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1
Fortuin, Egbert. "Universality and language-dependency of tense and aspect: Performatives from a crosslinguistic perspective." Linguistic Typology 23, no. 1 (May 27, 2019): 1–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2018-0018.
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AbstractThis paper presents a cross-linguistic typology of performatives, especially with respect to their relationship with tense and aspect, in the languages of the world. I explore the relationship between performatives and particular tenses and aspects, and touch on the mechanisms underlying such a relationship. The paper finds that there is not one relation between performatives and a particular tense and aspect and there are no languages which have a special (dedicated) performative tense or aspect marker. Instead, performatives are compatible with various tense and aspect markers, even though the use of a present tense seems to be the most common. What counts as the most optimal tense and aspect for performatives depends on the division of labor within the linguistic structure.
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Bell, Daniel. "Tense and mood marking in Xining Mandarin." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 4, no. 1 (August 18, 2017): 62–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.4.1.03bel.
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Abstract This study presents a corpus-based analysis of the sentential particle lia 俩 in Xining Mandarin (Qinghai province, northwest China), which functions both as a future tense marker and as an atemporal marker of affirmative mood. Applying the notion of “aspectually sensitive tenses” (de Swart, 1998), the distribution of lia is explained in terms of the selectional restrictions that lia places upon the aspectual class of its complement. In particular, it is argued that lia functions as a future tense marker with dynamic situations, but as a marker of affirmative mood with stative situations.
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Bertinetto, Pier Marco. "On nominal tense." Linguistic Typology 24, no. 2 (August 27, 2020): 311–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingty-2020-2033.
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AbstractNordlinger & Sadler’s (2004. Nominal tense in crosslinguistic perspective. Language 80. 776–806) seminal work fostered an intense debate on the semantics of nominal tense systems, with the side effect of widening the typological coverage of this grammatical feature. This paper aims at contributing to the ongoing debate. In contrast with work by Tonhauser, who excluded ‘tense’ as a semantic component of the Paraguayan Guaraní nominal tense system, the paper claims that all TAM dimensions are involved – temporality, aspect, modality – with different proportions in the individual markers. Most importantly, it claims that nominal tense does not presuppose a semantics of its own, other than the one needed for verbal tenses. Moreover, the paper presents evidence that the semantic component of aspect, besides being necessarily activated in any nominal tense marker, is also directly conveyed by some of them, which can legitimately be called ‘nominal aspect’ markers. This integrates Nordlinger & Sadler’s (2004) survey, in which aspect was notably absent. In addition, the paper points out possible cases of nominal actionality (a.k.a. Aktionsart). Finally, the paper suggests that the pervasive presence of aspect (and also, but rarely, actionality) among nominal tense markers finds interesting parallels in some types of deverbal nominalizations, although these belong in another grammatical drawer.
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Conti-Ramsden, Gina. "Processing and Linguistic Markers in Young Children With Specific Language Impairment (SLI)." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 46, no. 5 (October 2003): 1029–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2003/082).
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Thirty-two 5-year-old children with specific language impairment (SLI) and 32 chronological age (CA) controls completed 4 tasks that were considered potential positive markers for SLI. Children's performance on 2 linguistic tasks (past tense and noun plurals task) and 2 processing tasks (nonword repetition and digit recall) were examined. This approach allowed the examination of more than 1 type of marker simultaneously, facilitating both comparisons between markers and also the evaluation of combinations of markers in relation to identifying SLI. Children with SLI performed significantly worse than CA controls in all 4 marker tasks. Specificity/sensitivity analysis of the 4 marker tasks revealed nonword repetition and the past tense task to have the best overall accuracy at the 25th and 16th percentile. Finally, stepwise discriminant analysis revealed nonword repetition and past tense marking to be the best markers for identifying young children with SLI.
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Mamontov, Alexander S., and Alexandra G. Stolyarova. "Functional and Semantic Attribution of the Future Tense Grammatical Markers in The Korean Language." RUDN Journal of Language Studies, Semiotics and Semantics 11, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 611–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2299-2020-11-4-611-624.
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The article discusses functional and semantic status of Future Tense grammatical markers of the Korean language. Despite the fact that discussions on this issue have been going on for more than a dozen years, still among researchers, there is no consensus on how many grammemes make up the category of Tense in Korean, whether it contains an independent Future Tense grammeme, and if so, which markers should be relevant to it. Due to the relevance of the problem, the authors aim to give a brief overview of the opinions on the issue, dividing them into two groups - asserting the presence of the Future Tense grammeme in Korean or denying it, as well as to justify personal position on the status of grammatical markers with prospective semantics. As research material, various Korean grammar researches and Korean grammar (connective and finite endings and constructions with - (으)ㄹ Korean Future Tense participle marker) are used. The result of the study shows that Korean Tense category has no specific Future Tense forms as opposed to the Present and Past Tense forms. All markers with prospective semantics are modal, which means that the Futurum category in Korean implements itself in the functional and semantic field of modality rather than temporality. Authors argue statement that -(으)ㄹ 것이다 Korean construction has the ability to act as neutral non-modal Future Tense marker. According to the point of view of a systemically oriented approach to the grammatical units analysis, presented in the article, the conclusion about Korean -(으)ㄹ 것이다s modal status is made.
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Rini, Elizabeth Ika Hesti Aprilia Nindia. "PERBANDINGAN PENGUNGKAPAN KALA DALAM BAHASA JEPANG DAN BAHASA INDONESIA." KIRYOKU 2, no. 3 (December 3, 2018): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/kiryoku.v2i3.25-33.
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(Contrastive study between tenses in Japanese and Indonesian Languages) Expressing time in sentences is universal in any language, although it's marked differently in each language. This research objective is to know the differences in tenses marker between Japanese and Indonesian languages. The method used is the descriptive method. As a result of the research findings, it was found that in the Japanese language tenses are marked by morphemic forms were characterized by bound morphemes, whereas Indonesian tenses are marked as lexical by the adverb. Attendance adjunct in Japanese is optional, in Indonesian adjunct explain the position, activity, state of theft with the time of speech.Keywords: tense, bentuk -ru, bentuk -ta, adverbia kala
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Paradis, Johanne, and Martha Crago. "Tense and Temporality." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 43, no. 4 (August 2000): 834–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jslhr.4304.834.
