To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: TERRITORIES OCCUPIED BY ISRAEL.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'TERRITORIES OCCUPIED BY ISRAEL'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'TERRITORIES OCCUPIED BY ISRAEL.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Bratchford, Gary. "Visual activism in Israel, the occupied Palestinian territories and Gaza." Thesis, Manchester Metropolitan University, 2016. http://e-space.mmu.ac.uk/618936/.
Full textAbstract:
How has the political visibility of Palestinians within the occupied West Bank and Gaza been constructed and managed by the Israeli occupation? How has the management of the Israeli field of vision and the distribution of Palestinian visibility shaped who can be seen, how and from what position? Focusing on the politics of visibility within Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including Gaza in a post-Second Intifada period (2005-2014), the thesis examines how anti-occupation activists employ visual digital technologies and online communication platforms to make the occupation, and its effect upon Palestinians, more visible to Israelis and international spectators. Concentrating on the collaborative nonviolent action between Palestinians, Israelis and international visual activists, the thesis identifies how antioccupation artists, activists and organizations have worked to creatively challenge the established regimes of visibility within Israel/Palestine. Taking into consideration the potential of new media technologies as a means of producing, enhancing and/or sharing a critically engaged perspective on the occupation, each chapter will highlight different collaborative processes undertaken in an effort to challenge the visual management of the occupation by the Israeli military and government. This study draws upon recent literature that prioritises the relationship between vision, visibility, power and social theory (Brighenti, 2010) and the politics of visibility in Israel/Palestine (Hochburg, 2015; Faulkner, 2014) to present visual activism as meaningful way of widening the space in which politics can be conceived, performed and represented. After situating the thesis in an appropriate context between visual culture and the politics of visibility, the thesis explores how visibility is structured around varying regimes that differ from context to context and are formed around a number of political, military and social mechanisms. Thereafter the four core chapters will examine how visual activism has been employed within the West Bank and Gaza, highlighting a range of geographical, social and political complexities that underpin the specific conditions of each case study. The first case study highlights how social media and various online platforms can be mobilized in an effort to raise awareness of an event to an international audience, namely the Bedouin village of Susiya and their campaign to remain on their lands. In this regard, visual activism is considered as a visibility making tool that is networked and multi platform. Moreover, the case of Susiya outlines the problematic nature of ‘creating the right image’ as well as attesting to how lesser considered images might have the most effect when circulated online. The second case study explores how the Internet was used successfully as a strategic tool to maximize the visibility of nonviolent resistance within the Village of Bil’in for a largely international audience. While the third case study identifies how visual activism and new media technologies can be imbedded within the act of protest as a means of enhancing and defining the visual outcome. Lastly, case study four reflects on the 2014 Israeli military operation in Gaza, commonly referred to as Operation Protective Edge, as a way to delineate the range of conditions related to the military occupation over Palestinian territories and the creative ways visual activism has worked to overcome these conditions in a very specific political space. The thesis examines and applies visual activism as a means of highlighting Palestinian visibility and the Palestinian struggle against the occupation through nonviolent, creative action. Distributed online, these collective efforts have been conceived for an internationally sympathetic audience rather than exclusively for Palestinian or Israeli web-users.
2
Alba, Avril. "Water in Israel and the occupied territories : towards a comprehensive security agenda /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1994. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara325.pdf.
Full text
3
Ghandour-Demiri, Nada. "Disciplining popular resistance : the case of Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.559472.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines popular resistance against the Israeli occupation. Its two central aims are: 1) to document current actions of nonviolent resistance; and 2) to de-romanticize nonviolence through a critical analysis of specific resistance actions and forms of population management. While nonviolent resistance in the Occupied Palestinian Territories exists today in plenty of forms, I argue that it is open to cooptation and accommodation by certain mechanisms of control. This in turn impacts the effectiveness of these resistance actions. This thesis, then, seeks to explore how nonviolent resistance against the Israeli occupation is conducted in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and what mechanisms of occupation and control it is trying to eliminate. It also seeks to understand how nonviolent resistance is being disciplined not only by the state of Israel but also by neo-liberal processes, and specifically, the process of NGO- ization. Therefore this project gives particular emphasis to the relation between forms of domination and forms of agency and how these two interact, impact and readapt to each other. Four central themes emerge throughout the thesis. First, the complex symbiosis between mechanisms of control and nonviolent resistance actions are highlighted through all four core chapters. Second, a detailed explanation of a large number of Israeli mechanisms of control demonstrates the sophistication of population management. In fact, three forms of population management become apparent: 1) population sorting (the systematic arrangement and rearrangement of human groupings facilitated through spatial reconfiguration and territorial fragmentation); 2) population containment (the incarceration and enclavization of Palestinian); and 3) population transfer (the relocation of human groupings through processes such as Judaization and de-Arabization). These three forms will help understand and categorize Israeli technologies of population management and reveal the complex and sophisticated Israeli matrix of control. The third theme emerging from this thesis is the disciplining of popular resistance through Israel's violent repression and matrix of control, but also through the conditional use of nonviolence imposed by Palestinian NGOs and foreign donors. Finally, the last theme is the Israeli perception of nonviolence as a threat. Rather than advocating a right or wrong way to resist, this thesis explores a form of resistance in itself. By analyzing it in relation to what it opposes and the ways in which it is being disciplined, it hopes to give emphasis to the importance of the right to resist under military occupation.
4
Dumper, Michael R. T. "Muslim institutions and the Israeli state : Muslim religious endowments (waqfs) in Israel and the occupied territories 1948-1987." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.280700.
Full text
5
Schmidt, Yvonne [Verfasser]. "Foundations of civil and political rights in Israel and the occupied territories / Yvonne Schmidt." München : GRIN Verlag, 2008. http://d-nb.info/1181339987/34.
Full text
6
Desai, Thakira. "International humanitarian law violations occurring within the occupied Palestinian territories during the years 1982-2012." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5158.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Philosophiae - MPhilThe purpose of this mini-thesis is to address International Humanitarian Law (IHL) violations occurring within the Occupied Palestinian Territories relative to the protection of civilian persons in time of war. Importantly, various IHL violations that occur within the Green Line will be expanded upon. The mini-thesis will shed light on the lack of international action, specifically the inaction of the UN and the ICRC, in ending the decades of IHL violations by both the Israeli and Palestinian forces. As a means to an end, further destruction of property and loss of life that inhibits the quality of life of Palestinians and Israeli citizens trapped within the ongoing conflict, this mini-thesis will endeavour to provide solutions to ending the occupation. These solutions include: a UN Resolution directed toward the demolition of the wall; establishing permanent means of access to all basic needs; and lastly, addressing the influence of the United States of America (USA) and Egypt, respectively.
