Journal articles on the topic 'Temporary residence permits'

Abstract There exists sharp competition amongst nations regarding the increasing foreign investments; therefore, nations are willing to offer foreign investors and their families some type of political bonus, such as temporary residence permit, permanent residence permit, or even citizenship. The simplest way to entice investors is to offer them and their family members temporary residence permits in exchange for investments - simply by purchasing real property (via the so-called “Golden Visa” program). Such a program was launched in Latvia in 2010; however, significant limitations were placed on it in 2014. This research (1) compares the “Golden Visa” programs in different countries in the world, (2) determines the impact of the program on the real property market of Latvia, and (3) searches for the main reason why limitations were applied to the temporary residence permit program in 2014, which resulted in a significant decrease in the international investments in Latvia (this part of the paper is based on the results of the following research: Viesturs, J., Auziņš, A., & Štaube, T. (2017). Arguments Used for Restricting International Real Property Transactions: Case Study of Latvia).

This article addresses the role of immigration regulations as a frame of reference for migrant employment before obtaining permanent residency status. Drawing on interviews with non-EU migrants and service sector employers in the Helsinki area, the article examines how immigration regulations inform migrant employment and contribute to the hierarchisation of labour markets. The analysis focuses on the legal significance of employment for migrants during the immigration process, which is related to the financial requirements for residence permits and manifested in the work permit process in particular. Immigration regulations increase migrants’ dependency on paid employment, consequently decreasing their bargaining power in the labour market. The findings demonstrate the changing dynamics of the supply and demand of labour in the low-paid service sector, where employers prefer to recruit migrants in temporary legal positions over local workers and ‘labour migrants’, resulting in what the author calls the juridical division of labour.

The article analyzes the role of immigration and labor immigration in the demographic and socio-economic development of Russia in the post-Soviet period. Two main migration flows (immigration for permanent residence and labor immigration) to the country are analyzed on the basis of both absolute numbers and socio-demographic structure. The four most common myths regarding the negative impact of labor migration on the socio-economic situation in Russia are considered in detail: immigration hampers technological re-equipment and the renewal of the Russian economy; immigrants squeeze national labor from the Russian labor market; immigrants contribute to the dumping of wages on the Russian labor market; immigrants are to blame for raising the retirement age in Russia. The author’s counterarguments on each of these myths are cited. A distinctive feature of labor migration to Russia is the clearly expressed labor motivation of migrants. For the most part, migrant workers are people from the countries of the former USSR (primarily citizens of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan) who are willing to work actively, many speak Russian, are oriented towards Russia, want and are ready to register honestly, get permits documents and pay taxes. Many migrants have quite successfully adapted to the Russian labor market, some receive a temporary residence permit and a permanent residence permit, and many become citizens of Russia. This is partly evidence of their successful integration into Russian society. Given the demographic situation in which modern Russia is located, labor migration could not only replenish the cohort of labor resources on a temporary basis, but also increase the population of the country on a permanent basis. At the same time, the sociocultural consequences of labor migration for local societies and Russian society as a whole require additional study. In this regard, Russia needs to develop the infrastructure for the adaptation and integration of migrants into Russian society - to ensure access to learning Russian, medical services, education of children and migrants.

The article deals with various options for mobile homes: from motorhomes and caravans for cars to mobile home facilities. Mobile homes, buildings or temporary structures may be in the form of mobile or portable containers, prefabricated structures of modules or panels, as well as structural elements and flexible transformable structures. These mobile homes are used as a means of placing the sleeper on holiday, accommodation and living in nature, including at the camp. It was found that for seasonal and temporary sleeper accommodation the most rational choice is a home, having mobility. Mobile homes are distinguished by features such as destination, shipping method, or the autonomy of delivery, the method of assembly, materials, equipment, type of plan and others. The main advantage of mobile homes is the ability to inexpensively change the place of their dislocation. Mobile homes for temporary accommodation of sleepers are also preferred because they relate to non-capital building structures and do not require special permits for their construction. This makes the development of caravanning, event tourism and cultural events more effective and less costly. Transformable modular structures have the ability to obtain the necessary level of comfort in residence with minimal time spent and negative impact on the environment.

The decision in Europe to implement biometric passports, visas and residence permits was made at the highest levels without much consultation, checks and balances. Council regulation came into force relatively unnoticed in January 2005, as part of wider securitization policies urging systems interoperability and data sharing across borders. This article examines the biometric imaginary that characterizes this European Union decision, dictated by executive powers in the policy vacuum after 9/11 – a depiction of mobility governance, technological necessity and whom/what to trust or distrust, calling upon phantom publics to justify decisions rather than test their grounding. We consult an online blog we operated in 2010 to unravel this imaginary years on. Drawing on Dewey’s problem of the public, we discuss this temporary opening of a public space in which the imaginary could be reframed and contested, and how such activities may shape, if at all, relations between politics, publics, policy intervention and societal development.

We live in an increasingly heterogeneous society. The rate of international migration has contributed to cultural diversity in many nations. Libraries of all types have started to address cultural and linguistic diversity while providing information sources and services. According to The IFLA Multicultural Library Manifesto (2008), each individual has the right to a full range of library and information services, and libraries should serve all members of the community without discrimination. Special attention should be paid to cultural and linguistic groups which are underserved such as minorities, refugees, immigrants, including those with temporary residence permits. Public libraries are considered useful social instruments in the democratization of information. They are agents for social change and excellent tools for the integration of immigrants. They prepare immigrants for citizenship by introducing them to the values of their new nation, and frequently sustain them through the initial period of adaptation. They are spaces where patrons can readily access information, not only to increase their knowledge, but also to improve their abilities and skills in order to participate in society. As the key for life-long learning and success not only in school and the work place but also in daily life, information literacy skills must be developed by immigrants, refugees and foreign residents in order for them to integrate into their adopted country. Knowing how to access, use and communicate information effectively will enable the social inclusion of newcomers. Therefore, developing special information literacy programs to equip such groups with information literacy skills should be among the priorities of public libraries. In this study, the importance of information literacy skills in multicultural societies in terms of the social inclusion of immigrants will be underlined. Findings of a survey which has been conducted to ascertain information needs of foreign residents in Turkey and the level of fulfillment of their information needs will be presented. The findings of the research will also be used to make suggestions for developing information literacy programs which address the specific information needs of culturally and linguistically diverse communities.

AbstractMore and more Member States require immigrants from outside the EU to pass language or knowledge-of-society tests in different stages of the immigration and integration process. This article focuses on the application of this requirement as a condition for obtaining a permanent residence permit or the EU long-term resident status. It is based on an international comparative study that included seven Member States with integration conditions (Austria, Denmark, France, Germany, Latvia, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom). The article analyses the reasons behind the introduction of language and knowledge tests for applicants for a permanent residence permit or the EU long-term resident status in these Member States. Secondly, it examines the effects of the tests on the integration process of third-country nationals admitted for non-temporary stay. Finally, it discusses the legal constraints posed by EU and international law.

The article presents the results of a study aimed at generalizing the sources of data, available in Russia, that characterizes a significant but little-studied phenomenon of family migration. The paper considers data from the Main Directorate for Migration Issues of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia on issued temporary residence permits (TRP) and acquisition of citizenship, Rosstat materials on the number of marriages with foreigners, as well as statistics on migration flows, which indicate family reasons. Considerable attention is given to the analysis of the Main Directorate for Migration Issues data on issued TRP and citizenship acquisition, on family reunification grounds. Based on the analyzed information, it is concluded that family migration is the major part of the flow of foreigners receiving TRP, and its share amounts to at least 35% of the total. Taking into account that a significant part of the TRPs is issued to the accompanying family members of the participants of the State Programme to Assist Voluntary Resettlement of Compatriots Living Abroad, the share of family migration can be increased to almost 50% of the TRP recipients. The percentage of migrants who acquired citizenship based on family ties with Russian citizens also amounts to about 36% of the annual flow and taking into account family members of participants of the State Program it makes almost 60% of all foreigners naturalized in 2014-2018.Analyzing the Russian statistics on citizenship acquisition available since 2010, the author notes that after the changes in the citizenship law in early 2010s, citizens of states that do not have international agreements with Russia actively use marriages with Russian citizens to simplify citizenship acquisition, and the number of such cases is growing rapidly. The basic growth rates of this category of naturalized migrants in 2018 compared to the level of 2010 reached 300 times among the citizens of Tajikistan, 110 times among the citizens of Moldova and almost 60 times among the citizens of Azerbaijan. The author suggests that there is an expansion of the practice of marriages of convenience to overcome the complexities of Russian immigration law. This hypothesis needs to be tested. It is also necessary to study the phenomenon of “transnational marriages”. The disparity in the number of foreigners, men and women who married Russian citizens, revealed by Rosstat data, also requires further study. On average, there are 15 foreign grooms per 10 foreign brides, for Tajikistan citizens this ratio amounts to 32, for Azerbaijan citizens 26, for citizens of Uzbekistan 17 and Moldova 14. The article ends with an analysis of Rosstat’s annual reports on the reasons for move and shows a limited potential of this information. The author makes recommendations for the development of administrative statistics and sample surveys to study family migration and use new types of data in research.

