Relevant bibliographies by topics / Territorial Chinese reunification question

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Academic literature on the topic 'Territorial Chinese reunification question'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Territorial Chinese reunification question"

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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "A Search for Identity: The “German Question” in Atlantic Alliance Relations." World Politics 40, no. 3 (April 1988): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010219.

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AbstractMajor changes in the postwar global environment have transformed “the” German question into many German questions that continue to complicate the foreign and domestic policy-making processes in the Federal Republic. Inconsistencies between official policy pronouncements and the accepted political modus operandi are explainable in terms of four “paradoxes”: (1) the nation/state identity paradox; (2) the reunification/integration paradox; (3) the stability/security paradox; and (4) the lessons-of-history/normalcy paradox. West German commitment to the Atlantic Alliance remains unshaken, but the FRG should not be forced to choose between the U.S. and Europe, between integration with the West and further improvement in relations with the GDR. Normalization of those relations will be best served by a mutual adherence to the principles of balance, territorial integrity, confidence building and greater transparency in matters of inter-German decision making.
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Barlösius, Eva, and Claudia Neu. "„Gleichwertigkeit – Ade?“." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 37, no. 146 (March 1, 2007): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v37i146.527.

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Three main reasons can be identified which triggered a social and political debate whether the task of reaching equal living conditions in Germany has to be abandoned. First, the costs of the reunification and the changed environment caused by globalisation have tightened state budgets available to achieve that aim. Second, economic backwardness and social disengagement of rural areas led to a lasting dependence on transfers from richer German regions. Third, the upcoming demographic change has raised the question whether equal living conditions can be financed for rural areas with low population density. However, the far reaching social consequences of abandoning the aim of equal living conditions remained unconsidered in the debate. Accepting huge differences in living conditions and thus severe territorial disparities means to restrict the equality of opportunity of the rural population and with it endangering the territorial cohesion.
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Vuong, Martina. "The Impact of the Anti-Chinese Páihuá Policy in Vietnam after Reunification: the Refugees’ Perspective." Vienna Journal of East Asian Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2011): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjeas-2011-0012.

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Abstract In 1978–1979 the news reporting on the Vietnamese boat people attracted attention from the whole world. Not only the media but also scientific researchers were interested in these mass refugees. However, this phenomenon has been detached from its context and perceived as a self-contained event on many occasions. Furthermore, most people were not aware of the fact that the main body of these refugees were ethnic Chinese, known as the Hoa. The study presented in this paper takes this as its starting point and focuses on the question of the motivations of the Hoa in leaving North Vietnam. It takes the historical, internal and foreign political context into consideration and identifies a political atmosphere extremely hostile to the ethnic Chinese.The páihuá policy drove them to leave behind what they had built up and led to the mass exodus of 1978–1979, but also gave the Hoa hope for a new and better life for themselves and especially for their future descendants outside of Vietnam.
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Dikarev, A. D. "CHINA AND JAPAN: TERRITORIAL CONFLICT OR REGIONAL COOPERATION?" Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 5 (December 20, 2017): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-162-171.

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About some recent trends in economic and political relations between Japan and China. The opinions and conclusions of Western Russian and Japanese scholars with regard to the Chinese policy of Shinzo Abe government and Japanese aspects of Chinese foreign policy under Xi Jinping are considered. Special attention is paid to the ambiguous attitudes of both states to territorial conflicts and their strategy of exploration of islands in the open sea. Evident traces of “double standards“ can be revealed in the political declarations and actions of both countries. Controversies between China and Japan are dangerously aggravating especially with a prospect of strengthening China’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region. Nevertheless solving of territorial question will depend mainly on the outcome of economic rather than military competition between China and Japan.
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Whiting, Allen S. "Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Policy After Deng." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 295–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034950.

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As the Deng era approaches its end, concern abroad, particularly in East Asia, focuses on how the People's Republic of China (PRC) will cope with territorial disputes with Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei and India, and the continued quest for Taiwan. Meanwhile Chinese military modernization steadily increases the People's Liberation Army (PLA) air and sea power projection. The question arises: might a beleaguered post-Deng leadership seek to strengthen its legitimacy through exploitation of Chinese nationalism and if so, how would this manifest itself in foreign relations?
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Shi, Shuai, Ronald Wall, and Kathy Pain. "Exploring the significance of domestic investment for foreign direct investment in China: A city-network approach." Urban Studies 56, no. 12 (November 7, 2018): 2447–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0042098018795977.