7
Murphy, Emma C. "Israel and the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza Strip a case of internal colonialism /." Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.293685.
Full text
8
Milton-Edwards, Beverley Janette Potter. "The rise of the Islamic Movement in the West Bank and Gaza Strip since 1967." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303300.
Full text
9
Ranta, R. S. "The wasted decade : Israel's policies towards the Occupied Territories 1967-1977." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2009. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/19038/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to provide a detailed historical narrative of Israel’s relationship with the Occupied Territories between the years 1967 and 1977, using the most up-to-date archival material. The central argument of the thesis is that successive Israeli governments lacked a coherent and comprehensive long-term policy towards the Occupied Territories; it is the contention of this thesis that there is no documentary evidence to support the common belief that successive Israeli governments had a comprehensive long-term territorial policy. It is true that successive Israeli governments made decisions based on several long-term plans and approaches, such as the Allon Plan and the Functional Solution, but, when put into context and viewed as a whole, these decisions were neither coherent nor comprehensive and in any case were never formally adopted by the government. In trying to explain why successive governments failed to put forward a coherent and comprehensive long-term policy, four major contributing factors have been identified: the faction-based politics of the Labour Party, the US position vis-à-vis Israel, New Zionism and the intention of successive Prime Ministers to avoid formulating a clear long-term policy. The need to maintain unity, and avoid a split amongst the factions, ensured that the Labour Party was unable and unwilling to take a clear and unequivocal stand on the issue of the Occupied Territories; the US diplomatic stance vis-à-vis Israel exacerbated existing divisions, while strengthening the positions of those who argued in favour of avoiding taking clear decisions on the Occupied Territories; the rise of New Zionism changed the dynamics and landscape of the Israeli political system in a way that weakened Mapai’s, and later the Labour Party’s, ability to dictate territorial policy; lastly, successive Prime Ministers (Eshkol, Meir and Rabin) made clear choices against the formulation of a coherent and comprehensive long-term policy.
10
Lingenfelder, Christian J. "The elephant in the room religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FLingenfelder.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel Moran. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-91). Also available online.
11
Leigh, Teisha Alexandra. "Between dislocation and domination : Palestinian dual marginality and identity construction in East Jerusalem, 1993-2017." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/32258.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis adopts a bottom-up, qualitative approach to Palestinian identity construction in East Jerusalem and asks how the new politics and altered geography of the city since Oslo are recreating Palestinian subjectivities and redefining Palestinian struggle. I make the case that East Jerusalemites are doubly marginalised, first as Palestinians spatially and politically dislocated from the West Bank, then as residents of Israel, inside the politics and economy of the state but permanently excluded from the national project. Distanced from both state projects and from the discursive structures through which Palestinian identity was constructed after 1967, East Jerusalem residents are redefining from below what it means to be Palestinian in ways that are unfamiliar to Palestinians elsewhere in the occupied territories. Drawing on the vocabulary and theoretical contours of discourse theory, I problematise the top-down optic favoured by mainstream academic approaches which essentialises identities and privileges an occupation/resistance binary. I suggest that a ground-level approach to everyday practices in East Jerusalem sheds light on the extent to which existing nationalist and resistance discourses have either lost or changed meaning for Palestinian residents and makes evident the complexities of domination which are not visible from an elevated perspective. I suggest that the view from the ground in East Jerusalem is significantly underexplored and that from this position, the assumptions underlying existing analytic approaches to Palestinian identity and struggle are called into question.
12
Gomes, Julia Tibiriça Diegues. "Dimensões cibernéticas de colonialidade, controle e resistência na Palestina ocupada." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13032019-101713/.
Full textAbstract:
A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina.The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.
13
Cassanos, Sam. "Political Environment and Transnational Agency: a Comparative Analysis of the Solidarity Movement For Palestine." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1273954268.
Full text
14
Huberman, Bruno. "Judaização da Palestina ocupada : colonização, desapropriação e deslocamento em Jerusalém Oriental, Cisjordânia e Faixa de Gaza entre 1967 e 2013 /." São Paulo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/111152.
Full textAbstract:
Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar NasserBanca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira
Banca: Arlene Elizabeth Clemesha
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A presente dissertação pretende fazer uma investigação a respeito do fenômeno chamado de judaização da Palestina: qual é o seu propósito, políticas, meios, instrumentos, técnicas, racionalidade, objetivos e interesses, e medir o seu impacto sobre a questão Israel-Palestina e a vida das pessoas que residem nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados -palestinos e colonos judeus. Desta forma, serão historicamente e analiticamente examinadas as principais manifestações deste fenômeno, como o desenvolvimento da política de assentamentos judeus nos territórios palestinos e os instrumentos legais e burocráticos de controle social da população palestina entre 1967 e 2013. Pretende-se identificar a racionalidade da burocracia colonial israelense. O problema central da presente investigação reside na contraposição dos argumentos oficiais das autoridades israelenses à respeito da presença judaica nos TPO e do impasse político com os palestinos, trancados nos paradigmas da segurança e do conflito, com o espectro proposto da judaização da Palestina, que trata da colonização, desapropriação, deslocamento voluntário e involuntário e controle social de um grupo étnico social dominante e estrangeiro sobre outro subjugado e indígena. Pretendo sustentar que a narrativa da judaização - em oposição à narrativa hegemônica sionista - é a mais apropriada para compreender alguns aspectos centrais da relação entre judeus e palestinos naquela terra, como a fragmentação espacial da Cisjordânia, o isolamento da Faixa de Gaza, os silenciosos despejos em Jerusalém Oriental e a manutenção do status quo. As autoridades israelenses conseguiram, por meio do projeto de judaização, despolitizar a questão Israel-Palestina, transformando-a em uma discussão econômica, humanitária e de segurança
Abstract: This dissertation aims at investigating a phenomena called Judaization of Palestine: its purpose, politics, means, instruments, techniques, reasoning, objectives and interests and measure its impact on Israel-Palestine matter and lives of people living in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - palestinians and jewish settlers. In that manner, the main manifestations of this phenomenon will be historically and analitically examined, such as the development of the Jewish settlements in Palestinian territories and the legal and burocratical instruments of social control over the Palestinian population between 1967 and 2013. The central problem of this investigation is focused on the oficial arguments of the israeli authorities about the Jewish presence in the OPT and the political impasse with the palestinians, linked to the paradigm of security and conflict in opposition to the Judaization of Palestine spectrum, which is about colonization, dispossession, volunteer and involunteer desplacement and social control of a foreigner dominant social ethnical group above other indigenous and subdued one. I intend to support the judaization narrative - in opposition to the zionist hegemonic narrative - as the most appropriate to understand some of the central aspects of the dispute between israelis and palestinians over that land, as the spatial fragmentation of Cisjordani, the Gaza Strip isolation, the silent displacement occuring in East Jerusalem and the maintenance of status quo. From this we can reach the relevance and justification for the elaboration of this dissertation
Mestre
15
Awadallah, Bassem Ibrahim. "The struggle over the West Bank : the effects of Jordanian and P.L.O policies towards the Israeli-occupied territories on the evolution of political attitudes in the West Bank, 1972-1986." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510122.
