest has been to scrutinize the conditions behind the textual representations of Darius, related to dating the selected texts and the temple restoration, as well as Darius’s role as the central supplier of Achaemenid imperial ideology. The current study suggests refocusing by highlighting the historical significance of the literary imaginations of this monarch. What is at stake is not the historical Darius or the officials Zerubbabel, Sheshbazzar, and Tattenai, but rather literary representations of them suiting the needs of those who produced them. In Haggai and Zechariah 1–8, Darius’s role in the temple restoration is downplayed, while in Haggai, Zerubbabel is represented by a blend of Yahwistic and imperial signs and symbols, and in Zechariah 1–8, the imperial connotations are toned down. This is while Zerubbabel is decisive for authorizing both the temple community and the prophet. In Ezra 4–6, Darius is one of many Persian kings engaged in the restoration of the temple and the city of Jerusalem. While Zerubbabel gains support from the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, Sheshbazzar brings the vessels back to Jerusalem and lays the foundations of the temple on King Cyrus’s command. At the same time, Tattenai gets Cyrus’s order confirmed and, apart from that, is asked to stay away from the works of the Yehudites. By analyzing the representations of Darius and other Persian officials through a cultural-historical lens, selection and perspectivization are stressed. The selected writings convey local negotiations of power relations with the empire in terms of keeping a position in the imperial hierarchy while, at the same time, cultivating the identity of their subaltern group through certain symbols, institutions, and practices.
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Greenfield, Noah, and Steven Fine. "“Remembered for Praise”: Some Ancient Sources on Benefaction to Herod's Temple." IMAGES 2, no. 1 (2008): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187180008x408663.
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AbstractThe Temple of Jerusalem was reconstructed and enlarged under the patronage of Herod the Great beginning in 20/19 BCE. This essay assembles epigraphic sources from Jerusalem and literary sources preserved in the writings of Flavius Josephus and the ancient rabbis for benefaction to the Temple by individual wealthy Jews. Donors from as far afield as Rhodes, Alexandria and Adiabene may be identified, with Nicanor of Alexandria and Queen Helena and her son Monobazus of Adiabene appearing in archaeological remains, Josephus and rabbinic literature. This corpus provides a controlled example of ways that literary sources of various genre and archaeological remains may be placed in conversation so as to elicit historical evidence that may be of use to students of Jewish and general Roman antiquity.