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This study compares the morphosyntax of children with SLI to the morphosyntax of children acquiring a second language (L2) to determine whether the optional infinitive phenomenon (M. Rice, K. Wexler, & P. Cleave, 1995; K. Wexler, 1994) is evident in both learner groups and to what extent cross-learner similarities exist. We analyzed spontaneous production data from French-speaking children with SLI, English-speaking L2 learners of French, and French-speaking controls, all approximately 7 years old. We examined the children's use of tense morphology, temporal adverbials, agreement morphology, and distributional contingencies associated with finiteness. Our findings indicate that the use of morphosyntax by children with SLI and by L2 children has significant similarities, although certain specific differences exist. Both the children with SLI and the L2 children demonstrate optional infinitive effects in their language use. These results have theoretical and clinical relevance. First, they suggest that the characterization of the optional infinitive phenomenon in normal development as a consequence of very early neurological change may be too restrictive. Our data appear to indicate that the mechanism underlying the optional infinitive phenomenon extends to normal (second) language learning after the primary acquisition years. Second, they indicate that tense-marking difficulty may not be an adequate clinical marker of SLI when comparing children with impairment to both monolingual and bilingual peers. A more specific clinical marker would be more effective in diagnosing disordered populations in a multilingual context.
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OWEN, AMANDA J. "Proficiency with tense and aspect concordance: children with SLI and their typically developing peers." Journal of Child Language 38, no. 3 (November 5, 2010): 675–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000910000279.
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AbstractChildren with SLI have difficulty with tense and agreement morphology. This study examined the proficiency of these children and their typically developing peers with the coordination of tense and aspect markers in two-clause sentences. Scenarios designed to elicit past tense were presented to five- to eight-year-old children with SLI (n=14) and their normally developing age- and MLU-matched peers (n=24) to examine the omission of tense markers in complex sentences (Owen, 2010). Responses with overt tense/aspect morphology in both clauses were recoded for how similar the use of tense and aspect was across the two clauses. Tense and aspect concordance was high across both sentence types, but aspect-only mismatches were more common than tense mismatches. The three groups of children did not differ from each other on any comparisons. Coordination of temporal information in sentences with more than one time marker does not appear to be especially difficult for these children.
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Zhang, Zhiyi, and Li Shikun. "Chinese does have independent tense elements." Chinese Semiotic Studies 17, no. 1 (January 14, 2021): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/css-2021-0002.
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Abstract Previous research on Chinese tense indicates that Chinese has either null tense or no tense. However, the present study suggests that the conclusions of previous studies regarding Chinese tense are either against the syntactic truth or illogical. The present study provides new evidence to support that Chinese has two independent tense elements, zai and guo, which clearly indicate present and past tense, contrary to the traditional assumption that they are aspectual markers. From the perspective of grammaticalization, both zai and guo witnessed grammaticalization from the spatial concept to the temporal concept. The semantic evidence shows that zai and guo are semantically different from the aspectual markers zhe and le and convey the meaning of time location. The fact that both zai and guo are allowed in negation but not permitted in non-finite structure provides syntactic evidence that they are tense markers. However, the present study also suggests there can be two different zai and guo; zai and guo used separately and independently and zai and guo used with zhe and le. In the latter case, zai is a time adverbial and guo is an aspectual marker. The existence of independent tense markers in Chinese also shows that Chinese may have at least four different mechanisms to anchor tense.
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Werfel, Krystal L., Alison Eisel Hendricks, and C. Melanie Schuele. "The Potential of Past Tense Marking in Oral Reading as a Clinical Marker of Specific Language Impairment in School-Age Children." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 60, no. 12 (December 20, 2017): 3561–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2017_jslhr-l-17-0115.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study was twofold. The first aim was to explore differences in profiles of past tense marking in oral reading of school-age children with specific language impairment (SLI). The second aim was to explore the potential of past tense marking in oral reading as a clinical marker of SLI in school-age children.MethodThis study examined oral readings of connected text to describe the frequency and type of reading errors on regular and irregular past tense verbs for 21 children with SLI as compared to 30 children with typical language in Grades 2 and 3. Each past tense verb token was categorized into 1 of 6 mutually exclusive response types: (a) correctly marked past tense, (b) overmarked past tense, (c) bare stem, (d) other verb inflection, (e) nonverb, or (f) no response. Performance across groups was compared. Additionally, classification statistics were calculated at several cutoffs for regular past tense accuracy and regular past tense finiteness marking.ResultsFor regular past tense, there was a significant group difference on accuracy. Children with SLI were less accurate at marking past tense when in oral reading than typical language peers; other response types did not differ. For irregular past tense, there were no group differences. In addition, there was a significant group difference on finiteness marking; this difference was driven by regular but not irregular verbs. A cutoff of 90% for regular past tense accuracy yielded moderate sensitivity and specificity; no cutoff for regular past tense finiteness marking yielded sensitivity above 70%.ConclusionsRegular past tense accuracy in oral reading provides promise as a clinical marker for diagnosing SLI in school-age children.
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SALKIE, RAPHAEL. "Will: tense or modal or both?" English Language and Linguistics 14, no. 2 (June 2, 2010): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674310000055.
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Most grammarians refuse to treat will as a marker of future tense in English. We examine the arguments against treating will as a tense and find them weak; the arguments in favour of treating it as a modal also turn out to be poor. We argue that will should be treated as a marker of future tense, and that its so-called modal uses are either not modal or have independent explanations. The one exception is the volitional use of will: to account for this, we propose that willingness is a semantic relic from an earlier meaning of the word.