Full text
16
McGregor, Philippa Carol. "Palestinian education in the occupied territories." Thesis, University of Canterbury. School of Educational Studies and Human Development, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/2482.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis provides an analysis of the nature of Palestinian
education under Israeli military occupation. Confidential
interviews, currently available field research, and a
theoretical background form the basis from which the author
has constructed a picture of the nature of Palestinian
education under occupation.
The major topics covered include a political history of the
Arab-Israeli conflict including the adoption of the internal
colonialism theoretical perspective; an analysis of the
relationship between colonialism and education; the special
significance of education to the Palestinians and the
Israelis; an outline of Palestinian education under occupation
with particular reference to the post-1967 era; an account of
Palestinian life under military occupation which details the
inhumane treatment of Palestinian residents of the Occupied
Territories by the Israeli military authorities and settlers;
the revolutionary nature of the intifada; the targeting of
Palestinian university staff and students by Israelis for
especially harsh treatment; the massive Israeli crack-down on
Palestinian formal and informal education and the implications
for the Palestinians of the widespread and prolonged closures
of Palestinian schools and universities.
The author concludes that the Israeli authorities have
specifically targeted Palestinian education as an area which
they want to maintain close control over. The Israelis desire
the Palestinian population (particularly in the occupied Territories) to have only limited, token educational
opportunities, in order to keep them ignorant, and passive.
During the intifada then, the Israelis have severely disrupted
all levels of Palestinian education. Widespread school and
university closures have been used by the Israelis to
collectively punish the Palestinian community and hinder their
chances of developing a strong independent Palestinian
infrastructure which could become the foundation of a
Palestinian state.
17
Flaschka, Monika J. "Race, Rape and Gender in Nazi-Occupied Territories." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1258726022.
Full text
18
Burke, Naomi. "The maritime zones of non-self-governing and occupied territories." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648680.
Full text
19
Hanson, Ben. "Lawlessness in the occupied Soviet territories during World War II." Thesis, Hanson, Ben (2017) Lawlessness in the occupied Soviet territories during World War II. Honours thesis, Murdoch University, 2017. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/40116/.
Full textAbstract:
Members of both the German counterinsurgency forces and Soviet partisans terrorised the civilians of the occupied Soviet territories during World War II. At times, fighters of either force robbed, sexually assaulted and killed civilians. The nature of the rear-area security war was such that these actions could be treated as legitimate acts of war rather than wanton crimes. This thesis seeks to explain these crimes by exploring its preconditions. Both the German and Soviet regimes can be understood to have deliberately undermined the restraints that would have helped prevent these crimes from occurring. Judicial restraints were nullified with the war on the frontlines distancing itself from international law and the norms of war. Psychological and moral restraint was undermined with both regimes' official ideologies conceiving of the occupied civilians as innately criminal. Finally, a further aspect of judicial restraint was countered as fighters were not heavily punished for individualistic crimes against the civilian population.
With these restraints removed, the overwhelming picture of the rear areas is one of lawlessness. Fighters from both forces of the security war had absolute authority over the occupied civilians and often exploited them to a horrific degree. Both forces can be seen as having converged against the civilian population and a full understanding of the occupied experience seems incomplete without recognition of this. This convergence also highlights similarities between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union with both, otherwise-opposed, ideologies manifesting themselves in comparable ways in the rear areas.
20
Cowper-Coles, Minna. "The gender gap in political support in the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2018. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/355/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis finds that women and men in the Occupied Palestinian Territories differ in their political support with women being more likely than men to support Hamas and men being more likely than women to support Fatah. Using interviews and polling data this thesis explains why this difference in political support exists. It looks at gender roles and differences in socioeconomic status finding strong connections between welfare provision, employment and support for different Palestinian political organisations. Further this thesis also explores the role of ideological factors in explaining this gender difference, through exploring religiosity, nationalism and feminism in the Palestinian Territories and how these might interact with political support. It finds that women’s greater religiosity helps to explain the gender gap in political support. This thesis also considers the ways in which the violent and oppressive context of the Palestinian case might impact research in this area and the possible gendered ways in which violence and oppression may impact political support. Studying and explaining this gender gap shows the importance of gender in understanding a crucial area of international politics while also presenting a gender gap case study and as such contributing to a substantial western focused literature.
21
Sowter, Anna. "Water, place and learning : a case study from the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, University of Bath, 2016. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.699006.
Full textAbstract:
This research explores the role of co-learning in addressing water issues, being both context sensitive and responsive to the needs, lived experiences and symbolic representations of people at the local level in the case of the West Bank. Water is essential to the wellbeing of all societies, not only due to the necessity of water for life, but because it connects us to stories about place, beliefs and norms, identity and others, through the meanings that it invariably comes to embody. This research critically examines the significance for learning of freshwater: as a physical necessity; as a metaphor; and, as a source of meaning in the context of community-based water interventions. The dominance of particular narratives around water in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are discussed, as these have resulted in the acceptance of specific understandings about the problems and solutions to the water shortages that are experienced across the West Bank in differentiated ways. The effects of these narratives on water intervention processes and outcomes are observed, being most adverse in relation to local ownership, agency and identity as well as sustainability. A meaning-based framework is proposed based on an understanding of sense of place and a socio-political perspective of water shortages, as a way to reconnect the discourse with Palestinians' own accounts of water and place, and to provide opportunities to explore NGO engagement with divergent knowledges, perspectives, and priorities during interventions. It is argued that water interventions can be understood as a social learning process, which NGOs may be ideally situated to mediate. A model of learning and sustainable development is revisited and revised in order to consider the relationship between participation, agency and sustainability in relation to community-based water interventions.
22
Cahill, Amanda Jane. "The human right to water and its application in the occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.444852.
Full text
23
Zieliński, Konrad. "Liberation or Occupation? Jews in the occupied territories of the Kingdom of Poland." HATiKVA e.V. – Die Hoffnung Bildungs- und Begegnungsstätte für Jüdische Geschichte und Kultur Sachsen, 2016. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34819.