The COVID-19 pandemic is having serious and disproportionate effects on nationals abroad and their families globally. Many states have adopted positive measures including temporarily suspending forced returns as well providing visa and work permit extensions, temporary residence, or other forms of regular status to ensure that migrants are accounted for in national responses to the pandemic. Nevertheless, the human rights of nationals abroad and nationals with foreign family members have faced significant challenges. Some states have fully or partially closed entry to all of their own nationals and their foreign family members, in violation of nationals’ right to return and their right of family unification. Other states’ nationals abroad have been unable to enjoy the right to an adequate standard of living and the right to health. Many have also encountered the burdens of hate speech in both their home states and the states in which they live, the effect of which has been to undermine freedom of opinion and expression and the right to equality and non-discrimination. This essay identifies and explains these threats to human rights in the era of COVID-19. The essay encourages states to recommit to rights protection.

The subject of the paper is the amendment to the Act on Foreigners made in connec­tion with the implementation of Directive (EU) 2016/80. The considerations focus on the provisions according to which a foreigner is refused a visa or a temporary residence permit for the purpose of studying, when there are ‘justified doubts as to the credibility of their statements on the purpose of their stay in the territory of the Republic of Poland, due to evidence or objective circumstances available to the authority, indicating that the purpose of the foreigner’s stay could be different from the declared one.’ The key question is whether the authorities facing some doubts in cases of entry and stay of foreign students should opt for more restrictive solutions and take the opposite direction to the one determined by the formula in dubio pro libertate. The study presents general factual and legal circumstances of the amendment introduced, followed by an attempt to interpret it under substantive law and an analysis of its procedural aspects. The conclusion is that there are no grounds for introducing the principle in dubio contra libertatem in respect of foreign students’ entry and stay. Such understanding of the regulation in question would raise objections as to its compliance with the provisions of Directive 2016/80, which would require the refusal of the right of residence to be based on the evidence estab­lished and facts found, with its primary purpose being to facilitate the undertaking of studies by third-country nationals.

In this policy commentary, I highlight opportunities to advance equity and dignity for racialized migrant workers from less affluent countries who are hired through low-wage agricultural streams of Canada's Temporary Foreign Worker Program. Core features of the program such as 'tied' work permits, non-citizenship, and workers' deportability make it risky for migrant farm workers to exercise their rights. I discuss five federal policy interventions to strengthen justice for migrant farm workers in Canada: 1) permanent resident status; 2) equal access to social protections; 3) open work permits; 4) democratic business ownership; and 5) trade policy that respects community self-determination. To realize a food system that enables health, freedom and dignity for all members of our communities, a Food Policy for Canada cannot be for Canadians alone.

Abstract The objective of the article is to highlight the impact of the public order and national security concerns on immigration cases in the Member States. The most common categories of the administrative acts that are relevant to the topic are visa decisions, refusal of entry, entry bans, all types of decisions on granting a residence permit (permanent or temporary) and return decisions. The first part of the article is devoted to the institutional capacity in the field of immigration cases. The second part deals with the substantive law challenges and the third part focuses on the procedural law challenges, in particular access to classified evidence in immigration cases.

This article discusses investment opportunities and business migration in the Russian Federation in the context of the experience of foreign countries . The author treated investment migration as an aggregate of the cost of materials, labour and money in artificial body and/or natural foreign persons, legitimate and free-roaming in the recipient country, aimed at expanded reproduction, fixed assets of all branches of the host economy . In this regard, analyses the mechanism of regulation of economic migration in Russia . Attention is paid to the innovations of migration law and public policy objectives of the Russian migration policy . Investment migration of individuals is stimulated by the recipient in modern states preferences in obtaining a temporary residence permit, residence permit or citizenship . Legal entity investing abroad, encouraged by the tax, credit preferences, banking programs, favourable economic conditions, legal regimes, the reduction of administrative barriers . Each recipient country strives to create favourable conditions for foreign investment in the priority areas of economic and social development . Each recipient country seeks to create favourable conditions for foreign investment in the priority areas of economic and social development . The Russian Federation, as one of the leading contemporary recipients, poses a strategic task of creating an effective model of economic migration, which directly involves labour and migration investment .

BackgroundPrevalence rates of mental disorders are frequently increased in long-settled war refugees. However, substantial variation in prevalence rates across studies and countries remain unexplained.AimsTo test whether the same sociodemographic characteristics, war experiences and post-migration stressors are associated with mental disorders in similar refugee groups resettled in different countries.MethodMental disorders were assessed in war-affected refugees from the former Yugoslavia in Germany, Italy and the UK. Sociodemographic, war-related and post-migration characteristics were tested for their association with different disorders.ResultsA total of 854 war refugees were assessed (≥255 per country). Prevalence rates of mental disorders varied substantially across countries. A lower level of education, more traumatic experiences during and after the war, more migration-related stress, a temporary residence permit and not feeling accepted were independently associated with higher rates of mood and anxiety disorders. Mood disorders were also associated with older age, female gender and being unemployed, and anxiety disorders with the absence of combat experience. Higher rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) were associated with older age, a lower level of education, more traumatic experiences during and after the war, absence of combat experience, more migration-related stress, and a temporary residence permit. Only younger age, male gender and not living with a partner were associated with substance use disorders. The associations did not differ significantly across the countries. War-related factors explained more variance in rates of PTSD, and post-migration factors in the rates of mood, anxiety and substance use disorder.ConclusionsSociodemographic characteristics, war experiences and post-migration stressors are independently associated with mental disorders in long-settled war refugees. The risk factors vary for different disorders, but are consistent across host countries for the same disorders.

Bangladeshi overseas workers migrating to the West, who once aimed to establish long-term prospects, have beenincreasingly relying on temporary migration since the mid-2000s, as a result of changes in the migration policies andeconomic conditions of destination countries and corresponding shifts in migrant strategies. This paper examines the“temporariness” of low-skilled Bangladeshi migrant workers in Greece, by comparing the experiences of those who arrived in the 1990s and were issued resident permits with those who arrived in the mid-2000s with the support of the former immigrants, but who have not been able to secure any kind of visa. Members of the first generation have been forced to shorten their long-term stays and shift to temporary migration, while members of the second generation have had to suspend their lives in a state of extended temporariness. Despite these challenges, the enduring positive image of overseas migration in villages in Bangladesh allows migrants to maintain their motivation and they therefore continue to promote the migration culture.

In 1842 Lowell textile firms increased weaving productivity by assigning three looms per worker instead of two. This marked a turning point. Before, weavers at Lowell were temporary and mostly literate Yankee farm girls; afterwards, firms increasingly hired local residents, including illiterate and Irish workers. An important factor was on-the-job learning. Literate workers learned new technology faster, but local workers stayed longer. These changes were unprofitable before 1842, and the advantages of literacy declined over time. Firm policy and social institutions slowly changed to permit deeper human-capital investment and more productive implementation of technology.

The paper reviews recent developments in the system of protection, assistance and support of victims of human trafficking in Serbia. The establishment of the Agency for Co-ordination of Protection of Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings in 2003, the issuing of the Instruction on Conditions for Obtaining Temporary Residence Permit for Foreign Citizens — Victims of Trafficking in Human Beings by the Minister of Interior in 2004, and the adoption of the Strategy to Combat Trafficking in Human Beings in the Republic of Serbia in 2006 are important steps forward. Notable improvement has been achieved in the protection of victims as injured parties/witnesses in criminal proceedings. However, despite the respectable efforts made so far, further improvements to the system and mechanisms of victim protection in Serbia are still needed, particularly in terms of developing support for and protection of child victims.

Although China did not announce any official urbanization policy until 2014, since the 1980s urbanization has been the core goal of China’s unceasing push for modernization and national rejuvenation. Tens of millions of inhabitants living on the fringes of China’s cities merely hold temporary permits with virtually no political and social rights and only a modicum of public policy benefit in the cities where they work. The rights and social entitlements of these people are changing once again, because cities in China are now required by the central government to include the majority of them as normal citizens with equal rights. From the perspectives of three groups of peri-urban residents – relocated agricultural elites, in situ urbanites, and migrant workers – in Luoyang, Shanghai, and Hohhot, this article traces the dynamic dimensions of this ongoing, highly complex urbanization process. We argue that the decision to become a participant, negotiator, deal-maker, or deal-breaker in the migration, displacement, and/or resettlement process involves proactive agency and rational choices in a fast-moving environment, and that cities in China must make concessions to convince peri-urbanites to give up their official rural links.

The Council of Europe’s Gender Equality Strategy 2018-2023, without neglecting the important issue of voluntary and forced migration in the European area and the particular “vulnerability” of migrant women and girls, addresses the protection of the rights of migrant, refugees and asylum-seeking women and girls in the ffth strategic objective by stressing out that “measures need to be taken to ensure that migrant, refugee and asylum-seeking women have access to their human and social rights in relation to individual freedom, employment, housing, health, education, social protection and welfare where applicable; and access to information about their rights and the services available.” In this regard, European experiences after the great migration wave from 2015 have already shown that the full and successful integration of migrant women and girls into European society requires the collaborative work of numerous national and international bodies, governmental and non-governmental sectors, and other relevant institutions and organizations, including libraries that should address special attention “to groups which are often marginalized in culturally diverse societies: minorities, asylum seekers and refugees, residents with a temporary residence permit, migrant workers, and indigenous communities.” (IFLA / UNESCO Multicultural Library Manifesto 2008). In this context, this paper will provide an overview of selected programs and services targeted at migrant women in public libraries in the European area. In conclusion, paper highlights the important role of public libraries in the processes of linguistic and social integration of migrant women, and points out the need for continuous improvement of programs and services designed for migrant women, which should be an integral part of diversifed public library services.