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Hilvert, Elizabeth, Jill Hoover, Audra Sterling, and Susen Schroeder. "Comparing Tense and Agreement Productivity in Boys With Fragile X Syndrome, Children With Developmental Language Disorder, and Children With Typical Development." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 63, no. 4 (April 27, 2020): 1181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2019_jslhr-19-00022.
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Purpose This study compared and characterized the tense and agreement productivity of boys with fragile X syndrome (FXS), children with developmental language disorder (DLD), and children with typical development (TD) matched on mean length of utterance. Method Twenty-two boys with FXS ( M age = 12.22 years), 19 children with DLD ( M age = 4.81 years), and 20 children with TD ( M age = 3.23 years) produced language samples that were coded for their productive use of five tense markers (i.e., third-person singular, past tense –ed , copula BE , auxiliary BE , and auxiliary DO ) using the tense and agreement productivity score. Children also completed norm-referenced cognitive and linguistic assessments. Results Children with DLD generally used tense and agreement markers less productively than children with TD, particularly third-person singular and auxiliary BE . However, boys with FXS demonstrated a more complicated pattern of productivity, where they were similar to children with DLD and TD, depending on the tense marker examined. Results revealed that children with DLD and TD showed a specific developmental sequence of the individual tense markers that aligns with patterns documented by previous studies, whereas boys with FXS demonstrated a more even profile of productivity. Conclusions These findings help to further clarify areas of overlap and discrepancy in tense and agreement productivity among boys with FXS and children with DLD. Additional clinical implications of these results are discussed.
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Assmann, Anke. "An interclausal agreement approach to switch-reference in Quechua." Linguistic Variation 12, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 103–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lv.12.2.01ass.
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In this paper, I propose that switch-reference in Quechua can best be analyzed as agreeing tense. Given the properties of the Quechuan switch-reference system and the clause structure of Quechua, I assume that a switch-reference adverbial clause does not have a valued tense feature and must agree with its superordinate clause in tense. Tense agreement is only possible if the subjects of both clauses are identical. The same subject marker is analyzed as the realization of successful tense agreement, while the different subject marker is the realization of failed agreement. I argue that this approach to switch-reference is conceptually as well as empirically compelling and raises the interesting question as to whether switch-reference is a true morphosyntactic category or not. Keywords: switch-reference; Quechua; Agree; minimalist framework; non-local dependencies
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ROBERTS, JENNY A., MABEL L. RICE, and HELEN TAGER–FLUSBERG. "Tense marking in children with autism." Applied Psycholinguistics 25, no. 3 (June 2004): 429–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0142716404001201.
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A recent large-scale study identified a subgroup of children with autism who had a language profile similar to that found among children with specific language impairment (SLI), including difficulties with nonsense word repetition, an ability that has been implicated as one clinical marker for SLI. A second clinical marker for English-speaking children with SLI is high rates of omission of grammatical morphemes that mark tense in obligatory contexts. This study used experimental probes designed to elicit third person and past tense morphology with a large heterogeneous sample of children with autism. The subgroup of children with autism who were language impaired showed high rates of omission of tense marking on the experimental tasks. In addition, some of the children with autism made performance errors that were specific to the autistic population, such as echolalia. These findings further refine the characteristics of language impairment found in a subgroup of children with autism.
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Arkadiev, Peter M. "Actionality, Aspect, Tense, and Counterfactuality in Kuban Kabardian." Studia Orientalia Electronica 8, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.69767.
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This paper presents the fieldwork data on the interaction of actionality, aspect, and tense in counterfactual conditional clauses of the Kuban dialect of Kabardian, a polysynthetic Northwest Caucasian language. Kabardian shows non-trivial similarities to Romance languages in its use of the Imperfective Past suffix as a marker of counterfactuality — alone or as a part of the complex marker of the Pluperfect marker where the Imperfect attaches to the Preterite (perfective past). I show that the choice between several types of marking in counterfactual protases (the plain Imperfect, the Pluperfect, and the simple Preterite) primarily depends on actional class and viewpoint aspect: perfective counterfactuals employ either the Pluperfect or the Preterite, while imperfective counterfactuals require the Imperfect, which is in line with the more general distribution of these tense-aspect forms. Theoretical implications of the tense-aspect marking in Kuban Kabardian counterfactual conditionals are also briefly discussed.
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Gooden, Shelome. "Discourse aspects of tense marking in Belizean Creole." English World-Wide 29, no. 3 (October 1, 2008): 306–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.29.3.04goo.
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Debates on the relationship between the aspectual properties of verbs and past marking in Caribbean English Creoles tend to focus on two main issues. The first is the semantic function of the “relative past” and its relation to the unmarked verb, and the second is the discourse functions of the relative past marker and the unmarked verb. This paper addresses two issues related to this debate. Using fieldwork data from Belizean Creole, I present a qualitative analysis of tense usage in discourse focusing on the role of the inherent lexical aspect (aktionsart) of predicates. I examine how two different notions of past meaning are distributed between marked and unmarked verbs with different aktionsarten. I also look at the discourse function of these verbs in the contexts of the meanings expressed. I argue that an analysis of both the aktionsarten of the verbs and discourse factors are critical to developing an understanding of the range of meanings and functions of both the relative past marker and the unmarked verb. The paper also presents a new approach to the study of temporal reference in creoles. The picture-based story method provides an objective way of evaluating speakers’ choice of grounding and also facilitates comparison across speakers, given that several potentially variable aspects of the narrative are controlled for.
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Potapova, Irina, Sophia Kelly, Philip N. Combiths, and Sonja L. Pruitt-Lord. "Evaluating English Morpheme Accuracy, Diversity, and Productivity Measures in Language Samples of Developing Bilinguals." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 49, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 260–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2017_lshss-17-0026.