Full text
24
Bouillon, Markus R. "Business and the peace process : Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian territories." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249797.
Full text
25
Al, Smadi Morsee. "Le droit international à l'épreuve de la question palestinienne : quel état palestinien ?" Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00861869.
Full textAbstract:
La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés.
26
Shahawy, Sarrah. "Perspectives on Elective Abortion Among Palestinian Women: Religion, Culture and Access in the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:27007750.
Full textAbstract:
Background: Termination of pregnancy remains a highly debated topic in women’s health in the Middle East and specifically in the occupied Palestinian territories (OPT), where it is illegal in most cases. To better understand the ways in which Palestinian women interface with a healthcare system governed by an Israeli system in certain places and limited by the Israeli occupation in others, and to reconcile religious, ethical, and social challenges in this context, this study is designed to elicit the views of Palestinian women exclusively on elective abortion. To our knowledge, this would be the first study exploring women’s views on abortion in Palestine to specifically include the dual sociopolitical context of Jerusalem in which Israeli laws govern healthcare.
Methods: We designed a qualitative study that used convenience sampling to recruit Palestinian women (patient and non-patient) from the department of Obstetrics and Gynecology at Al-Makassed Islamic Charitable Hospital in East Jerusalem. After obtaining verbal informed consent, participants were interviewed in Arabic one-on-one using an open-ended questionnaire eliciting perceptions on the religious implications, social consequences and accessibility of elective abortions in the OPT. Interviews were transcribed and translated to English. Two members of the research team open-coded the transcripts of the interviews. Codes were identified independently then refined collaboratively to finalize a list of reoccurring themes. Data was analyzed using MAXQDA 11.
Results: Sixty women were interviewed, ranging in age from 18-70, living in East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. The majority of participants were Muslim, married, urban dwellers, with a high school education or less, and with at least 3 children. Themes arising from the interviews included the centrality of religion and religious authorities in affecting women’s choices and views on abortion, the importance of community norms in regulating perspectives on and access to elective abortion, and the effect of the unique medico-legal situation of the OPT on access to abortion under occupation. Many women expressed opposition to abortion on religious and cultural grounds with most excepting to save a woman’s life. Participants diverged most widely in their views on abortion in the cases of fetal anomalies, pre-marital pregnancy, and rape. Limitations identified to safe abortion access by Palestinian women included: legal restrictions, hospital policy restrictions, prohibitive prices at private clinics, significant social consequences from the discovery of an abortion by one’s community or family, and different levels of access to abortion depending on whether women were residents of Jerusalem, the West Bank, or Gaza.
Conclusions: A deeper understanding of variations in religious beliefs and practices, and of the interplay between politics, religion, history and reproductive rights is crucial in the war-torn context of Palestine, as Palestinian women are subjected not only to the realities of occupation, but also to historically patriarchal social and legal structures. This study offers some insight into the views of Palestinian women on the important women’s health and human rights issue of abortion. This information can help physicians, policymakers, and women’s reproductive health and rights organizations better understand the views and needs of their constituency and how to best address them and care for their health and well-being in the intimately challenging circumstances of abortion.
27
Bouris, Dimitris. "State-building without a state : the European Union's role in the occupied Palestinian territories after the Oslo Accords." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/49606/.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this thesis is to shed light on the distinctive role of the European Union (EU) as a state-builder in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPTs). The thesis engages with distinctive literatures on liberal peace, peacebuilding, state-building, the EU and conflict resolution as well as Security and Judiciary Sector Reform. By synthesizing these literatures this research will try to test the EU effectiveness in the state-building project in the OPTs by reference to two main case studies: the EU’s initiatives in the domains of Security Sector Reform (SSR) and Judiciary Sector Reform (JSR) while at the same time addressing issues of the broader governance agenda and the rule of law. Thus, the broader liberal peace and peacebuilding literature will help contextually to understand how state-building has been used as a tool for implementing the liberal peace, the distinctive literature on state-building will help to identify the ‘core’ state functions that institutions established should be able to run and the literature on conflict resolution will help to identify all tools and mechanisms that the EU has at its disposal in order to ‘build’ states. By drawing on these literatures, this thesis will set three criteria on which the effectiveness of the EU as a state-builder will be tested namely generation of legitimacy, coherence and regulation of violence/ability of enforcement. The thesis is mainly empirically-oriented (drawing on almost 100 interviews that were conducted with EU, Israeli and Palestinian officials) and will focus on the two civilian missions that the EU has deployed in the OPTs (EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah) in order to help the Palestinian Authority reform its security sector as well as initiatives in the domains of judiciary sector reform and the rule of law (Seyada Project). The main argument of the thesis is that the EU has approached the state-building project from a technical aspect without linking it with clear political decisions and objectives. As a result, while initiatives in the domains of SSR and JSR have helped the PA improve the situation on the ground this was done at the expense of democracy and political objectives that would contribute to the ending of the Israeli Occupation.
28
Wildeman, Jeremy Donald. ""Either you're with us or against us" : illiberal Canadian foreign aid in the occupied Palestinian territories, 2001-2012." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/19595.
Full textAbstract:
No one theory in international relations can fully describe the complicated actions and motivations formulating a state’s foreign policy. Yet the paradigm that best describes the approach taken by Western governments, such as Canada, when supporting peace building between Israel and the Palestinians is neoliberalism. They did this by sponsoring an Oslo Peace Process with Palestinian development aid in a development for peace model built upon precepts of cooperation and free market trade. That approach to peace building failed though because Israel and the Palestinians never altered their behaviour, remaining mired in a state of violence. Still, Western states continue to provide aid funding based upon the precepts of this model after more than twenty years of failure following the 1993 Oslo Accord. The unique contribution of this research study is to provide insight into why these peace building efforts failed to take hold through an analysis of development aid projects from one Western country, Canada, for a period from 2001 to 2012. Specifically this is done through an account of the experiences of project coordinators from Canadian organisations that ran human rights and poverty reduction projects in that time. By taking the neoliberal paradigm into account, when assessing their experiences we gain insight into the factors that led to Oslo’s undoing, at least via Canada as a sponsor of the Peace Process. In this case failure is built upon a combination of degrees of naivety by aid practitioners and measures taken by Canadian elites to undermine Canadian development aid projects for Palestinians. In particular, from 1993 onward the Canadian government offered unswerving support to Israel, to the point where Canada was either contributing directly to Israeli settler colonialism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, or else helping to obscure it. Altogether this suggests at a theoretical level that, in spite of employing a strongly neoliberal foreign policy adopting progressive principles such as international law, human rights and cooperation, Canada in reality takes a foreign policy track that favours special or national interests, as well as favoured state allies, all at the expense of cooperation in world affairs or the rights of people being oppressed by an ally. The Canadian case suggests that the progressive elements in neoliberalism might only be applied selectively and not universally by a state, depending on its government’s perceptions of its self-interests.