Globally, employment-related geographical mobility (mobility to and within work) is a pervasive aspect of work that has potential health and safety implications. As an introduction to this special issue, this article defines the mobile workforce as those who engage in complex/extended mobility to and within work encompassing >two hours daily, less frequent but more extended mobility between regions and countries, and mobility within work such as between work sites or in mobile workplaces. Focusing on the Canadian context, we discuss the challenges associated with developing a statistical profile for this diversely mobile workforce and provide an overview of articles in the special issue identifying key health and safety challenges associated with extended/complex employment-related geographical mobility. We estimate that up to 16 percent of Canada’s employed labor force (including those commuting > one hour one-way, temporary residents with work permits, and transportation workers) engage in extended/complex mobility related to work.

The Dutch government introduced the Act on Extraordinary Measures for Urban Problems in 2006 to bolster local regeneration efforts. The act enables local governments to stop specific groups of deprived households from moving into designated neighbourhoods. More specifically, the Act allows local governments to refuse a residence permit to persons who have lived in the metropolitan region for less than six years and who do not receive an income from work, pensions or student loans. The policy is based on the idea that reducing the influx of poor newcomers improves liveability by providing a temporary relief of the demand for public services and by making neighbourhoods demographically ‘balanced’ or ‘socially mixed’. This review examines the socio-spatial effects of the Act in Rotterdam between 2006 and 2013. While the Act produces socio-demographic changes, the state of the living environment in designated areas seems to be worsening rather than improving. Our findings show that the policy restricts the rights of excluded groups without demonstrably improving safety or liveability. The review concludes with a reflection on how the Act may signify a broader change in European statecraft and urban policy.

<em>The reciprocal relationship between the state and citizens is seen in the granting of citizenship status and obedience to the law by citizens. Citizenship status is important in determining this relationship. The problem in this study is what are the implications of the release of citizenship status in Indonesia and what are the ideal terms and procedures for regaining Indonesian citizenship This research is a normative study using a statutory approach, case approach and conceptual approach. The loss of citizenship status has implications for not fulfilling one's basic rights that can be granted by the state. Therefore, it should be subject to weighting conditions and procedures by adding provisional length of stay of 10-15 years, add 'lost citizenship' note to the police record and to the residence permit, increase Citizenship money, do social work for a certain time, announce the action in media, and temporarily suspend the application for citizenship</em>

AbstractA major criterion for permitting the deployment of tidal turbines in Washington State’s Puget Sound is management of risk of injury to killer whales from collision with moving turbine blades. An active monitoring system is being proposed to detect and track killer whales within proximity of turbines and alert turbine operators of their presence and location to permit temporary turbine shutdown when the risk of collision is high. Knowledge of the target strength (TS) of killer whales is critical to the design and application of active acoustic monitoring systems. In 1996, a study of the TS directivity of a 2.2-m-long bottlenose dolphin at an insonifying frequency of 67 kHz was performed. Noting that killer whales, which are dolphins, are morphologically similar to bottlenose dolphins and then assuming allometry, we estimated the relative broadside and tail aspect TS of a 7.5-m-long adult killer whale at an insonifying frequency of 67 kHz to be −8 and −28 dB, respectively. We used a three-layer model for plane wave reflection of sound at 200 kHz from the lung of killer whales to estimate their TS. We assessed the accuracy of our killer whale TS estimates by comparing them with TS estimates of free swimming killer whales obtained using a split-beam active acoustic system operating at 200 kHz. The killer whale TS estimates based on the preliminary model were in good agreement with those obtained for free swimming killer whales.

The Cameron government has recently negotiated a deal with the EU which permits the UK (temporarily) to restrict access to in-work benefits for recent EU migrants in the first four years of residence. Withdrawing access to in-work benefits will lead to significant inequalities in pay between British workers and their EU equivalents working at the same job, in the same general situation. The proposal has been widely decried as discriminatory. Is it? I do not, in this article, ask the legal question: Does it violate anti-discrimination norms implicit in the treaties (or wider human rights law)? Rather, I will ask the moral question underlying the legal one: Would, say, Polish citizens denied in-work benefits that British citizens receive be victims of wrongful discrimination? This question deserves consideration not simply because it will help us to evaluate some of the central concerns at stake in the Brexit debates but also because it will allow us to explore the role of norms against discrimination according to nationality within the EU, to address the nature of the European commitment to freedom of movement, and, in the reverse direction, to better understand our own moral commitment to anti-discrimination norms.

Within residences, normative messaging interventions have been gaining interest as a cost-effective way to promote energy-saving behaviors. Behavioral reference groups are one important factor in determining the effectiveness of normative messages. More personally relevant and meaningful groups are likely to promote behavior change. Using readily available energy-use profiles in a non-invasive manner permits the creation of highly personalized reference groups. Unfortunately, how data granularity (e.g., minute and hour) and aggregation (e.g., one week and one month) affect the performance of energy profile-based reference group categorization is not well understood. This research evaluates reference group categorization performance across different levels of data granularity and aggregation. We conduct a clustering analysis using one-year of energy use data from 2248 households in Holland, Michigan USA. The clustering analysis reveals that using six-hour intervals results in more personalized energy profile-based reference groups compared to using more granular data (e.g., 15 min). This also minimizes computational burdens. Further, aggregating energy-use data over all days of twelve weeks increases the group similarity compared to less aggregated data (e.g., weekdays of twelve weeks). The proposed categorization framework enables interveners to create personalized and scalable normative feedback messages.

La repatriación de capitales es el retorno de capitales de aquellos ciudadanos residentes del país que mantienen en el exterior y está asociado a las expectativas de los agentes respecto del futuro económico de un país. Repatriar se refiere a la existencia de una acción que tiene por objeto que esos capitales retornen al país de origen, pues las empresas o las personas naturales que han formado lícitamente un patrimonio buscan no solo la protección de su capital sino también procurar acceder a las mejores alternativas de inversión, lo que les permita incrementar sus ganancias y en algunos casos adicionalmente optimizar su rentabilidad. Es en esa búsqueda lo que se desarrolla en el presente artículo que conlleve a evitar la fuga del capital.

Batam City, which is one of the cities whose rules are slightly different from other cities inIndonesia, is about administrative procedures for land ownership registration, but for permits toallocate land, it is still held by the Batam Entrepreneurs Agency, abbreviated as BP Batam. InBatam City, the provision of KSB is actually given to residents due to various things. To get KSBthe community needs to fulfill the procedure first. This is what makes the writer interested intaking the title of Juridical Review of Ready-to-Build Courts in Batam City. The purpose of thispaper is to find out that the Ready-to-Build plot can be owned by land users (general public) inBatam City. The legal research method used in this study is normative legal research. Normativeresearch in it is also permitted to use scientific analysis of other sciences (including empiricalscience) to explain the legal facts examined by scientific work and juridical thinking (dankenjuridical). Retrieval Data used is by using secondary data, where documentation and recordingtechniques are through the file system. The Research Result for Ready-to-Build Plots in BatamCity may be owned by individuals, but the provision of KSB can be given to the community.People who get it while the people who get the plot still have not built a plot even though theprovisions in the temporary agreement agreed upon by the applicant with the BatamEntrepreneurial Agency the applicant must immediately build a building on the land.

Bearing in mind the increased exposure of migrant women to victimization, this article analyses the etiology of feminization of migration and phenomenology of victimization of migrant women, particularly focusing on the abuse of female domestic workers and trafficking in women for sexual and labor exploitation. The main objective of this article is to offer suggestions for improving the position of female migrants by analyzing the causes and forms of their victimization. The main causes of feminization of migration include: 1) poverty, unemployment and poor economic conditions, 2) different forms of gender based violence, including domestic violence and sexual violence, and 3) gender inequality in access to education and information. In the context of phenomenology of feminization of migration the article considers as a main problem - unequal position of female migrants at the labor market, which is related to various forms of their discrimination. In order to eliminate discrimination of female migrants, it is concluded that it is crucial to improve employment conditions in countries of destination in terms of providing migrant women with the access to professional training, retraining and legal protection in case of unjustified termination of employment. On the other hand, because of the fact that female migrants are exposed to trafficking in women for sexual and labor exploitation in countries of destination, the states should provide the possibility of granting them a temporary residence permit during criminal proceedings against traffickers, in order to avoid secondary victimization of female victims of trafficking. In this regard, the main task of the international community must be a continuous and persistent struggle against all forms of discrimination against migrant women.