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This article uses a network approach and a negative binomial regression model (NBRM) to shed light on the association between Domestic Investment (DI) and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in interlinking Chinese cities in a space of flows. The empirical analysis is based on 2743 FDI and 9315 DI projects covering 77 Chinese cities. We address the question of what the association is between DI network measures and city attractiveness for FDI, and if the geographic distance of DI matters. While the physical distance of DI activity is found to have a negative association with FDI, city functional proximity and structural position in the DI network are found to have a positive association. We conclude that strategic policies to stimulate cross-territorial economic ties between Chinese cities should be advantageous in attracting inward foreign investment.
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Yu, Junwei. "China's Foreign Policy in Sport: The Primacy of National Security and Territorial Integrity Concerning the Taiwan Question." China Quarterly 194 (June 2008): 294–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741008000386.

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AbstractTraditionally, research that examines foreign policy in sport often revolves around the prestige, status, welfare and protection of ethnic or human kin. However, this article argues that from the outset, China's foreign policy on sport vis-à-vis Taiwan has placed national security and territorial integrity as its number one priority. Chinese leaders have developed a carrot-and-stick policy. On the one hand, an “Olympic formula” has been devised enabling Taiwan to participate in non-governmental international organizations such as the Olympics. On the other hand, a “one China principle” has been imposed, to treat Taiwan as a local province that ceases to be a sovereign state. The 2008 Beijing Olympics is a perfect arena for China to use the two doctrines interchangeably.
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Mohapatra, SC. "Aftermath Melancholy of Devastating COVID-19 Issues." Journal of Advanced Research in Medical Science & Technology 07, no. 03 (October 7, 2020): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2394.6539.202013.

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It is difficult to say authentically whether the COVID-19 virus is being developed in Chinese laboratory or shredded from the vet market of China. In any case it’s a Chinese virus affecting the human population, and one such major public health event occurs approximately one in every 100 years. It is as devastating, if not more, than the dinosaurs of past millennia, but as the size reduced from animal to nano particle, the devastating capability also increased in million times. The major pandemics have been usually pneumonic in nature whether plague, flue or Covid. The Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN) of WHO (World Health Organization) has been launched as a Knowledge resource. But the role of China or WHO in declaring this pandemic is suspicious even today. This arouses a question, was the discovery actually Chinese in nature and with the help of higher public health organization (WHO?) the matter was hidden and bio-weapon was developed by China to be used for Indian, Taiwan, US or Japanese soldiers in cold seasons, with whom China is engaged in territorial expansion through encroachment? As such excepting US president Mr. Donald Trump, no one expresses it aloud. There has been economic crisis, socio-psycho-political melancholy, vaccine development delays and global health system failure.
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Sanin, Konstantin A. "Chinese empire or a prototype of responsible global power: discussions on the Great Qing in China and the West." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080014533-3.

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In the light of China’s rise, it is of great interest to consider the views that are widespread in the PRC on the nature of Chinese state and the proper mode of international relations. Considering that Chinese leadership has proclaimed the goal of "rejuvenation" of the Chinese nation, modern assessments of China's historical past allow us to take a fresh look at the prospects for China's internal development as well as Chinese foreign policy in Asia. In this regard the era of the Qing Dynasty is of particular interest. During that period Chinese territory expanded approximately to its modern borders, and the relations with the neighbors underwent a transition from the tributary system to the modern Westphalian type of international relations. There exist various interpretations of Chinese foreign policy’s traditions. Those interpretations are largely determined by the attitude to China's current behavior at the international stage. While the Chinese rulers have adopted the concept of traditional Chinese world order that is of Western origin, many Western researchers nowadays question this concept and tend to describe pre-revolutionary China as one of many expansionist empires in Eurasia. That point of view is subject to sharp criticism from Chinese authors. The portrayal of Qing China as one of the empires can entail serious consequences for international relations as well as the territorial integrity of the PRC. In order to achieve their goals in domestic and foreign policy, Chinese leaders strive to build a historical narrative in such a way that it combines the elements of various historical periods which are most profitable in the current circumstances, including the history of Silk Road.
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Jung, Heon Joo, and Han Wool Jeong. "South Korean Attitude towards China: Threat Perception, Economic Interest, and National Identity." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 2-3 (November 4, 2016): 242–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341361.