29
Hawker, Nancy. "Hebrew borrowings in the Arabic speech of Palestinians in three refugee camps in the West Bank, Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.560456.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: This thesis on Hebrew borrowings in Palestinian Arabic provides detailed casework from an understudied linguistic situation. It is firmly anchored in empirical results from fieldwork in three refugee camps in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The results are presented and analysed with reference to speech's immediate interpersonal surroundings and the wider social, political and economic situation. Several aspects of the political economy of Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories are seen to affect borrowing from Hebrew: firstly, the formation of a Palestinian economy dependent on the capitalist Israeli core, a dependency exacerbated in the refugee camps by the refugees 'sudden loss of their traditional livelihood in the peasant economy of pre-1948 Palestine; secondly, the existence at present of a customs union between Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories which opens the Palestinian consumer marker to Israeli goods; thirdly, the provision of some state services to Palestinian holders of Jerusalem residency cards; and fourthly, the functioning of the military occupation which imposes closures and other military restrictions on Palestinians. This context provides the setting for power relations between Israelis and Palestinians which give rise to a variety of practices of borrowing, including the use of Hebrew to demarcate in-groups, signal aspirations to a modern lifestyle, and give a political edge to humour. On the basis of this analysis, an explanatory model is proposed that seeks a non-deterministic link, termed "articulation'; between the structure of the context and the speakers' agency manifested in the linguistic practice. This explanatory model moves away from the notions of conflict and national identity often submitted as explanations in sociolinguistics of the Middle East, but rather gives prominence to Palestinian and Israeli ideologies that inform the conceptual experience of Palestinians. These ideologies are Identified as Palestinian nationalism, Palestinian pragmatism, Israeli securitism and Israeli consumerism. The analysis is sensitive to gendered patterns of behaviour as well as inter- generational differences.
30
Royal-Dawson, Lucy. "Meeting human rights obligations in a situation of conflict : the right to higher education in the occupied Palestinian territories." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709813.
Full textAbstract:
The study examines the realisation of the right to higher education in the occupied Palestinian territories. It develops an analytical framework for the protections afforded to higher education by the international human rights conventions and applies it to the context. Despite being under Israeli occupation since 1967, higher education in the occupied territories has developed into a sophisticated sector and is entirely administered by Palestinian authorities. However, it is hampered by the impact of the occupation regime. As occupier, Israel is understood to hold obligations for the humanitarian protection of the Palestinian population of the occupied territories, and both Israel and the Palestinian National Authority are understood to be accountable for the human rights of the Palestinian population, thereby instituting two duty-bearers. The study assesses the ways in which higher education is obstructed in the occupied Palestinian territories. It indicates a flourishing sector which is accorded a deep social value. It confirms many of the reported obstacles to the realisation of the right resulting from the Israeli occupation, but it also records obstacles arising from the policies and practice of Palestinian higher education institutions and the social and cultural context. Attempting to attribute obligations for the right to one or both of the duty-bearers indicates the contingency between the actions of the occupier and the efforts of the Palestinian authorities to realise the right. While some breaches are clearly attributable to one side or the other, others are not. Actions to mitigate the effects of the occupation give rise to additional, separate breaches, as do interactions between the occupation regime and cultural practice. The obstacles reported in the study give substance to higher education formulated as a human right. The study adds to the understanding of breaches of economic, social and cultural rights in a situation of military occupation.
31
St-Jean, Martin. "Assessing Nursing and Midwifery Students' Attitudes Toward Abortion and Contraception: Results of a National Survey In the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32983.
Full textAbstract:
Understanding the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is important for a greater understanding of the current state of sexual and reproductive rights of Palestinian women. Constant military occupation has been a determining factor hindering the development of comprehensive and coherent health policies and programmes. As a result of the Oslo Accords and the Israeli-Palestinian Interim Agreement in 1994, the Palestinian National Authority was granted limited authority over portions of the West Bank and Gaza. In 2007-2008 a multi-national, multi-disciplinary study team undertook a national study to assess the reproductive health content of nursing education and identify gaps in curricular coverage and implementation. One component of this project included exploring final year nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward a range of sexual and reproductive health issues. This thesis analyzes these data and explores the demographic factors, including gender, region, and residence, associated with nursing and midwifery students’ attitudes toward abortion and contraception-related laws and policies. Our findings suggest that there is a considerable need to incorporate values clarification exercises as well as structured sessions dedicated to laws and policies governing sexual and reproductive health into the formal curricula of programs in both the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. Our results also shed further light on the dynamics shaping abortion and contraception attitudes among health professions students in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
32
De, Santiago Ramos Simone C. Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Dem Schwerte muss der Pflug folgen Über-peasants and National Socialist settlements in the occupied eastern territories during World War Two /." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2007. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-3681.
Full text
33
De, Santiago Ramos Simone C. "Dem Schwerte Muss Der Pflug Folgen: Űber-Peasants and National Socialist Settlements in the Occupied Eastern Territories during World War Two." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2007. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3681/.
Full textAbstract:
German industrialization in the nineteenth century had brought forward a variety of conflicting ideas when it came to the agrarian community. One of them was the agrarian romantic movement led by Adam Műller, who feared the loss of the traditional German peasant. Műller influenced Reichdeutsche Richard Walther Darré, who argued that large cities were the downfall of the German people and that only a healthy peasant stock would be able to ‘save' Germany. Under Darré's definition, “Geopolitik” was the defense of the land, the defense with Pflug und Schwert (plow and sword) by Wehrbauern, an ‘Űberbauer-fusion' of soldier and peasant. In order to accomplish these goals, new settlements had to be established while moving from west to east. The specific focus of this study is on the original Hegewald resettlement ideas of Richard Walther Darré and how his philosophy was taken over by Himmler and fit into his personal needs and creed after 1941. It will shed some light on the interaction of Darré and Himmler and the notorious internal fights and power struggles between the various governmental agencies involved. The Ministry for Food and Agriculture under the leadership of Darré was systematically pushed into the background and all previous, often publicly announced re-settlement policies were altered; Darré was pushed aside once the eastern living space was actually occupied.
34
Ando, Masahito. "Treatment of records and archives in the Japanese colonies and occupied territories in Asia during the Second World War and its aftermath." Thesis, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499086.