<p>Se analizan las dimensiones temporales que modulan los sentidos y las prácticas de varones y mujeres policonsumidores de sustancias psicoactivas de 18 a 35 años residentes en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires. Desde un enfoque cualitativo, se realizaron 29 entrevistas en profundidad individuales, analizadas mediante un proceso de comparación constante de análisis entre las categorías generadas a partir de los datos y conceptos teóricos. Del análisis emergen prácticas y sentidos que regulan las diversas temporalidades que atraviesan el consumo de drogas, como los sentimientos vinculados a los ritmos corporales, las frecuencias entre cada consumo, las fases del ciclo de vida en las que se va a contratiempo, o las temporalidades inespecíficas que vuelven a un “momento” adecuado para el consumo. Prácticas que requieren una especial atención sobre el tiempo para denotar la flexibilidad que les permita consumir sin ser consumistas, drogarse sin ser adicto.</p>

The COVID-19 pandemic and resulting public health measures necessitated many workplaces to permit workers to work from home. The question is now asked can the temporary transition to enable workers to work from home become more permanent and how will this shape the spatial distribution of employment opportunities and, in turn, workforces. This paper focuses on the potential for ICT-supported working from home arrangements to reshape employment opportunities in rural settings. With limited local employment opportunities being a major driver of rural out-migration, enabling rural residents to access a broader range of employment through ICT may result in a longer term disruption to rural out-migration patterns. Despite the potential of ICT to support remote working, uptake in rural areas has been relatively low. This paper argues that the recent increase in use of ITC-supported working from home arrangements promoted by COVID-19 public health measures may erode of two of the major barriers to participation in remote working—these being negative perceptions by the employer and employer about working from home and limited knowledge within workplaces about how to manage a partly or fully remote workforce. For rural populations it is plausible that the rapid transition to ICT-supported working from home arrangements will open up more diverse employment opportunities. However, it remains that for some rural areas and populations the urban-rural digital divide persists as a barrier to participation in ICT-supported remote working.

The aim of the article is to analyze the development of migration policy of the European Union, its main directions set out by the European Commission in the draft of new Pact on Migration and Asylum, and assess the impact of European approaches to migration management on migration of population of Ukraine. To achieve it, general scientific methods are used, such as systemic, comparative, structural-functional. The relevance of the study is due to the importance of migration of Ukrainians to the EU for the development of the country, as well as the need to implement the norms and principles of European legislation as a component of European integration of Ukraine. The novelty of the article is to identify current trends in EU migration policy and predict their impact on changes in the volume, direction and characteristics of migration of Ukrainians. It is concluded that the development of the channels of legal migration envisaged by the new Pact, primarily for skilled labor, and strengthening the fight against illegal migration, will encourage Ukrainians to move more orderly to European countries. This, of course, will help to improve working conditions of migrants, ensure their rights, but will increase the risks of turning part of temporary labor migration into permanent one and, consequently, further loss of labor and intellectual potential of the country. At the same time, the European Commission’s proposals to deepen cooperation in the field of migration with neighboring countries open up new opportunities for Ukraine to mitigate the negative effects of migration processes. In particular, it is time to raise once again the issue of concluding agreements with the countries of destination of la bor migrants from Ukraine on the joint use of labor and on social security of migrants. The possibility of support by European partners of programs of promoting the reintegration of returnees is worth discussing. The proposal for a “talent partnership” contains certain prospects for transforming the brain drain from Ukraine to their mutually beneficial circulation. The development of migration management in the EU should be taken into account in order to improve migration policy of Ukraine. In particular, the European experience of a differentiated approach to immigration, promoting the arrival of professionals, students and investors is noteworthy. In order to prevent illegal migration and shadow employment of foreigners, EU developments on procedures for admitting seasonal workers, obtaining a residence permit and permit for employment in one document can be used. European experience in improving the efficiency and timeframe of asylum procedures is also useful. Key words: migration policy, European Union, migration of the population of Ukraine.

Bernard of Clairvaux, ordering the young Aelred to write a treatise on charity, recognized that he was no ordinary theologian. The work of De speculo caritatis confirmed this belief and demonstrated theological competencies of the Abbot of Rievaulx which placed him among the constructors of the Cistercian school of charity. His insightful analyses attest to his in-depth familiarity with the progress of God’s love penetrating the human heart. It certainly goes beyond the knowledge derived from the Augustinian theology, propagated in the monasteries at that time, traces of which are visible throughout his work. It is also the effect of his formative training with the novice monks during his years of being the Novice Master. Possibly, it is also influenced by his very own experience of God, reaching the levels of mystical closeness to God. All these components, void of the structure of the work subjected to the purpose outlined by St. Bernard, yielded quite a coherent doctrine on charity, from which logically follow mystical implications, i.e. the experience of God Himself. There is a summary and a few conclusions from these contemplations. 1. Alread does not explicitly talk about the human condition of viatoris much emphasized by contemporary theology, but he understands the man’s feeling of being lost without God and it is in Him that the Abbot sees completeness of human existence. Following the Augustinian conviction, he implies that nothing and nobody can give the man absolute happiness, except for God; this is why he will not cease seeking in his heart, his deepest actions of his spiritual powers, until he rests in God’s essence, truth and goodness. This is what the Abbot calls the eternal sabbath of God, which by itself is the internal life of the Holy Trinity, yet on the outside, it appears as the purpose of perfection for all creation. The man, naturally, has this divine sabbath etched deeply in his heart, since this is the disposition he received from his Creator, being made of His image (having spiritual faculties of God) and likeness (operations of these faculties drawing to God). 2. Love is the rule according to which the world exists and operates, and the man has an important role to play in it, due to his memory, conscience and freedom, whose operations liken him to God. Thanks to them, he can not only decipher the loving intentions of the Creator, but respond to them in a loving collaboration, which leads him to a happy union with God. This collaboration could not have been shattered even by the sin, redeemed through Christ’s blood, which became the beginning of a new loving proposition made by God and now available in the sacrament of faith and practice of caritas. Certainly, on the part of the man, this collaboration is now more difficult, since the sin weakened his spiritual powers, which in their forgetfulness, error and foolishness lean toward the objects of this world through physical desire. Human love, willing to return to its original form of collaboration with God, must now be ascetic in its character, expressed as mortifications, denials and sacrifices. Aelred calls it, „circumcision of the inner and the outer man”. 3. The circumcision stands for the internal work that the man must do to root the vices out of his heart and install virtues in their place. It is a slow process of spiritual comeback to God, which lasts throughout the entire life of a man and culminates in the eternal sabbath of God. At the same time, it is the time of receiving graceful love, continually supported and animated by God. It is a process of spiritual internalization, i.e. further and further departure from the exterior and physical objects so as to concentrate more and more on the internal and spiritual object of God’s presence in the deepest layers of the human heart, where the full union with God takes place. This union begins with the sacrament of faith received at baptism. Aelred only briefly mentions the mystery of God inhabiting (taking residence in) the human soul, which takes part with God’s grace poured out by the Holy Spirit, but he concentrates more on the idea of the sabbath, the rest, which makes possible participation in the life of God. 4. Aelred and the whole Cistercian school knew that the process of internalizing proceeds according to human nature; this is why he first mentions the basic grace of the humanity of Jesus Christ. The idea was to provide the man, through Jesus Christ, with physical and pious stimuli to make him fall in love with God’s charity and engage his feelings and senses so as to free him of his physical desires and direct his will toward the spiritual love. It is done through the practice of meditating the humanity, contemplating the Scriptures, especially the events from the life of Jesus Christ and his followers. Later on, special types of grace start to appear: compunction (compunctio), or the so called, God’s visits (spiritalis uisitationes), which depending on the stage of spiritual advancement in a man are designed to either awaken those who are asleep, i.e. numb, or console those who are saddened on their way, and lastly, to reward and sustain those who yearn for heavenly goods. Actually, Aelred distinguishes three moments within the long process of God’s intervention into the human soul, reflected in three stages of spiritual life: fear of the beginners, purification of the advanced and love of the accomplished. 5. This is where we can see most of the mystical repercussions of his teaching on charity. The initial visits make room for the next ones, and once their mission of inciting to greater love is complete they face the various trials and undertake, in the name of God, a number of mortifications, followed by practice of virtues. These, in turn, lead to even greater love. For example, the Abbot describes pouring of God’s grace into the human soul through basting in the glory and wisdom of God, so that the soul is lost in love and desires to become united with God in eternity. These are but special graces of God affecting human feelings; however they are not the unity with God, although they appear to be its powerful manifestations. It is only through engaging the will, which combines the functions of the other spiritual powers, that the unity with God’s will is accomplished, signs of that is the willingness of the soul to undertake mortifications and sacrifices for God. Then, it is not a surprise that „the yoke of Christ is sweet and the burden is light”. 6. The union of soul with God is truly about aligning the will (love) of the man with will (love) of God Himself, i.e. being directed by His Spirit and allowing to be transformed by His Divine caritas. It is possible, because caritas, like any human love, weaves into the human psychological structure, marking three distinct stages: choice (predilection), growth (action and desire) and fruits (attaining the object). Within the right choice Aelred distinguishes three types of love: of God, neighbor and oneself, although all of them lead to God, as their source. The Abbot pictured this in the idea of three sabbaths, complementing at the same time the concept of the eternal sabbath. The decisive moment of love is its movement, its growth: actions and desires, which make the man constantly prone and open to God, to unite with Him (rest in Him) finally in the eternal sabbath. 7. Alread makes a longer stop here to discuss the role of affections (affectus, passiones), which influence the actions of will. Besides reason, they are the cause of love’s movement. Their role is indispensable, because they lend inciting sweetness to a mystical encounter with God and stimulate to greater love. By themselves, however, they can be deceitful, when they are not subjected to the will. This is why he proposes to move not through the affections, but according to them, so that they are guided by the will. This is especially true in the case of love of neighbor. The general rule then is that neighbors would rejoice together in God and that each one would rejoice God in each other. Against this background, the Abbot promotes the spiritual affects received from God, rational ones encouraging developing virtues, official ones inducing to love a person, natural ones telling to love one’s friends and foes. He also permits physical affects, attracting with their outer appearance, as long as they do not lead to a vice. 8. The growing love finds its outlet in the fruits, which constitute the third and last component of the internal structure of love operating within the man. It is about rejoicing in the object attained, resting for spiritual powers on an object, which one desired in one’s love. Aelred considers temporary and eternal fruits. The latter refers to the ultimate union with God in heaven, after death, which is the rest in the eternal sabbath of God. We can taste it here on earth to ease human frailty, through contemplation and the sweetness of special graces of God. The former, on the other hand, appreciates the role of others (parents, teachers, instructors, friends) in acquiring the true wisdom of life; we use all of them to sweeten our lives and delight our spirit. Particularly helpful here is a friend, if there is one, who through spiritual friendship can share in our joys and sorrows, as well as the most intimate desires of the soul, so that they merge into unity in spirit. Two years ago, during the Cistercian Studies Conference at the 43rd International Medieval Studies Congress in Kalamazoo, Mi, a discussion was started as to the mystical competencies of Aelred of Rievaulx and his possible mystical predispositions. Our contemplations can cast some more light on this issue.