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PurposeThis work explores the clinical relevance of three measures of morpheme use for preschool-age Spanish–English bilingual children with varying language skills. The 3 measures reflect accuracy, diversity (the tense marker total), and productivity (the tense and agreement productivity score [TAP score]) of the English tense and agreement system.MethodMeasures were generated from language samples collected at the beginning and end of the participants' preschool year. Participants included 74 typically developing Spanish–English bilinguals and 19 peers with low language skills. The morpheme measures were evaluated with regard to their relationships with other language sample measures, their ability to reflect group differences, and their potential for capturing morphological development at group and individual levels.ResultsAcross both groups, the tense marker total and TAP scores were associated with other language measures and demonstrated both group differences and growth over time. The accuracy measure met few of these benchmarks.ConclusionThe tense marker total and TAP score, which were designed to capture emerging morphological abilities, contribute valuable information to a comprehensive language assessment of young bilinguals developing English. Case examples are provided to illustrate the clinical significance of including these measures in assessment.
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Leong, Wesley. "Sociolinguistic Factors Affecting Tense Variation in Singapore English." Lifespans and Styles 7, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2218/ls.v7i1.2021.5642.
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Despite English being the primary official language of Singapore, many of its citizens show deviations from Standard Singapore English (SSE) in speech or writing. In particular, it has been noted that Singapore English speakers may produce non-standard tense morphology, often omitting verbal past-tense markers in past-tense contexts. However, a couple of open questions remain: are there any social or external factors driving this variation, and is this variation morphological or phonological? To address these questions, I asked participants to complete a verbal interview and written questionnaire designed to probe how they inflect verbs, and examined if conformity to SSE is predicted by age, sex, or mother tongue. The results suggest that non-standard tense use does not differ along these lines. They also support earlier claims that tense marker omission in SSE is phonological, rather than morphological, for a majority of speakers, but that there is a small group for whom the variation may be morphological.
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De Wit, Astrid, and Frank Brisard. "Zero verb marking in Sranan." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 29, no. 1 (February 7, 2014): 1–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.29.1.01wit.
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In the Surinamese creole language Sranan, verbs in finite clauses that lack overt TMA-marking are often considered to be ambiguous between past and present interpretations (depending on the lexical aspect of the verb involved) or analyzed as having a perfective value. We claim that these verbs are in fact zero-marked, and we investigate the various uses of this zero expression in relation to context and lexical aspect on the basis of corpus data and native speaker elicitations. It is shown that existing analyses do not cover and unify all the various uses of the construction. We propose, as an alternative, to regard the zero form as present perfective marker, whereby tense and aspect are conceived of as fundamentally epistemic categories, in line with Langacker (1991). This combination of present tense and perfective aspect, which is regarded as infelicitous in typological studies of tense and aspect (cf. the ‘present perfective paradox’, Malchukov 2009), gives rise to the various interpretations associated with zero. However, in all of its uses, zero still indicates that, at the most basic level, a situation belongs to the speaker’s conception of ‘immediate reality’ (her domain of ‘inclusion’). This basic ‘presentness’ distinguishes zero from the past-tense marker ben, which implies dissociation.
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Corrigan, Karen P. "“What bees to be maun be”." English World-Wide 21, no. 1 (June 26, 2000): 25–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.21.1.03cor.
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Irish-English (IrE) as a contact vernacular permits tense, mood and aspect categories to be marked in a manner which distinguishes this variety from all other world Englishes. Researchers, however, have been preoccupied with its distinctive tense and aspect markers and much less is known about the manner in which IrE modal relations are expressed. This paper attempts to redress the imbalance by comparing aspects of modality in IrE and other English varieties and by introducing a morphosyntactic syntagm termed “modal be+to” which can be used to express both deontic and epistemic modality. The marker is frequent in Northern Irish Englishes and a detailed account of its use in the South Armagh vernacular is offered here. In addition, attention will be given to locating the potential sources of be+to as the product of a language contact situation.
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Cahlon, Rammie. "The evolution of past-hab in Cuzco Quechua." STUF - Language Typology and Universals 72, no. 1 (April 24, 2019): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/stuf-2019-0003.
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Abstract In Cuzco Quechua (CQ), a periphrastic construction optionally marked for the past tense is said to serve as past habitual. The study focuses on the evolution of this construction in CQ. Its development replicates the cline suggested by Bybee et al. in 1994 and supports their findings but not in full: Although the habitual marker in CQ is restricted temporally to the past, it bears no past tense marking. The article sketches the different stages and concludes that the construction in question had further grammaticalized to a past imperfective.
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Thurgood, Elzbieta, and Graham Thurgood. "Aspect, Tense, or Aktionsart?" Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.11.1.04thu.
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This paper attempts to determine whether the particle ja in Kristang (spoken in Malacca, Malaysia) functions as part of an aspect, a tense, or an aktionsart system. The paper first argues that ja does not mark the perfective in an aspectual system. Second, it argues that ja does not mark the past in a tense system. It then argues, instead, that ja marks an aktionsart category, namely, a change of state. The paper concludes by noting some historical changes in the usage of ja and speculates about some incipient changes in the Kristang system as a whole. The analysis of this particle in different conversational settings suggests that for some speakers ja marks the present relevance of events that occurred in the past. This usage of the particle relates to its original adverbial semantics in Portuguese, where já means 'already'. However, it is argued that this change in the usage of the particle has been induced by English. English is now the dominant language for many Kristang speakers and it has a semantically very similar present perfect. It is on the basis of these similarities that ja is determined to be largely a perfect marker for some Kristang speakers.
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Rispoli, Matthew, and Pamela A. Hadley. "Let's Be Explicit About the Psycholinguistic Bases of Developmental Measures: A Response to Leonard, Haebig, Deevy, and Brown (2017)." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 61, no. 6 (June 19, 2018): 1455–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2018_jslhr-l-17-0488.
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Purpose The purpose of this letter is to clarify the psycholinguistic underpinnings of the tense marker total and tense agreement productivity score and to extend the discussion of when composite diversity and productivity measures are best used. Conclusion We encourage the use of composite diversity and productivity measures when assessing grammar early in development, but we discourage the use of composite accuracy measures until children demonstrate emergence of diverse tense/agreement morphemes across a sufficient number of low-frequency sentence frames.