Full text
35
Zahoruiko, Yaroslava. "Jurisdictional implications of non-recognition of illegal territorial acquisition’s obligation in investment treaty arbitration." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384463.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis aims to analyze to what extent the non-recognition of illegal territorial acquisition rule is applicable in investment treaty arbitration and specifically whether it may constitute a jurisdictional hurdle depriving investors of the opportunity to effectively seek the protection of their investments on illegally acquired territories through investment treaty arbitration.
36
Lundholm, Elisabeth. "Effekter på palestinska kvinnors hälsa av att leva som flykting och under ockupation : En litteraturöversikt." Thesis, Högskolan i Skövde, Institutionen för hälsa och lärande, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:his:diva-12460.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction: It’s estimated to be 4 573 185 Palestinians living as refugees 2014, since the start of the Israel-Palestine conflict in 1948. The third generation of Palestinians live without recognized citizenship and lack essential fundaments to achieve good health. Refugee women are more at risk for health hazards, especially women in fertile age. The aim is to identify effects on the health among Palestinian women in fertile age, in occupied Palestinian Territories and Lebanon. Methods: An integrative literature review with ten selected original articles, which have been analyzed and compiled together. Result: Stress is associated with political instability and affect Palestinian women, especially during pregnancies. Access public health care is a problem and affected women at birth, family planning and a cause of death. Participation in religious organization is a protective copingstrategy when faced with chronic political violence, also solidarity is strengthen. Living conditions in refugeecamps is associated with prevalence of obesity, anemia and domestic violence. Discussion: The military occupation prevent women to access health care. Women have an indirect roll in Israel-Palestine conflict to raise the population number. Individuals who experience chronic violence develop coping-strategies of solidary trait for survival. Living conditions in refugee camps is a risk factor for over-weight, obesity and anemia among Palestinian women. Conclusion: Negative effects among fertil women as stress, PTSD, physical illness, obesity and anemia is associated with living conditions in refugee camps. Development of external and solidary copingstrategy have protective effects on long term political violence.Introduktion: Det uppskattas att 4 573 185 palestinier år 2014, leva som flyktingar, sedan Israel-Palestina konflikten påbörjades år 1948. Tredje generationen palestinier lever utan erkänt medborgarskap och saknar essentiella fundament, för att uppnå god hälsa. Flyktingkvinnor är mer utsatta för hälso-riskfaktorer, speciellt kvinnor i fertil ålder. Syftet är att identifiera effekter på hälsan hos palestinska flyktingkvinnor i fertil ålder, i ockuperade Palestinska Territoriet och Libanon. Metod: En litteraturöversikt med tio utvalda original artiklar har analyserats och sammanställts för att besvara syftet. Resultat: Stress är associerat med politisk instabilitet och drabbar palestinska kvinnor, speciellt under graviditeter. Åtkomst på hälso-sjukvård är ett problem och drabbar kvinnor vid förlossningar, familjeplanering och utgör dödsorsak. Engagemang i religiös verksamhet är en skyddande copingstrategi vid kroniskt politiskt våld, även solidaritet stärks. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger kopplas till prevalens av fetma, anemi och våld i hemmet. Diskussion: Militär ockupationen förhindrar palestinska kvinnors att nå sjukvård. Kvinnor har en indirekt roll i Israel-Palestina konflikten med att bidra till befolknings tillväxt. Individer som erfar kroniskt våld utvecklar copingstrategier av solidariskt slag för överlevnad. Levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger är en riskfaktor för fetma, övervikt, och anemi bland palestinska kvinnor. Slutsats: Negativa effekter bland fertila kvinnor som stress, PTSD, fysiska sjukdomar, fetma och anemia är associerat med levnadsförhållanden i flyktingläger. Utvecklande av yttre och solidarisk copingstrategi har skyddande effekt vid långvarigt politiskt våld.
37
Totten, Eric Paul. "The ancient city occupied St. Augustine as a test case for Stephen Ash's Civil War occupation model." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5063.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis intends to prove that Stephen V. Ash's model of occupation from his work, When the Yankees Came: Conflict and Chaos in the Occupied South, is applicable to St. Augustine's occupation experience in the Civil War. Three overarching themes in Ash's work are consistent with Civil War St. Augustine. First, that Union policy of conciliation towards southern civilians was abandoned after the first few months of occupation due to both non-violent and violent resistance from those civilians. Second, that Ash's "zones of occupation" of the occupied South, being garrisoned towns, no-man's-land, and the Confederate frontier apply to St. Augustine and the surrounding countryside. Finally, Ash's assertions that the southern community was changed by the war and Union occupation, is reflected in the massive demographic shifts that rocked St. Augustine from 1862 to 1865. This thesis will show that all three of Ash's themes apply to St. Augustine's Civil War occupation experience and confirms the author's generalizations about life in the occupied South.ID: 030422998; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Error in paging: p. iii followed by an unnumbered page and then by p. ii-iii.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116).
M.A.
Masters
History
Arts and Humanities
38
Lisá, Andrea. "Izraelsko-palestinské vztahy a jejich dopad na pásmo Gazy a Západní břeh." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114177.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is focused on the impact of the events that are connected with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The main focus is on the socioeconomic impact those events had on the Gaza Strip and West Bank. Therefore, the first chapter of this thesis summarizes the development in the area of today's Israel, Gaza Strip and West Bank territories in the period before the formation of the state of Israel to today. The second chapter continues with the socioeconomic description of those territories since the year 1967 until today. This chapter shows the influence of the occupation on the socioeconomic situation in the areas mentioned above and describes the socioeconomic changes that appeared in connection with the peace process in the nineties and also explains the influence of the current events on the socioeconomic situation in both areas. The thesis ends with a chapter that is focused on the main problems that appear when negotiating about the final status of the Palestinian territories, including the economic issues, and it outlines a possible solution of those problems in the case of a hypothetical decision for the existence of two independent states -- Palestine and Israel.
39
Hadj, Cherif Hamza. "Le droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0217/document.