Purpose There is little research into small higher education institutions and international students’ choice in selecting these institutions. The purpose of this paper is to understand the factors that influence international student choices in selecting a small institution. In particular, this study compares the differences between Chinese students and other international students in selecting an institution, specifically based on sources of information used, usefulness of the information, pull motivations, and reference groups/items. Design/methodology/approach This research study examined undergraduate international students at a small-sized Canadian higher education institution. “International students” were surveyed – as the total population included all students who are studying at the institution on a study permit or a temporary resident (visitor) visa. All full-time and part-time international students attending the institution were eligible to participate in the survey regardless of their faculty or major. For the sampling process, international students at the institution were intercepted on campus using convenient sampling and personal interview method to participate in the survey. In addition, students were invited within the classroom to volunteer to complete the survey. They were able to complete either a paper-based survey or an online survey by following a hyperlink. Findings Results indicate that international students considered “the university’s website” as the most used information source but perceived “direct communication from the institution” as the highest ranked usefulness of the information when selecting a small institution. Further, findings indicate that international student cohorts perceived “environmental cues and educational facilities” as the most important pull motivational factor and the institution itself as the reference that has the most significant influence on student decision making. Research limitations/implications This study was conducted on students who were surveyed following their enrolment and attendance at the institution. Students were surveyed at various stages of their undergraduate studies. As a result, some of these responses may be several years from the actual decision of selecting an institution and student recall may not be accurately reflected. In addition, examining student decision making prior to, during, and immediately following their choice of institution would most likely create better information as student attitudes and perceptions would be recorded closer to the actual decision. In addition, given that these students are attending the institution their actual experience on-campus may have impacted their responses either positively or negatively. Practical implications This study provides insight into international student choice in choosing smaller institutions. These findings can support recruitment policy and strategy for international students and may assist in enhancing institutional performance. Social implications The study reinforces the need for policy makers, institutional leaders and recruiters to understand motivations to pursue overseas studies and to ensure push, pull, and structural factors are aligned for successful student recruitment outcomes. While there is commonality among international student cohorts, there are also significant differences that need to be addressed by institutions and destinations for international students. These findings are presented from one small higher education institution in Canada. Originality/value This study created new knowledge regarding international student decision making in choosing to study at a small higher education institution. The study compared the key factors that influenced decision making and identified differences among Chinese students and other international students. There is little research into the international student decision making and small institutions. This study provides unique insight into international student choice and influences on their decision making.

Norway has experienced a substantial influx of students in the 21st century. The number of students with foreign citizenship has increased from just over 5,000 in 2000 to more than 23,000 in 2018, as seen in Figure 1 (DBH, 2020). This growth may seem like a paradox, given that Norway has few well-known higher education institutions, high living expenses, a language not widely understood, and a geographical location at the northern fringes of Europe. Figure 1: Number of Bachelor and Master Students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship 2000–2018 So why do students choose Norway? A deliberate policy for internationalization of higher education developed is an important factor. From the 1980s, internationalization has increasingly become an integral part of national higher education policies as well as included as strategies of higher education institutions (Wiers-Jenssen & Sandersen, 2017). The main rationale for encouraging student mobility is educational; mobility is seen a tool for quality enhancement in higher education. However, economic, cultural,and political rationales are also present. The fact that the vast majority of higher education institutions are public partly explains why internationalization policies quite efficiently has trickled down from the national to the institutional level. Most Norwegian higher education institutions do not charge tuition fees. This has gradually become a comparative advantage, as an increasing number of neighboring countries have introduced fees for students from outside Europe. Hence, there may be economic rationales for choosing Norway as a study destination, despite high costs of living. Students from developing countries may qualify for funding from the Norwegian government, while students from other countries have to cover all expenses themselves. Higher education institutions have economic incentives other than tuition fees for attracting international students. A reform in Norwegian higher education implemented in 2003 introduced a performance-based funding system (Frölich, 2006). Higher education institutions are rewarded for the number of credit points awarded, implying a stronger focus on attracting students in general. A significant increase in the number of courses and programs in English has facilitated recruitment of international students (Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). International students cited courses in English and absence of tuition fees as the most frequently reported motives for studying in Norway (Diku, 2019a; Wiers-Jenssen, 2019). The latter is particularly important for students undertaking a full degree in Norway. Features of Norway, such as peaceful, safe, and technologically advanced society and unspoiled countryside are also accentuated. As these characteristics were present also before the number of international students started to grow, such motives must be understood in relation to conditions that have changed, such as availability of courses in English. Beautiful scenery and safety would have limited attractional value if courses in English were not offered. Quality is a less highlighted reason for choosing Norway as a study destination. But even if perceived quality is not a main attraction, international students in general give positive assessments of the quality of their education (Diku, 2019a). They cope quite well with academic demands, and their main challenges seem to be dealing with the high living expenses and limited interaction with Norwegians. The latter represents a challenge also for higher education institutions, as a major rationale for recruiting international students is to enhance “internationalization at home” (exposing Norwegian students and faculty to perspectives from abroad). If interaction is scarce, so is the exchange of ideas and perspectives. Foreign students in Norway consist of three groups (see Figure 2): (a) students who come to undertake a full postgraduate degree (international graduate students), corresponding to the definition of international students used in the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD, 2020) statistics; (b) students who come for a shorter study of 3 months or more (international exchange students); and (c)students who come for study sojourn of less than three months or who have come to Norway for other reasons, including (labor) migrants, refugees and more. In total, these three groups constituted 8.7% of total enrollments in Norwegian higher education institutions in 2018 (own calculation based on DBH). Figure 2: Bachelor and Master students in Norway with Foreign Citizenship, 2018: Number and Type of Students PhD students are not included in the figures mentioned above, and an exact numberof current doctoral students cannot be estimated. However, the number of foreign citizens completing a PhD was 657 in 2018, 42 per cent of all PhD graduates (Research Council of Norway, 2019). Hence, the proportion of foreign citizens is far higher at the doctorate level than at the bachelor and master level. This is in line with the situation in most European and North American countries (OECD, 2019). The largest universities (University of Oslo and Norwegian University of Science and Technology) attract the highest number of international students. These are also among the few Norwegian higher education institution found on international ranking lists. However, some small specialized higher education institutions such as the Academy of Fine Art, The Oslo School of Architecture and Design, and the Norwegian Academy of Music have higher proportions of international students. The majority of international students originate from Europe and Asia (Diku, 2019b). China, Nepal, Sweden and Germany are currently the major sending countries of full degree students. Exchange students are mainly Europeans, and many of these come through the European Union student exchange program ERASMUS. European exchange students are often attracted by the “exoticness” of studying in the northern fringes of Europe. The majority of full degree students are enrolled in master programs, while exchange students are in bachelor programs. Science and technology is the most popular field of study, and clearly more popular among international students than Norwegian students (Diku, 2019b). More than half of the international students report being interested in living and working in Norway upon graduation (Diku, 2019a). However, updated statistics on the number that actually settle in Norway are currently not available. While obtaining a residence permit in Norway is quite straightforward for those who are originate from countries in the European Economic Area, students from other countries generally face more barriers. Some countries see recruitment of international students as an instrument for so-called skilled migration, but Norway does not have an explicit policy on this. On the contrary, government policies have encouraged students to leave upon graduation, in order to avoid poaching highly skilled individuals from countries that already experience high emigration. As a part of foreign aid policy, students from developing countries have received grants for studying in Norway, on condition that they return to their home country. The last couple of years, the number of international students in Norway has ceased to grow (cf. Figure 1). The reasons for this are not clear. It may be that a (temporary) point of saturation is reached. Still, the overall picture shows a remarkable growth in the last two decades. This illustrates that a small country with weak traditions for inward mobility may be able to attract international students if higher education institutions and national policies match well. Further, it shows that institutional policies can attract international students as much as economic policies.