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Kauf, Carina, and Hedde Zeijlstra. "Towards a New Explanation of Sequence of Tense." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 28 (October 17, 2018): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v28i0.4407.
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Past-under-past embeddings have two readings, a simultaneous and a backward-shifted one. While existing accounts derive these readings via distinct mechanisms, be it by means of an ambiguity at the level of LF or via blocking of a cessation implicature, we propose an alternative account which avoids such ambiguity. For us, the meaning of a past tense morpheme, like -ed, is comprised of two components. Syntactically, every past tense morpheme carries an uninterpretable past feature [uPAST], to be checked by a (single) covert past tense operator Op- PAST carrying an interpretable feature [iPAST]. Semantically, the past tense marker encodes a relative non-future with respect to its closest c-commanding tense node (informally: ‘not later than’), immediately yielding the two distinct readings.
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Pawłowska, Monika. "Evaluation of Three Proposed Markers for Language Impairment in English: A Meta-Analysis of Diagnostic Accuracy Studies." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 57, no. 6 (December 2014): 2261–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2014_jslhr-l-13-0189.
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Purpose The goal of the study was to determine to what extent 3 proposed markers of language impairment (LI) in English (verb tense, nonword repetition, and sentence repetition) accurately distinguish affected and unaffected English-speaking individuals. Method Electronic databases were searched for diagnostic accuracy studies involving the 3 markers. Quality of relevant studies was described. Numbers of true and false positives and negatives were extracted and used to calculate likelihood ratios (LRs). Results Thirteen studies met the selection criteria. The majority were based on clinically ascertained samples. Pooled LRs and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) for tense (LR+) and sentence repetition (LR+ and LR−) were suggestive of presence (LR+) or absence (LR−) of LI. Wide CIs around the value of inconsistency I 2 index reduced reliability of pooled values for sentence repetition. High between-study heterogeneity precluded pooling of LR values for tense (LR−) and nonword repetition (LR+ and LR−). Conclusion The limited evidence available suggests that the proposed markers may be at best suggestive of LI in English. Future research may refine existing marker tasks to increase their accuracy and test the most promising tasks in unselected samples of participants with and without LI.
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Gharib, Hiba Esmail. "Sorani Kurdish and Minimalism." Journal of University of Human Development 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2016): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v2n1y2016.pp465-478.
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Sorani is a dialect of Kurdish that is spoken in many countries of the world. In Sorani there is an agreement marker that appears on the verb and makes the verb agrees with the subject in person and number. A close examination of the nature of the agreement marker in Sorani shows that it is not obvious whether it is a suffix or a clitic. In this research I will discuss the properties of the affixes and clitics in general, and then apply them to the data in Sorani to decide whether the agreement marker is an affix or a clitic. The agreement marker in Sorani in the past tense verbs requires reconsideration as in the past tense; the agreement marker appears on the object instead of the verb. Subject agreement in Sorani is considered a challenge to the syntactic theories as there is no good explanation available to understand this phenomenon. In my research will explore the nature of this agreement marker as this would be the key to explaining the agreement phenomenon in Sorani.
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Leonard, Laurence B., Eileen Haebig, Patricia Deevy, and Barbara Brown. "Tracking the Growth of Tense and Agreement in Children With Specific Language Impairment: Differences Between Measures of Accuracy, Diversity, and Productivity." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 60, no. 12 (December 20, 2017): 3590–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2017_jslhr-l-16-0427.
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Purpose Composite measures of children's use of tense and agreement morphology differ in their emphasis on accuracy, diversity, or productivity, yet little is known about how these different measures change over time. An understanding of these differences is especially important for the study of children with specific language impairment, given these children's extraordinary difficulty with this aspect of grammar. Method We computed 3 types of composite scores from spontaneous speech samples obtained from 17 preschoolers with specific language impairment before, during, and after their participation in a language intervention study. These measures were the Finite Verb Morphology Composite (a measure of accuracy), the Tense Marker Total (a measure of diversity), and the Productivity Score (a measure of productivity). Results The 3 measures differed in their growth trajectories. Sample size did not alter the linear or quadratic nature of growth of any composite, although it did affect the absolute values found for the Tense Marker Total and Productivity Score. Conclusion Even when sample size is controlled, early growth can be seen in tense and agreement accuracy with relatively limited diversity and productivity, whereas later growth in diversity and productivity can occur with very little change in accuracy.
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Bubenik, Vit. "On the Origins and Elimination of Ergativity in Indo-Aryan Languages." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 34, no. 4 (December 1989): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100024294.
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Ergativity is a term used in traditional descriptive and typological linguistics to refer to a system of nominal case-marking where the subject of an intransitive verb has the same morphological marker as a direct object, and a different morphological marker from the subject of a transitive verb. Languages in which this system is found are divided into two main types, A and B (following Trask 1979:388). In Type A the ergative construction is used equally in all tenses and aspects. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb agrees with the direct object in person and number in exactly the same way it agrees with the subject of an intransitive verb. The verb agrees with the transitive subject in a different way. Well-known representatives of this type are Basque, Australian ergative languages, certain North American languages, Tibeto-Burman and Chukchee. In type B there is most often a tense/aspect split, in which case the ergative construction is confined to the perfective aspect (or the past tense), and the nominative-accusative configuration is used elsewhere. Furthermore, if there is verbal agreement, the verb may agree with the direct object in number and gender but not in person.
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Paster, Mary. "Floating tones in Ga." Studies in African Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v32i1.107345.
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This paper provides robust empirical evidence for floating tones in Ga, a Kwa language of Ghana. As will be shown, floating tones are crucial to an analysis of verbal tense/aspect/mood distinctions. I begin by describing two tonal processes, the HL rule and Plateauing. While these are regular processes of the language, both are blocked in the perfective. I show that the blockage is the result of a floating low tone that marks the perfective, and that the floating tone marker explains other anomalous tonal effects in the perfective. I then give an analysis of floating tone prefixes that mark certain tenses/aspects/moods by associating to the subject prefix, thus overwriting the lexical tone of the subject prefix. Finally, I give examples of suffixed floating that mark tense/aspect/mood by associating to verb stems, causing the underlying stem tones to delink. In these tenses/aspects/moods, we find evidence for an underlying L vs. toneless contrast, constituting another phenomenon where, as with floating tones, there is a mismatch between the number of tones and tonebearing units. Thus, a major prediction of Autosegmental Phonology (Goldsmith 1976, Clements and Ford 1979) is borne out in Ga.