Full textAbstract:
Notre thèse portant sur les « difficultés de mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes » est née d’un constat initial selon lequel le droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes n’est toujours pas respecté par plusieurs acteurs de la scène internationale, dont certains se disant très attachés aux normes du droit international. Deux hypothèses ont été avancées pour expliquer ce dilemme, à savoir soit le principe de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles n’a pas été encore affirmé comme une règle de droit international positif applicable aux territoires occupés et aux territoires non autonomes ; ou bien ce principe est d’ores et déjà enraciné en droit international mais il n’est pas encore effectif en raison du manque de mécanismes de suivi permettant sa mise en œuvre. Concernant la question de savoir si le principe de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles constitue une règle du droit international positif, notre examen a montré que l’enracinement juridique de ce principe a profondément bouleversé le cadre juridique régissant les activités d’exploration et d’exploitation des ressources naturelles menées dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes. L’examen de l’effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles devait passer inévitablement par un état des lieux des activités d’exploration et d’exploitation des ressources naturelles dans un échantillon des territoires occupés et des territoires non autonomes. Cet état des lieux a renforcé davantage la présomption de la difficile effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles. Les actions menées par les organisations internationales en faveur du suivi et de la mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires occupés et les territoires non autonomes ont montré de nombreuses limites en la matière. L’effectivité du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles est également et manifestement remise en cause par une pénurie de mécanismes juridictionnels capables de remédier efficacement à l’exploitation illégale des ressources naturelles dans les territoires non autonomes et les territoires occupés. Par ailleurs, l’examen du rôle joué par certains ONG et fonds d’investissement dans le suivi et la mise en œuvre du droit de souveraineté permanente sur les ressources naturelles dans les territoires non autonomes et les territoires occupés, a montré que ces acteurs privés peuvent constituer des outils efficaces afin d’inciter les entreprises mises en cause à mettre fin à leurs activités illégales. Toutefois, ce rôle encourageant des acteurs privés est loin de remédier seul à la situation causée par la pénurie de mécanismes mis en place par les acteurs publics (Etats et organisations internationales)Our thesis on "the difficulties in the implementation of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories" was developed from the initial observation that the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories is still not respected by several actors on the international scene, some of whom claim to be very committed to the norms of international law. Two hypotheses have been put forward to explain this dilemma: either the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources has not yet been affirmed as a positive rule of international law applicable to occupied and non-self-governing territories; or this principle is already rooted in international law but is not yet effective due to the lack of monitoring mechanisms for its implementation. On the question of whether the principle of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is a rule of positive international law, our review has shown that the legal routing of this principle has profoundly changed the legal framework regulating the exploration and exploitation of natural resources in occupied and non-self-governing territories. The examination of the effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources would inevitably require an inventory of natural resource exploration and exploitation activities in a sample of occupied and non-self-governing territories. This inventory has further reinforced the presumption of the difficult effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources. The efforts of international organizations to monitor and implement the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in the occupied and non-self-governing territories have shown many limitations in this regard. The effectiveness of the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources is also clearly undermined by a lack of jurisdictional mechanisms capable of effectively remedying the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the non-self-governing and occupied territories. Furthermore, an examination of the role of certain NGOs and investment funds in monitoring and implementing the right of permanent sovereignty over natural resources in the non-self-governing and occupied territories has shown that these private actors can be effective tools in encouraging the implicated companies to put an end to their illegal activities. However, this encouraging role of private actors is far from remedying by itself the situation caused by the lack of mechanisms put in place by public actors (States and international organizations)
40
Ганжа, Я. Л. "Тематичне впорядкування друкованого видання як фактор інформаційної пропаганди (на прикладі газети «Новороссия»)." Thesis, Сумський державний університет, 2018. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/67140.
Full textAbstract:
У складних умовах гібридної війни, коли доступ до Інтернету,
телебачення, радіо часто є неможливим або обмеженим, друковані
засоби масової інформації стають важливим інструментом пропаганди
й агітації. Використання преси в якості ідеологічної зброї й засобу
маніпуляції суспільною свідомістю не є новацією, притаманною
сучасній гібридній війні, яку розв’язала Росія проти України.
41
Chaveneau, Clio. "Les "internationaux" dans les territoires palestiniens occupés : trajectoires, expériences migratoires et engagements sociopolitiques." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB140.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche porte sur la migration de citoyens de pays du Nord dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés (TPO). Elle vise à analyser les trajectoires sociales et migratoires de ces individus, désignés localement « internationaux », ainsi qu'à montrer comment ils sont des acteurs dans la situation locale au travers de leurs mobilités, leurs emplois et leurs engagements. Cette problématique de recherche s'inscrit au croisement de deux phénomènes : d'une part, la diversification et l'accroissement des migrations internationales, et plus spécifiquement celles allant du Nord vers le Sud, et, d'autre part, l'émergence de conditions matérielles et professionnelles favorables à l'arrivée de citoyens étrangers dans un pays en conflit, sous l'effet de l'afflux massif de l'aide internationale depuis les années 1990. L'étude des profils sociaux des « internationaux » résidant dans les TPO révèle une forte homogénéité sociale et culturelle : on observe ainsi une migration de jeunes hautement diplômés, issus de familles de classes moyennes supérieures d'Europe ou d'Amérique du Nord, et particulièrement dotés en capitaux culturels. Toutefois, l'analyse des trajectoires souligne une certaine diversité des parcours migratoires et des liens entretenus à la Palestine. La seconde partie de cette thèse s'intéresse à la place politique et sociale des « internationaux » dans l'espace israélo-palestinien. La question des mobilités est cruciale pour saisir la position inédite de cette population migrante. Sa présence dans les TPO fait l'objet d'un contrôle important et croissant de la part des autorités israéliennes qui cherchent à la limiter et à la surveiller. Dans le même temps, à l'intérieur de l'espace israélo-palestinien, les « internationaux » bénéficient de droits à la mobilité dont sont privés les Palestiniens. L'étude des privilèges et des tensions qui en ressortent permet d'interroger les positionnements et le rôle de ces étrangers. Enfin, deux autres thématiques sont explorées : leur participation au système de l'aide internationale et leur engagements politiques vis-à-vis de la cause palestinienne. Tour à tour, pris dans les dynamiques sociopolitiques locales et partie prenante de ces mêmes dynamiques, les citoyens étrangers résidant dans les TPO représentent pour la recherche une entrée heuristique pour penser les circulations Nord-Sud comme la situation palestinienne actuelleThis PhD research studies the current migration of nationals from northern countries to the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). It aims to analyze the social and migratory trajectories of those called "internationals" and attempts to highlight how, through their mobility practices, work and political engagements, they can be considered a new group of actors in the oPt. This core question falls within two global and regional phenomena: first, the increase and diversification of international migration, especially North to South flows, and secondly, the vast rate of international assistance to the oPt since the 1990s, which has resulted in the emergence of tangible conditions conducive to the migration of foreign citizens to a conflict zone. By examining their social features, a strong social and cultural homogeneity of an apparently divers group of individuals becomes apparent; it is a migration of relatively young, affluent people from the upper middle classes of Europe or North America, endowed with cultural and international capital. However, the study of the trajectories that led them to oPt reveals a diversity of migratory paths and links to Palestine. The second part of my PhD thesis tackles the social and political role and position of "internationals". Mobility rights and practices are a relevant and challenging angle to discuss the atypical position of such migrants. Indeed, Israeli authorities seek to monitor, control and limit foreign presence in the oPt (through a variety of measures), transforming privileged people into suspected and unwanted individuals. Yet inside the Israeli-Palestinian space, they are granted mobility privileges which allow them to circulate freely while Palestinians are rendered immobile in their homeland. The study of these privileges and the resulting tension calls into question internationals' position in Palestinian society. Finally, internationals' participation in the aid regime and the political actions taken by some migrants on the Palestinian cause are addressed. Through the political and socio-economic implications of their presence, western citizens living in the oPt are an heuristic point of entry to contribute to the fields of North-South migration studies and Palestinian studies
42
Hayworth, Jordan R. "Conquering the Natural Frontier: French Expansion to the Rhine River During the War of the First Coalition, 1792-1797." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822845/.