Abstract Whether refugees in need of protection should be granted long- or short-term residence permits in the host country upon arrival is a long-standing debate in the migration policy and scholarly literature. Rights-based models of inclusion advocate for secure and long-term residency status arguing that this will provide the foundations for successful inclusion. Responsibilities-based models on the other hand claim that migrants should only be granted such status if certain criteria, such as full-time employment, have been met, again under the belief that such a system will facilitate inclusion into the host society. Using a sudden policy change as a natural experiment combined with detailed Swedish registry data, we examine the effect permanent residency on three measures of labour market inclusion in the short-term. Our findings are twofold. On the one hand, we find that temporary residents that are subject to a relatively less-inclusive situation have higher incomes and less unemployment. However, at the same time, they are less likely to spend time in education than are those with permanent residency. First part title Permanent or Temporary Settlement? Second part title A Study on the Short-Term Effects of Temporary and Permanent Residence Permits on Labour Market Participation

Abstract Following the record number of asylum seekers to Europe in 2015, Norway intensified its practice of revoking migrants’ residence permits and citizenships, which primarily affected refugees and their families, and reflects a broader international trend of increased use of temporary protection. This article explores the effects of revocation on individuals, their families and wider communities by analysing how revocation is experienced and its consequences for integration processes. Drawing on the concepts of deregulariation, temporality and integration, our analysis builds on interviews with migrants from Somalia and Afghanistan living in Norway. We find severe consequences for individuals affected by revocation processes and discuss spillover effects, most notably what we refer to as disintegration. Our conclusions point to the need for futher analytical scrutiny of both the consequences of intensified revocation practices and their purported effectiveness as a measure to regulate immigration.

The punctuation of time through visas and residence permits intimately affects temporary migrants’ everyday lives. The temporal forms of control engendered through the global border and visa regime and their impact on fragmenting lived time have received little attention in comparison to the extensively studied spatial aspects of migration, particularly in the research context of mobility conceptualised as skilled migration. By drawing on in-depth interviews with migrants holding a temporary student status in Finland, the article examines the ways in which temporal borders bring about punctuated temporalities among non-EU/EEA student-migrants. Moreover, it demonstrates how the time limits of the student permit offer fruitful ground for the production of a low-paid labour force and how temporal borders assist in hierarchising this labour force in terms of mobility and rights. The article contributes to the sociological literature on migration and precarious labour markets by emphasising the analytical relevance of examining temporal borders as engendering a hierarchising function of the border regime and the role of temporal borders in facilitating the production of precarious migrant labour.

After the mid-1990s, the EU realized the need to develop a common approach to combating human trafficking. As a result of the increased competence of the relevant EU institutions, as well as the increase of stakeholders’ concerns about its internal security and control of external borders began to grow, which gave push to the unprecedented formation, expansion and consolidation of anti-trafficking policy. Accordingly, a number of legislative and policy instruments have been created for this purpose. Important EU anti-trafficking program activities include the EMPACT program (European Multidisciplinary Platform Against Criminal Threats) (2011-2013) and (2013-2017), which consisted of the joint participation of Member States in multidisciplinary operational actions to combat organized crime involved in trafficking in human beings. Also in 2009, the EU developed the Global Approach to Migration and Mobility, as well as a separate document focused on strengthening the EU’s external influence against human trafficking. A more recent EU migration program in 2015 provided Member States with a comprehensive set of tools to manage migration and combat trafficking in human beings. Important tools in the fight against trafficking in human beings in the EU include Directive 2004/81/EU, which regulates the granting of temporary residence permits to third-country nationals who have been trafficked; Directive 2011/36/EU on preventing and combating trafficking in human beings and protecting its victims; Directive 2012/29/EU, which set additional minimum standards for the rights, support and protection of trafficking victims. In 2012 a joint EU strategy to eradicate trafficking-related crimes was launched for 2012-2016. An appropriate information platform has also been set up, which contains information on legal documents, initiatives, or possible projects and stakeholders dealing with human trafficking. In addition, a funding program has been established to promote quantitative and qualitative research projects, enhance the exchange of valuable knowledge and improve the quality of data collection. We came to the conclusion that institutional mechanism of the European Union in combating with trafficking in human beings is a system of EU bodies that adopt relevant regulations. This institutional mechanism has a rather complex structure, based on the European Parliament, the European Council, the European Commission, the European Anti-Trafficking Coordinator, the EU Expert Group on Trafficking of Human Beings, Europol, Eurojust, the European Judicial Network. The main component of this structure is the European Commission, which makes decisions and takes initiatives in this area. A characteristic feature of the EU’s anti-trafficking policy is not only to ensure respect for human rights of victims of this crime, but also to create appropriate conditions for its rehabilitation, further socialization and prosecution of perpetrators. In sum, the EU treats human trafficking as one of the global problems of our days and is making considerable efforts to combat it.

The article analyzes the policy of the Russian Federation towards skilled foreign labor in retrospect — from the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present day. It is shown that throughout the recent history of law-making and in practice, labor migrants have been considered mainly as a temporary phenomenon despite the country’s need for qualified personnel who could become a part of its resident population. The article attempts to systematize existing channels of skilled migration and provides main principles of their operation. It is shown that, with the exception of a program aimed at the so-called highly skilled specialists (HSS), other forms of attracting foreign workers do not offer a package of conditions that can interest potential migrants in moving to Russia. The system of attracting HSS has not yet shown its effectiveness and is mainly used for simplified temporary access to the Russian labor market. The State Program of assistance to the resettlement of compatriots, formally intended for migrants with ethnic and cultural affinity to the population of Russia, actually uses the principles of selection of skilled labor migrants. Only at the end of 2019, steps were taken that made it easier for graduates of Russian universities and technical schools, as well as specialists with professions in demand, to obtain a residence permit. However, these steps look half-hearted. Comparing the Russian experience with the practice of some foreign countries gives grounds for thinking about what tools and approaches can improve the effectiveness of the Russian policy towards qualified migrants and arouse their interest in moving to our country for permanent residence.

Directive 2014/66/EU on Intra-Corporate Transfer regulates the temporary secondment of key personnel and trainees from third countries to the Member States of the EU. It is part of the EU external labour migration policy and aims at facilitating this policy by setting up harmonised conditions for admission, residence and work of these migrants, including the right to move and work in another Member State. This article analyses the role and meaning of the provisions in this Directive relating to the employment and social security rights of intra-corporate transferees. They are the result of cumbersome negotiations and the compromises that were reached are ambiguously and inconsistently formulated. First, this article will highlight the relevance of the worker’s employment position for determining the scope of this Directive. Next, it will analyse the role of employment and social security rights in the implementation of the Directive by the Member States. These rights are relevant as criteria for admission, as grounds for rejection of an application, as grounds for withdrawal or non-renewal of an ICT permit and as conditions for short-term and long-term mobility within the EU. Subsequently, this article will scrutinise, in detail, the provisions of Article 18 of the Directive which guarantee equal treatment with the nationals of the host State in respect of employment and social security rights. Special attention will be paid to the interrelationship of this Directive with other EU legal instruments such as the Posting of Workers Directive, the Rome I Regulation and social security Regulation 883/2004. It concludes that the complicated and contradictorily worded provisions on employment and social security rights in this Directive reflect the ambiguity in the perception of the status of this type of migrant worker coming from a third country: are they to be considered as temporary workers or do they really participate in the labour market of the host Member States?

Abstract Background Refugees resettled in Western countries experience long periods of family separation due to waiting first for asylum, and then for family reunification. This study aimed to examine if family separation is associated with psychiatric disease among refugee fathers. Methods We traversed full-population Danish administrative data since 1986 to establish a cohort of refugee fathers from nuclear families in which the father was the first to arrive and resettled alone during 1995-2015, and where the mother and children were later family reunified. We followed these fathers for up to 24 years from the day their residence permit was issued until their first psychiatric diagnosis, emigration, death, or study end, whichever came first. Using Cox proportional hazard regression, we estimated the temporary and longer-term risks of psychiatric disorders for i) the total family separation period, and ii) the family separation decomposed into time waiting for, respectively, asylum and family reunification. Results 6176 fathers were included in the study. The HR assessing the temporary risk of psychiatric disorders was 2.23[95% CI: 1.72-2.89] for separated fathers compared with those who were already family reunified. As to the longer-term risk, compared with fathers separated for 0-9 months, the HR of psychiatric disorders was 1.54[1.08-2.21] after +9-12 months of separation, increasing to 1.84[1.29-2.62] after +24 months of separation. The decomposition analysis revealed that +6 months of waiting increased the risk of any psychiatric disorder by approximately 40% for both time waiting for asylum and time waiting for family reunification. Conclusions Strong evidence supports that fathers waiting for their wives and children face an increased risk of psychiatric disease. Countries receiving refugees should be aware that delayed family reunification can lead to adverse mental health effects. Key messages Family separation is associated with an increased risk of psychiatric disease among refugee fathers—both while the fathers are separated from their families and after family reunification. The risk of psychiatric disease is more than double among refugee fathers still separated from their family compared with those who have been family reunified.