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Ndeze, Jean Claude. "Analysis of syntactic errors made by intermediate English learners and the impact of their treatment on the learning progress." KIBOGORA POLYTECHNIC SCIENTIFIC JOURNAL 1, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33618/kpscj.2018.01.008.
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This study is an extension of previous researches on fundamental syntactic errors which intermediate English learners make in their English writing. It aims at investigating sources of syntactic errors and how they affect the language learning progress. 82 secondary school students were subjected to two free written 350-word essay tests to back up possible sentence structure errors they make. The questionnaire was also administered to elicit opinions as to what are the error causes and reactions to error treatment strategy. 3647 syntactic errors were pinpointed and classified under four categories: selection, omission, addition and ordering errors. The findings reveals that selection errors outrank the forefront occurring frequently more than other errors (51.93%). Omission errors positionon on the second (26.92%). The next error category visible in learners’ English writing is addition errors cover 13.40% out of 3647 errors computed. The last category is misodrering errors (7.73%). The most predominant errors in all language areas are wrong verb form, wrong choice of verb tense, tense marker omission or unnecessary tense marker addition as well as subject-verb agreement errors. It appears that tenses and verbs are the major problematic areas. Yet not all syntactic errors are the same for all English learners. The major sources of the above errors include rules over-generalizations, language transfer, poor motivation and practices, inherent natural complexity of the language, problem of language input and most importantly error treatment among others. The implications for language teachers are obvious. There is need for a change, for instance, in the techniques with which learners should be exposed to language input, predictable order of materials in Language teaching and new approaches to error treatment
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Pratas, Fernanda, and Marleen Van de Vate. "Tense and Modality in two creoles: Capeverdean and Saamáka." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 38 (September 25, 2012): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v38i0.3344.
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<p>This paper provides evidence for the claim that in certain languages epistemic modality can have both a past and a present modal anchor time (in the case of CV), while in other languages epistemic modality must have a present modal anchor time (in the case of SM). Additionally, in his Language Bioprogram Hypothesis, Bickerton (1981, 1984) claims that tense, aspect and modality is similar across creoles. We will demonstrate that this claim is only partially correct. The modality system of these two creoles is very similar: Both have a necessity modal which conveys obligation and epistemic readings, and a possibility modal which conveys ability, permissive and epistemic readings. Furthermore, both have a past marker. A difference occur s when the past marker co-occurs with the modals; in CV both the circumstantial and epistemic reading of the two modals surfaces, whereas in SM only the circumstantial reading surfaces, the epistemic reading is infelicitous. The present paper accounts for this on the grounds of some important distinct features between these languages functional morphemes, which reflects in their respective functional structures.</p>
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Atake, Suzuka, and Tomohiko Ito. "Appearance of Tense Morphemes and Case Marker "ga" in Japanese Young Children." Japan Journal of Logopedics and Phoniatrics 53, no. 2 (2012): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5112/jjlp.53.144.
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Aceto, Michael. "A New Creole Future Tense Marker Emerges in the Panamanian West Indies." American Speech 73, no. 1 (1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/455925.
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Abunya, Levina Nyameye, and Nana Aba Appiah Amfo. "Grammaticalization in Kaakyi: From a temporal adverb to a future tense marker." Acta Linguistica Hafniensia 45, no. 1 (May 2013): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03740463.2014.897813.
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Rachel Nordlinger and Louisa Sadler. "When is a temporal marker not a tense?: Reply to Tonhauser 2007." Language 84, no. 2 (2008): 325–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.0.0013.
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Mastrantonio, Davide. "Marcatori conclusivi del discorso diretto in italiano antico." Romanistisches Jahrbuch 70, no. 1 (November 18, 2019): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/roja-2019-0004.
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Abstract In this paper we deal with a specific subset of direct speech markers, to which little or no attention has been given so far: the expressions which codify the ending of the direct speech (“marcatori conclusivi del discorso diretto”). We analyse these markers in Old Italian texts, comparing them with their Latin and, in some cases, Old French equivalents. In the introduction (§1), we take into account various general issues related to ancient texts, namely the practice of spoken-word reading and the lack of systematic punctuation marking that helps text segmentation. After that (§2), we classify the different strategies ancient writers had at their disposal to signal that a direct speech is over, hence that what follows has to be interpreted as the narrator voice; the markers are organized in a range from most explicit to most implicit (disse > quando ebbe detto > a queste parole > allora > [Ø]). Thereafter (§3), we focus on two specific markers, the participial marker (detto questo) and the “connector + finite tense” marker (quando ebbe detto questo) in a corpus of nine texts. Though these two markers are roughly synonymic, their occurrence is not uniform among the analysed texts. The explanation of their unequal distribution is that they belong to different discourse traditions (Diskurstraditionen): “quando + finite tense” is a typical expression attested in Romance narrations (the so-called “quand-Satz”), whereas detto questo appears to be dependent on Latin tradition.
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Leonard, Laurence B., Eileen Haebig, Patricia Deevy, and Barbara Brown. "Extending the Application of Tense and Agreement Measures: A Reply to Rispoli and Hadley (2018)." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 61, no. 6 (June 19, 2018): 1460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2018_jslhr-l-18-0019.
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Purpose In this reply, we respond to comments on our article “Tracking the Growth of Tense and Agreement in Children With Specific Language Impairment: Differences Between Measures of Accuracy, Diversity, and Productivity.” Conclusion The finite verb morphology composite can be disproportionately affected by frequently occurring grammatical forms produced through direct activation. This assumption was one of the reasons we wished to compare this measure to the tense marker total and the tense/agreement productivity score. The latter two measures provide valuable developmental information that is not available from the finite morphology composite. Yet, the finite verb morphology composite shows good diagnostic accuracy and an interpretable pattern of growth and is relatively stable across different sample sizes.