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In the context of growing tensions in East Asia over territorial disputes and history issues, one can observe the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments among South Koreans in the early 2010s although many South Koreans had positive views on China a decade earlier. What affects South Korean attitude toward China? Despite China’s significance to South Korea, there have been surprisingly few scholarly works attempting to answer this question. Based on an empirical analysis of survey data, this paper finds that Koreans’ favorable attitude towards China is negatively affected by threat perception of China’s military buildup, opposition to anftawith China, and exclusive national identity but not by whether or not one feels threatened by the American unilateralism and Japan’s remilitarization. This finding suggests that South Koreans’ feeling toward China is primarily affected by bilateral relationship rather than by balancing behaviors in consideration of broader security environments.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Territorial Chinese reunification question"

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Chen, Han-shin. "The making of Taiwan's mainland policy milieu, state, and decision-making /." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33051230.html.

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Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in poliltical discourse how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan /." Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University, 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/771.

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Cheng, Xiaojing. "Chinese metaphors in political discourse : how the government of the People's Republic of China criticizes the independence of Taiwan." CardinalScholar 1.0, 2009. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1467028.

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This dissertation discusses various underlying conceptual metaphors used to describe the issue of Taiwan’s independence in the PRC media in light of Conceptual Metaphor Theory. The conceptual metaphors underlying linguistic expressions that are used to depict the independence issue in Chinese for a total number of nineteen concepts are examined. It is also argued that the conceptual bases for some chengyu, fixed expressions in Chinese, can be explained within Conceptual Metaphor Theory, but others cannot since some of the conceptual mappings constructed are context specific. The secondary metaphors found in some chengyu are based on the original association of one domain with another in the allusion or historical story. In short, this study provides empirical evidence for Conceptual Metaphor Theory in that the use of metaphor is extremely prevalent in at least one genre of Chinese political writing. It also examines Chinese chengyu from a cognitive point of view.
Department of English
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Whitten, Robert Todd. "Uniting the Empire long divided China's attempts to alter US policy on Taiwan in the 1990's /." access full-text online access from Digital dissertation consortium, 1997. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/ezdb/umi-r.pl?1385461.pdf.

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Curran, Donald J. "Bridging the Strait : implications for Japan and the United States following a peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5F_Curran.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 22, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available in print.
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Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.

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Lin, Chin-sheng, and n/a. "The One-China controversy, 1996-2002 : the impact of Taiwan�s democratisation on the cross-strait policies of Taipei, Beijing and Washington." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070220.142540.

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The one-China issue before the 1990s was not particularly complex as both sides of the Taiwan Strait claimed that there was only one China in the world and Taiwan was part of China. Nevertheless, after Taiwan accelerated democratisation in the early 1990s, and especially after 1996 when it entered a stage of democratic consolidation, the one-China issue has become a bitter controversy. Taiwan was transformed from an authoritarian regime to a democracy through the revision of the constitution and the reform of elections for the Legislative Yüan and the presidency between 1991 and 1996. Democratisation not only legitimised the government�s rule on Taiwan, but also brought about Taiwanese nationalism, which forced the government to defend the sovereignty to which its democratic and economic achievements now entitled it. As the PRC has always claimed sovereignty over Taiwan, the one-China controversy has thus focused on Taiwan�s international status since the 1990s. In order to prevent Taiwan from declaring independence, the PRC adopted a carrot and stick strategy, but failed. Its "peaceful reunification" policy and the "one country, two systems" formula could not attract the Taiwanese, and its military threats were blocked by the US, which has strongly demanded a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait disputes since 1979. As the US also needs the PRC�s cooperation in many international areas, it did not support Taiwan�s formal independence. Under such circumstances, maintaining the status quo of the Taiwan Strait becomes the best choice for the three sides. The one-China controversy is not expected to be resolved in the near future. Democracy has been promoted as a universal value since the Cold War. As Taiwan has not ruled out the possibility of future democratic unification with the Mainland, the best way to resolve the one-China controversy might be the successful democratisation of the PRC, which the international community would welcome.
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Fu, I.-chieh. "U.S. arms sales to Taiwan : a critical issue in Sino-American relations." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9837.

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Ho, Veng On. "A unificacao nacional da China e o processo de transicao de Macau." Thesis, University of Macau, 1996. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b1636858.

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占美珍. "開放中國居民赴台旅遊的政策研究." Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554111.