The article deals with the problem of the functioning of modern Arabic anthroponyms in intercultural communication as seen in educational migrants of V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. The last make up a significant number (up to 40%) of all the foreign students of the university. The problems considered in the paper concern the lingua communicative competencies of subject and language teachers and dean’s staff as well as lingua sociocultural competencies of the foreign students. The object of the research is a comparison of different variants of the Arabic anthroponymic formulas and their functioning in the conditions of the Ukrainian office work. The purpose of the article is to describe the differences in Ukrainian and Arabic formulas, to denote the problems, to offer stress prevention solutions through various drills. Solving the problem of applying a full name to an educational migrant becomes a key to achieving success in further interpersonal communication at the level of teacher-student, and the correctness and professionalism of its solution contribute to the process of adaptation of educational migrants. The actuality of this research is confirmed by the existence of a large number of Arabic dialects with a multitude of anthropological formulas. They have different compositions and order of the components. The authors analyze differences in Ukrainian and Arabic formulas; identify three main formulas of functioning invariants of migrants’ full name in the educational space of Ukraine and present examples of recommended drills. The article contains a practical analysis of anthropological formulas in passports of various Arabic countries, components of migrants’ names in an electronic database, and the temporary residence permit in Ukraine. The formation of a secondary language personality of an educational migrant begins with self-identification in the new Ukrainian linguistic and cultural society through awareness of three invariants of the Arabic anthroponymic formulas, which actively function in the educational space of Ukraine: anthroponymic formulas from the national passports; anthroponymic formulas in the Unified State Electronic Database on Education (EDEBO); anthroponymic formulas in the certificates for temporary stay in Ukraine, and establishing a relationship between these invariants with the communicative tasks of the intercultural communication, and the place of their use.

For years, noncitizens who fail to abide by the terms of their nonimmigrant (temporary) visas were not widely recognized as major contributors to the US undocumented population. Yet since 2005, the ratio of overstays to illegal entries across the border has increased rapidly as the number of border crossings dropped to 1970s levels. As a result, the inflow of overstays has exceeded border crossers for nearly a decade. These developments highlight the importance of accurate and timely estimates of overstays.In 2017, the US Department of Homeland Security (DHS) released a report, Fiscal Year 2016 Entry/Exit Overstay Report, showing estimates of overstays, by country, for the 50.4 million nonimmigrants admitted in fiscal year 2016 (DHS 2017). At the end of the fiscal year, DHS had not verified the departure of 628,799 nonimmigrants.[1]The Center for Migration Studies (CMS) compared the DHS overstay estimates to CMS’s estimates of the number of undocumented residents that arrived in the past few years. Data were available to make the comparisons for 133 countries; these countries account for 99 percent of all overstays. The major findings include the following:For 90 of the 133 countries, the DHS and CMS estimates differ by less than 2,000, and the correlation between the estimates for those 90 countries is .97, which indicates a very close mutual relationship.The DHS estimates of overstays for Canada are far too high.The DHS estimates greatly exceed the CMS estimates for about 30 countries, half of them participants in the US Visa Waiver Program (VWP).[2]Slightly more than half of the 628,799 reported to be overstays by DHS actually left the country but their departures were not recorded.After adjusting the DHS estimates to take account of unrecorded departures, as well as departures in 2016 of overstays that lived here in 2015, overstay population growth was near zero in 2016.Thus, while overstays account for a large percentage of the newly undocumented, they represent less than half (44 percent) of the overall undocumented population, and they are less likely than illegal border crossers to be long-term residents.The country-specific figures shown here should help DHS focus its efforts on improving the verification of departures of temporary visitors. Finally, these comparisons indicate that the DHS estimates do not provide a sound basis for making decisions about admission to, or continuation in, the VWP. [1] The 628,799 figure refers to nonimmigrants that arrived in 2016 and whose departure had not been verified by the end of 2016. Thus, as demonstrated in this paper, it includes nonimmigrant admissions whose departure was not verified and actual overstays.[2] The US Visa Waiver Program (VWP) is described at https://www.dhs.gov/visa-waiver-program, as follows: “The VWP, which is administered by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in consultation with the State Department, permits citizens of 38 countriesto travel to the United States for business or tourism for stays of up to 90 days without a visa. In return, those 38 countries must permit US citizens and nationals to travel to their countries for a similar length of time without a visa for business or tourism purposes.”

Background: Overseas imported cases of COVID-19 continue to increase in China, so we conducted this study to review the epidemiological characteristics of these patients.Methods: From February 26 to April 4, 2020, the imported cases from abroad were enrolled in this study. The effect of prevention countermeasures in curbing the spread of COVID-19 was assessed in this study. Moreover, we defined incubation period and confirmed time as from the date of leaving the epicenter to date of symptom onset and date of final diagnosed, respectively, and the interval of symptom onset to final diagnosed time was defined as diagnostic time. Categorical variables were summarized as numbers and percentages, and the difference among the variables were analyzed.Results: For 670 cases imported from abroad, 555 were Chinese and 115 were foreigners. Apparently, confirmed cases had significantly decreased after China was compelled to temporarily suspend the entry of foreign passport holders with valid visas or residence permits; 6 days after implement of controlled measures, the daily new confirmed cases were reduced to 13 cases. Moreover, about 84.3% of patients (166/197) presented symptoms 1 week after leaving the epicenter, and notably seven patients (3.6%) had symptoms 2 weeks after leaving the epicenter. The median incubation period was 3.0 days (inter quartile range, 1.0 to 6.0), the 95th percentile was 11.6 days. Additionally, most of cases (92.9%) were detected positively of nucleic acid after symptom onset with 4 days, the median diagnostic time was 2.0 days (interquartile range, 1.0 to 3.0), and the 95th percentile of the distribution was 5.0 days. Finally, about 5.8% of patients were healthy carriers, and the median confirmed time of asymptomatic patients was 4.0 days (interquartile range, 2.0 to 9.0). The following variables might be associated with confirmed time: symptom type (P = 0.005), exported regions (P &lt; 0.001), and symptom onset time (P &lt; 0.001).Conclusions: The prevention countermeasures for imported cases implemented by the Chinese government played an indispensable role in curbing the spread of COVID-19; the time of departure from epicenter could provide an estimate of the incubation period; and a confirmed time, 2-week quarantine period might need to be prolonged, while asymptomatic patients should be closely monitored.

Objetivo: caracterizar os casos de violência contra a mulher. Método: trata-se de um estudo quantitativo, descritivo, ecológico, de séries temporais. Coletaram-se os dados do Sistema de Informação de Agravos e Notificação extraídos do Departamento de Informática do Sistema Único de Saúde. Aplicou-se a estatística inferencial por meio da análise univariada, distribuições percentuais e análise bivariada: associação das variáveis independentes com a independente. Verificou-se a dependência entre as variáveis independentes com a variável dependente utilizando-se o teste de qui-quadrado. Resultados: revela-se que os casos de violência contra a mulher foram predominantes na faixa etária acima de 20 anos, em vítimas com escolaridade acima de oito anos, raça/cor branca, sendo o agressor, na maioria das vezes o cônjuge. Deram-se os atos violentos, em geral, na própria residência da vítima por meio de violência física principalmente. Conclusão: permite-se, pela notificação, quando realizada de forma completa e adequada, conhecer o perfil da violência, a identificação dos fatores de risco e o planejamento de estratégias que visam à prevenção, proteção e assistência de qualidade às vítimas de violência contra a mulher. Descritores: Violência; Violência Contra a Mulher; Violência Doméstica; Notificação; Enfermagem; Políticas Públicas.AbstractObjective: to characterize cases of violence against women. Method: this is a quantitative, descriptive, ecological study of time series. Data from the Diseases Information and Notification System extracted from the Department of Informatics of the Unified Health System was collected. Inferential statistics were applied through univariate analysis, percentage distributions and bivariate analysis: association of independent variables with independent. The dependence between the independent variables and the dependent variable was verified using the chi-square test. Results: it is revealed that the cases of violence against women were predominant in the age group above 20 years, in victims with schooling above eight years, race / white, being the aggressor, most of the times the spouse. Violent acts occurred, in general, in the victim's own residence through physical violence mainly. Conclusion: through notification, when carried out in a complete and appropriate manner, it is possible to know the profile of violence, the identification of risk factors and the planning of strategies aimed at prevention, protection and quality assistance to victims of violence against women. Descriptors: Violence; Violence Against Women; Domestic Violence; Notification; Nursing; Public Policy.ResumenObjetivo: caracterizar casos de violencia contra la mujer. Método: este es un estudio cuantitativo, descriptivo, ecológico de series de tiempo. Se recopilaron datos del Sistema de Información y Notificación de Enfermedades extraídos del Departamento de Informática del Sistema Único de Salud. Se aplicaron estadísticas inferenciales mediante análisis univariado, distribuciones porcentuales y análisis bivariado: asociación de variables independientes con independientes. La dependencia entre las variables independientes y la variable dependiente se verificó mediante la prueba de chi-cuadrado. Resultados: se revela que los casos de violencia contra las mujeres fueron predominantes en el grupo de edad superior a 20 años, en víctimas con escolaridad superior a ocho años, raza / blanco, siendo el agresor, la mayoría de las veces el cónyuge. Los actos violentos ocurrieron, en general, en la propia residencia de la víctima a través de la violencia física principalmente. Conclusión: a través de la notificación, cuando se realiza de manera completa y adecuada, es posible conocer el perfil de la violencia, la identificación de los factores de riesgo y la planificación de estrategias dirigidas a la prevención, protección y asistencia de calidad a las víctimas de la violencia contra las mujeres. Descriptores: Violencia; Violencia Contra la Mujer; Violencia Doméstica; Notificación; Enfermería; Política Pública.