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Ziegeler, Debra. "Changes in the functions of already in Singapore English." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 35, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 293–331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00062.zie.
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Abstract The use of the adverb already in Colloquial Singapore English has long been known as one of the most readily recognizable features defining the contact dialect, marking aspectual nuances such as anterior, completive, inchoative and inceptive functions, as noted by Bao (2005, 2015). Recent observations note that the uses of already as an inchoative marker (distinguishing the adverb as an iamitive) are more frequently found than completive uses across a small, synchronic sample of speakers (Teo 2019). It is perhaps less often recognized, though, that the aspectual use of already co-exists with the variable marking for past tense in Singlish (Ho & Platt 1993), and that both the aspectual adverb and the past tense may be seen to co-occur in the same construction. The frequency of already in its various functions is examined across two corpora, and the relative frequency of completive vs. non-completive functions is quantified diachronically. It is hypothesized that, rather than grammaticalizing onwards to become a past tense marker, as is predictable for some Portuguese creole iamitives (ya ‘already’) (Clements 2006), already is becoming increasingly restricted in its functional range in today’s Singlish, and that its perfect and completive functions may be at a stage of selective renovation by the use of the past tense in Standard Singapore English.
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Tazranova, Alena R. "The Form with =ZA in the Altai Language." Philology 18, no. 9 (2020): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-9-65-77.
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In the following article, we analyze the polyfunctional form with =ZA in the Altai language. Traditionally, this form is viewed as a marker of conditional mood. Our materials show that its semantics and functions are very varied. It can be used not only in infinite functions within polypredicative constructions, but also as an independent finite form with the meaning of a non-real, contrafactive volition. When it is used as a dependent predicate, this form mainly denotes modality of an action’s conditions according to the speaker’s point of view. When one uses the if conjunction, the expected action-condition may not take place, and when the when conjunction is used, such possibility is not considered, but rather, temporal relations are expressed (consecution, simultaneity, general temporal correlation). Specific temporal meanings depend on specific tense forms of finite predicates: if the predicate of a main clause is in present tense, the construction denotes general temporal correlation; if a future tense form is used, it denotes consecution or simultaneity in the future; the past tense denotes consecution in the past. With a 2nd person singular and plural affix =ZAŋ, =ZAgAr expresses the meaning of soft incentive. The =ZA form as a marker of concessive mood denotes completion of an action in spite of conflicting conditions, which demonstrates the shift of this form towards other mood forms.
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NICOLADIS, Elena, Yuehan YANG, and Zixia JIANG. "Why jumped is so difficult: tense/aspect marking in Mandarin–English bilingual children." Journal of Child Language 47, no. 5 (February 27, 2020): 1073–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000920000082.
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AbstractLearning to mark for tense in a second language is notoriously difficult for speakers of a tenseless language like Chinese. In this study we test two reasons for these difficulties in Chinese–English sequential bilingual children: (1) morphophonological transfer (i.e., avoidance of complex codas), and (2) interpretation of –ed as an aspect marker of completion, like the Mandarin –le. Mandarin–English bilingual children and age-matched monolinguals did a cartoon retell task. The verbs used in the stories were coded for accuracy in English, telicity, and suppliance of –ed or –le. The results were consistent with morphophonological transfer: the bilingual children were more accurate with irregular past forms in English than regular forms. The results were also consistent with the bilingual children's interpretation of –ed as an aspect marker: most of their production of –ed was on telic verbs. We discuss possible reasons for the children's interpretation of –ed as an aspect marker.
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Hodieb, Liliane. "On the aspectual system of Wushi (Babessi), a Ring Grassfields Bantu language of Cameroon." Language in Africa 2, no. 2 (July 30, 2021): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.37892/2686-8946-2021-2-2-43-65.
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One of the characteristics of Bantu languages, including Grassfields Bantu languages, is their multiple time distinctions. Within the Ring Grassfields group, multiple tenses are also well attested. For example, Aghem has three past and two future tenses (Anderson 1979), Babanki has four past tenses and three future tenses (Akumbu & Fogwe 2012), as well as Lamnso’ (Yuka 2012). Oku has three past tenses and two future tenses (Nforbi 1993) and Babungo has four past and two future tenses (Schaub 1985). These tenses represent different degrees of remoteness in time such as hordienal, immediate, distant, etc. However, in spite of the indisputable lexical unity of Ring Grassfields Bantu languages (Stallcup 1980; Piron 1997), Wushi strikingly stands apart: it does not mark tense morphologically. As a matter of fact, the aspectual system of Wushi is based on five aspects: perfective, imperfective, retrospective or anterior, potential, and the distal or dissociative marker kə̀ that is analyzed in the light of Botne & Kershner (2008). This paper sets out to analyze these verb forms.
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UNO, MARIKO. "A usage-based approach to early-discourse pragmatic functions of the Japanese subject markerswaandga*." Journal of Child Language 43, no. 1 (March 9, 2015): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000915000069.
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AbstractThis study investigates the emergence and development of the discourse-pragmatic functions of the Japanese subject markerswaandgafrom a usage-based perspective (Tomasello, 2000). The use of each marker in longitudinal speech data for four Japanese children from 1;0 to 3;1 and their parents available in the CHILDES database (MacWhinney, 2000) was coded and analyzed. Findings showed that the four children initially usedwaas awh-question marker. They then gradually shifted its use to convey the proposition of given information. In contrast, the use ofgavaried among the children. One child usedgawith dynamic verbs in the past tense to report events he witnessed/experienced, while the other three children used it with a particular stative predicate in the present tense, expressing their subjective feeling toward referents. Findings were explained by the frequency of input to which the children had been exposed.