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Books on the topic "Territorial Chinese reunification question"

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Lasater, Martin L. U.S. policy toward China's reunification. Washington, D.C., U.S.A: Heritage Foundation, 1988.

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2

Minjok tʻongil kwa Nam-Puk yŏnhap: 6.15 Nam-Puk kongdong sŏngmyŏng silchʻŏn ŭi pangdo. Sŏul-si: Yŏgang Chʻulpʻansa, 2001.

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Chŏn, Tŭk-chu. Pundanʼguk tʻongil ŭi chaeinsik. Sŏul-si: Taewangsa, 1989.

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Pyŏnhyŏk ŭi sidae: Minjok tʻongil kwa chʻangjojŏk yŏksa ŭisik ŭi chŏngnip ŭl wihayŏ. Sŏul: Irwŏl Sŏgak, 1991.

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Conflicts of divided nations: The cases of China and Korea. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1995.

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Gu, Yutian. Zhong yuan shan chuan zhong xing yun: "San min zhu yi tong yi Zhongguo" di bi yao he qi ju ti bu zou. [Taipei?: s.n.], 1985.

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Kemenade, Willem van. China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Inc. London: Little, Brown, 1998.

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Zhongyong, Liu, ed. Zhong Gang Tai gong si: Da Zhongguo jing ji quan de chong tu yu wei lai. Taibei Shi: Cai xun chu ban she, 1998.

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Kemenade, Willem van. China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Inc.: The dynamics of a new empire. London: Abacus, 1999.

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Qian jin da lu shi yong shou ce. Taibei Shi: Hai xia xue shu chu ban she, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Territorial Chinese reunification question"

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Dean, Austin. "Introduction." In China and the End of Global Silver, 1873-1937, 1–8. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752407.003.0001.

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This chapter examines attempts by the Qing dynasty, the Beiyang governments, and the Nationalist government to create a territorial, national money and the role of silver. It addresses debates in Chinese history, U.S. history, economic, and world history. It also focuses on silver in the context of Chinese history that illuminates connections between economic, diplomatic, political, and intellectual history. The chapter tackles a central question for Chinese thinkers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries on how a state previously content with minimalist goals of self-maintenance could develop strong, proactive organizations capable of implementing new agendas of centralization and economic development. It looks at economic writings of prominent Chinese officials and intellectuals known for their views and policies that highlight conceptual transition.
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Willems, Jane. "Investment Disputes under China’s BITs." In China's International Investment Strategy, 444–61. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827450.003.0025.

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This chapter first examines and compares the decisions rendered by arbitral tribunals and state courts, on the scope of the consent clauses contained in the Chinese bilateral investment treaties (BITs) of the first generation, with decisions rendered under other BITs with similar wordings. The decisions relating to Chinese BITs have contributed to the debate on the interpretation of treaties contained in arbitral awards that have extended the subject matter of the arbitral jurisdiction and the subsequent state court decisions that have reviewed, and on notable occasions have sanctioned these awards. These decisions contain more particulars pertaining to BITs emanating from socialists’ countries than characteristics specific to China’s BITs. The situation is different for other jurisdictional issues. The territorial jurisdiction of arbitral tribunals under the Chinese BITs—and whether they apply to a special administrative region (SAR)—was examined under the interpretation of the territorial scope of treaties and under the moving frontier rule and the exceptions to these principles, in particular the intent expressed by China. The question of the nationality of the investor seeking the protection of a Chinese BITs also raised Chinese characteristics, as it allowed for the first-time arbitral tribunals to apply, at an international level, the nationality test for both individuals and corporations established in the SARs contained in the municipal law.
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He, Baogang. "The Empire Thesis and its Critics." In Governing Taiwan and Tibet. Edinburgh University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748699711.003.0004.

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Chapter 3 examines the historically-based thesis on empire that argues that the democratic process evolving from ‘empire’ to nation-state presents a challenge for China’s territorial integrity. It analyzes the impact of China’s national identity question on Chinese democratization, and explores why China has difficulty establishing democracy. Through demonstrating the conflictive logic between democracy and state nationalism in the context of China’s national identity issue, it provides an explanation or an understanding of, not a justification for, the Party/State’s resistance to democracy. The chapter also argues against a strong historical determinism and emphasizes the importance of agency. It explores the possible democratic solutions through which China could avoid the logic of “the empire thesis”.
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