The word “anarchy” comes from the ancient Greek word “anarchos” and means “without a ruler.” While rulers, quite expectedly, claim that the end of rule will inevitably lead to a descent into chaos and turmoil, anarchists maintain that rule is unnecessary for the preservation of order. Rather than a descent into Hobbes’s war of all against all, a society without government suggests to anarchists the very possibility for creative and peaceful human relations. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon neatly summed up the anarchist position in his famous slogan: “Anarchy is Order.” Historically, anarchists have sought to create a society without government or State, free from coercive, hierarchical and authoritarian relations, in which people associate voluntarily. Anarchists emphasize freedom from imposed authorities. They envision a society based upon autonomy, self-organization and voluntary federation which they oppose to “the State as a particular body intended to maintain a compulsory scheme of legal order” (Marshall 12). Contemporary anarchists focus much of their efforts on transforming everyday life through the development of alternative social arrangements and organizations. Thus, they are not content to wait either for elite-initiated reforms or for future “post-revolutionary” utopias. If social and individual freedoms are to be expanded the time to start is today. In order to bring their ideas to life, anarchists create working examples. To borrow the old Wobbly phrase, they are “forming the structure of the new world in the shell of the old.” These experiments in living, popularly referred to as “DIY” (Do-It-Yourself), are the means by which contemporary anarchists withdraw their consent and begin “contracting” other relationships. DIY releases counter-forces, based upon notions of autonomy and self-organization as motivating principles, against the normative political and cultural discourses of neo-liberalism. Anarchists create autonomous spaces which are not about access but about refusal of the terms of entry (e.g. nationalism, etc). The “Do-it-Yourself” ethos has a long and rich association with anarchism. One sees it as far back as Proudhon’s notions of People’s Banks and local currencies which have returned in the form of LETS (Local Exchange and Trade Systems). In North America, 19th Century anarchist communes, such as those of Benjamin Tucker, find echoes in the Autonomous Zones and squat communities of the present day. In the recent past, Situationists, Kabouters, and the British punk movements have encouraged DIY activities as means to overcome alienating consumption practices and the authority and control of work. Punks turned to DIY to record and distribute music outside of the record industry. At the forefront of contemporary DIY are the “Autonomous Zones” or more simply “A-Zones.” “Autonomous Zones” are community centres based upon anarchist principles, often providing meals, clothing and shelter for those in need. These sites, sometimes but not always squats, provide gathering places for exploring and learning about anti-authoritarian histories and traditions. Self-education is an important aspect of anarchist politics. A-Zones are important as sites of re-skilling. DIY and participatory democracy are important precisely because they encourage the processes of learning and independence necessary for self-determined communities. A-Zones are often sites for quite diverse and complex forms of activity. The “Trumbellplex” in Detroit is an interesting example. Housed, ironically, in the abandoned home of an early-Century industrialist, the Trumbell Theatre serves as a co-operative living space, temporary shelter, food kitchen and lending library. The carriage house has been converted into a theatre site for touring anarchist and punk bands and performance troops like the “Bindlestiff Circus.” Because of their concern with transcending cultural barriers, residents of A-Zones try to build linkages with residents of the neighbourhoods in which they were staying. The intention is to create autonomous free zones that may be extended as resources and conditions permit. These various practices are all part of complex networks that are trans-national, trans-boundary and trans-movement. They encourage us to think about writing against the movement as movement. Movement processes involve complex networks outside of and alongside of the State (trans-national and trans-boundary). These are the building blocks of what Howard Ehrlich refers to as the anarchist transfer culture, an approximation of the new society within the context of the old. Within it anarchists try to meet the basic demands of building sustainable communities. A transfer culture is that agglomeration of ideas and practices that guide people in making the trip from the society here to the society there in the future….As part of the accepted wisdom of that transfer culture we understand that we may never achieve anything that goes beyond the culture itself. It may be, in fact, that it is the very nature of anarchy that we shall always be building the new society within whatever society we find ourselves (Ehrlich 329). In this sense, anarchist autonomous zones are liminal sites, spaces of transformation and passage. As such they are important sites of re-skilling, in which anarchists prepare themselves for the new forms of relationship necessary to break authoritarian and hierarchical structures. Participants also learn the diverse tasks and varied interpersonal skills necessary for collective work and living. This skill sharing serves to discourage the emergence of knowledge elites and to allow for the sharing of all tasks, even the least desirable, necessary for social maintenance. For Paul Goodman, an American anarchist whose writings influenced the 1960s New Left and counterculture, anarchist futures-present serve as necessary acts of “drawing the line” against the authoritarian and oppressive forces in society. Anarchism, in Goodman’s view, was never oriented only towards some glorious future; it involved also the preservation of past freedoms and previous libertarian traditions of social interaction. “A free society cannot be the substitution of a ‘new order’ for the old order; it is the extension of spheres of free action until they make up most of the social life” (Goodman quoted in Marshall 598). Utopian thinking will always be important, Goodman argued, in order to open the imagination to new social possibilities, but the contemporary anarchist would also need to be a conservator of society’s benevolent tendencies. As many recent anarchist writings suggest, the potential for resistance might be found anywhere in everday life. If power is exercised everywhere, it might give rise to resistance everywhere. Present-day anarchists like to suggest that a glance across the landscape of contemporary society reveals many groupings that are anarchist in practice if not in ideology. Examples include the leaderless small groups developed by radical feminists, coops, clinics, learning networks, media collectives, direct action organizations; the spontaneous groupings that occur in response to disasters, strikes, revolutions and emergencies; community-controlled day-care centers; neighborhood groups; tenant and workplace organizing; and so on (Ehrlich, Ehrlich, DeLeon and Morris 18). While these are obviously not strictly anarchist groups, they often operate to provide examples of mutual aid and non-hierarchical and non-authoritarian modes of living that carry the memory of anarchy within them. It is within these everyday examples that anarchists glimpse the possibilities for a libertarian social order. If, as Colin Ward suggests, anarchy is a seed beneath the snow of authoritarian society, daily expressions of mutual aid are the first blooms from which a new order will grow. In viewing the projects that emerge from contemporary anarchist movements, I would suggest that, in the words of Castells, Yazawa and Kiselyova, such projects offer “alternative visions and projects of social transformation that reject the patterns of domination, exploitation and exclusion embedded in the current forms of globalization” (22). Following Leslie Sklair I suggest that autonomist/anarchy movements exemplify a “disruption” model of social movements and resistances to capitalism (as opposed to an “organizational model” or an “integrationist model”). Through their uncompromising rhetoric and immodest strategies they resist attempts to divert their disruptive force into normal politics. Activists attempt to reject the entire context within which they can be either marginalized or assimilated; they occupy their own ground. This “autonomy” must be constantly constructed, reconstructed and defended in the face of powerful foes as events of the last four years have shown. Autonomy movements in abandoned or impoverished inner-city areas are movements involving individuals, social groups or territories excluded or made precarious by the “new world order”. This distinguishes them somewhat from institutional global social movements that seek increased participation by members who are not yet rendered irrelevant (and who thus have something with which to bargain). In any event, how does one ask a global (or national) body to grant the “subversion of the dominant paradigm” or the “liberation of desire?” References Ehrlich, Howard J. “Introduction to Reinventing Anarchist Tactics.” Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed. H. J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh: AK Press, 1996: 329-330. ———. “How to Get from Here to There: Building Revolutionary Transfer Culture.” Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed. Howard J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh: AK Press, 1996: 331-349. Ehrlich, Howard J., Carol Ehrlich, David DeLeon, and Glenda Morris. “Questions and Answers about Anarchism.” Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed. Howard J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh: AK Press, 1996: 4-18. Horowitz, Irving L (Ed.). The Anarchists. New York: Dell, 1964. Joll, James. The Anarchists. New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1964. Laclau, Ernesto, and Chantal Mouffe. Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. London: Verso, 1985. Lange, Jonathan, I. “Refusal to Compromise: The Case of Earth First!” Western Journal of Speech Communication 54 (1990): 473-94. Marshall, Peter. Demanding the Impossible: A History of Anarchism. London: Fontana Press, 1993. Proudhon, Pierre-Joseph. Selected Writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. Garden City: Anchor Books, 1969. Sklair, Leslie. 1995. “Social Movements and Global Capitalism.” Sociology 29.3 (1995): 495-512. Ward, Colin. Anarchy in Action. New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1973. Woodcock, George. Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements. New York: World Publishing, 1962. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Shantz, J. "Anarchy Is Order: Creating the New World in the Shell of the Old." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/09-shantz.php>. APA Style Shantz, J. (Jan. 2005) "Anarchy Is Order: Creating the New World in the Shell of the Old," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/09-shantz.php>.