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Nam, Bora. "Be-Insertion in Interlanguage: A Topic Marker, A Tense/Agreement Morpheme, or Both?" Lanaguage Research 55, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 555–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30961/lr.2019.55.3.555.
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Rashel, Md Mostafa. "Morphosyntactic Analysis of Mro Language." Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics 2, no. 3 (January 15, 2010): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/dujl.v2i3.4149.
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In this article, I have used many examples to build up a concept about the relationship between Mro morphology and syntax, especially the different case markers to find out the relationship among them. During the research my goal was to provide a description of the constituent order; grammatical categories like tense; comparative marker -la'e (then), -leplep la'e (most); pronominal system (determiners used with first and second person but 3rd person is independent); demonstratives, adverbs, clause combination like conditional markers, reasons, time, motion; structures of question like y/n question, informal, exclamatory; case markers like noun, pronoun (relative), numeral relation to conjunction, suffix, clause/sentence level; grammatical relation (GR) as well as text analysis of Mro language. Key words: Morphosyntax, Language family, pronominal system, Case marker, grammatical relation, Mro.DOI: 10.3329/dujl.v2i3.4149 The Dhaka University Journal of Linguistics: Vol.2 No.3 February, 2009 Page: 141-160
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Gladfelter, Allison, and Laurence B. Leonard. "Alternative Tense and Agreement Morpheme Measures for Assessing Grammatical Deficits During the Preschool Period." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 56, no. 2 (April 2013): 542–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2012/12-0100).
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Purpose P. A. Hadley and H. Short (2005) developed a set of measures designed to assess the emerging diversity and productivity of tense and agreement (T/A) morpheme use by 2-year-olds. The authors extended 2 of these measures to the preschool years to evaluate their utility in distinguishing children with specific language impairment (SLI) from their typically developing (TD) peers. Method Spontaneous speech samples from 55 children (25 with SLI, 30 TD) at 2 different age levels (4;0–4;6 [years;months] and 5;0–5;6) were analyzed, using a traditional T/A morphology composite that assessed accuracy, and the Hadley and Short measures of Tense Marker Total (assessing diversity of T/A morpheme use) and Productivity Score (assessing productivity of major T/A categories). Results All 3 measures showed acceptable levels of sensitivity and specificity. In addition, similar differences in levels of productivity across T/A categories were seen in the TD and SLI groups. Conclusion The Tense Marker Total and Productivity Score measures seem to have considerable utility for preschool-age children, in that they provide information about specific T/A morphemes and major T/A categories that are not distinguished using the traditional composite measure. The findings are discussed within the framework of the gradual morphosyntactic learning account.
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Schwegler, Armin. "Future and Conditional in Palenquero." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 223–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.7.2.03sch.
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Previous research (including the recent monographs of Friedemann & Patino Rosselli 1983 and Megenney 1986) states that Palenquero (henceforth PAL) has but a single future particle — tan — and lacks overt irrealis markers to express conditionals. This paper takes issue with earlier claims by showing that this creole language in fact has an additional irrealis marker — ake or its variants k(e) — whose principal function is to signal future and conditional. After the presentation of data, attention is focused on the syntax and origin of aké. In the course of the discussion it will become apparent that the PAL facts speak against Bickerton's well-known hypothesis about the prototypical creole tense-modality-aspect system, which is said to order preverbal morphemes as follows: tense (± anterior) + modality (±irrealis) + aspect (±durative). The final section offers a preliminary investigation into PAL modal distinctions (certain future versus probable future) which casts strong doubts on earlier assertions that PAL lacks contrastive mood differentiations. The article concludes with suggestions for further research.
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Tagliamonte, Sali, and Shana Poplack. "How Black EnglishPastgot to the present: Evidence from Samaná." Language in Society 17, no. 4 (December 1988): 513–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500013075.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the tense system of Samaná English, a lineal descendant of early nineteenth-century American Black English. Independent evidence from quantitative phonological, grammatical, and narrative analyses reveals the existence of a past tense marker comparable in surface form, function, and distribution to that of Standard English. In addition, we establish the presence of a narrative Historical Present, thus far unattested in Black English Vernacular (BEV), which appears in proportions and patterns of alternation with the past tense nearly identical to those associated with middle-class white American narrators. Comparison with varieties of contemporary BEV and English-based creoles shows a structural resemblance between Samaná English and the former, but not the latter. These findings have important implications for understanding the development of contemporary BEV. (Linguistic variation, narrative analysis, Black English Vernacular, pidgin and creole linguistics, Dominican Republic)
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Lee, Doo-Won. "Morphological and Syntactic Approach to Embedded Addressee Honorification: With Reference to Past Tense Marker -ess and Assumption Marker -keyss." Studies in Linguistics 58 (January 31, 2021): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17002/sil..58.202101.43.
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Dalgish, Gerard M. "a reduction phenomena in Luyia." Studies in African Linguistics 17, no. 2 (August 1, 1986): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v17i2.107489.
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A discussion of the complex segmental morphophonemics of the distant past tense marker /a/ in OluTsootso. Its interaction with other rules and conditions in the language is placed in the perspective of unifying disparate data, demonstrating the power of the paradigm, and avoiding homophony.
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Kardana, I. Nyoman, and Made Sri Satyawati. "Temporal Deixis in Balinese Language." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 10, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.10n.1p.17.
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This study analyzed the forms of temporal deixis found in Balinese, one of the biggest local languages in Indonesia. Data was collected from oral communication by Balinese speakers who live in Denpasar, the capital city of the island of Bali. Data was obtained through observation and elicitation method completed with recording and note taking technique. The collected data was analyzed by inductive approach so that the clear and detail description about temporal deixis could be reached. The result of analysis shows that the forms of Balinese temporal deixis can be divided into the forms referring to the past, present, and future tense. The forms are also distinguished between definite and indefinite temporal deixis. Two kinds of temporal markers are also found in Balinese, they are di marker for past and buin/bin marker for future. The form mani and ibi does not obligatorily need the markers but the other temporal forms really need the markers to make a complete meaning and reference.