Full textAbstract:
After conquering Belgium and the Rhineland in 1794, the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse faced severe logistical, disciplinary, and morale problems that signaled the erosion of its capabilities. The army’s degeneration resulted from a revolution in French foreign policy designed to conquer the natural frontiers, a policy often falsely portrayed as a diplomatic tradition of the French monarchy. In fact, the natural frontiers policy – expansion to the Rhine, the Pyrenees, and the Alps – emerged only after the start of the War of the First Coalition in 1792. Moreover, the pursuit of natural frontiers caused more controversy than previously understood. No less a figure than Lazare Carnot – the Organizer of Victory – viewed French expansion to the Rhine as impractical and likely to perpetuate war. While the war of conquest provided the French state with the resources to survive, it entailed numerous unforeseen consequences. Most notably, the Revolutionary armies became isolated from the nation and displayed more loyalty to their commanders than to the civilian authorities. In 1797, the Sambre and Meuse Army became a political tool of General Lazare Hoche, who sought control over the Rhineland by supporting the creation of a Cisrhenan Republic. Ultimately, troops from Hoche’s army removed Carnot from the French Directory in the coup d’état of 18 fructidor, a crucial benchmark in the militarization of French politics two years before Napoleon Bonaparte’s seizure of power. Accordingly, the conquest of the Rhine frontier contributed to the erosion of democratic governance in Revolutionary France.
43
Garcette, Arnaud. "La filière oléicole au pied du Mur : adaptations et contournements socio-économiques palestiniens face à l'occupation israélienne." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3101/document.
Full textAbstract:
Cette recherche porte sur l’adaptation socio-économique de la filière oléicole palestinienne face aux dispositifs de contrôle et de séparation israéliens (1993-2013). Cette filière a fait l’objet d’une profonde réhabilitation sur le plan politique, puisque les oliviers sont progressivement devenus l’icône du peuple palestinien et le symbole de sa lutte contre l’occupation. Tout en analysant la manière dont l’occupation bouleverse en profondeur leur environnement, l’étude envisage les Palestiniens comme des acteurs qui apprennent à contourner les restrictions israéliennes en développant des pratiques spécifiques et de nouveaux réseaux. L’analyse interroge notamment le rôle ambigu que jouent les acteurs étrangers, de plus en plus nombreux à se rendre en Cisjordanie pour des raisons professionnelles, touristiques, mais aussi militantes. Les oliviers palestiniens constituent un vecteur privilégié pour canaliser aussi bien les flux d’aide internationale que les manifestations de solidarité, ce qui génère de nombreuses retombées politiques et économiques. Des acteurs variés ont ainsi développé un large éventail de projets de développement, de services touristiques et de produits vendus au nom de la solidarité avec les Palestiniens, autour de l’oléiculture. En participant à ces nouveaux marchés, ils se soumettent à des contraintes qui les obligent à modifier leurs modes de faire, leurs discours, et leurs réseaux. Partant de l’étude des transformations des pratiques oléicoles sous l’effet de la politique de séparation, ce travail ouvre plus globalement sur une analyse de « l’économie de la séparation » et des relations entre les différents acteurs des espaces israélo-palestiniensThis research focuses on the socio-economic adaptation of the Palestinian olive oil sector in the face of Israeli control and separation schemes (1993-2013). This sector has benefited from a deep political rehabilitation, since olive trees have gradually become the icon of the Palestinian people and the symbol of their struggle against the occupation. While analyzing how the occupation devices deeply disrupt their environment, the study considers the Palestinians as active players who are learning to bypass Israeli restrictions by developing specific practices, formal and informal, and developing new networks. The analysis also focuses on the central role played by the growing number of foreigners in the West Bank (business people, tourists, pilgrims or activists). Palestinian olive trees are an opportune channel for both international aid and demonstrations of solidarity, generating many political and economic benefits. Various people have developed a wide range of development projects, tourist services and products sold in the name of solidarity with the Palestinians. By participating in these new markets, they undergo logistical and competitive constraints that force them to change their practices, their speeches and their networks. These interactions involve indeed a reorganization of economic practices but also a change in power, dependence and hierarchy relations between all the stakeholders. Based on the study of the transformations of olive practices as a result of the separation policy, this work opens more broadly into an analysis of "the separation of the economy" and the relationships between both the inhabitants and the visitors of Israeli-Palestinian lands
44
Sabeh, Mada. "Démocratie et religions au Proche-Orient : les cas du Liban, d'Israël, des Territoires palestiniens et de la Turquie." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05H010/document.
Full textAbstract:
Existe-t-il un pluralisme démocratique, une démocratie différente de celle des normes « occidentales » ? C’est la question que nous nous sommes posés dans notre recherche, en partant sur une hypothèse affirmative, dans un contexte spécifique qui est celui de l’alliance communément contestée entre démocratie et religion. Nous avons décidé de nous pencher sur les démocraties du Proche-Orient, sur leurs particularismes liés au rapport étroit qui existe dans ces pays entre politique et religion. Les pays de la région qui sembleraient à nos yeux les plus démocratiques à ce jour sont le Liban, Israël (en incluant une étude des Territoires palestiniens également), et la Turquie. En tenant pour principes démocratiques l’égalité et la liberté, présents dans leurs constitutions respectives, nous avons décidé d’étudier les spécificités de chaque pays ; celui d’être un Etat confessionnel pour le Liban, un Etat Juif pour Israël, un Etat sans Etat pour les Territoires palestiniens, un Etat à la fois laïc, turc, et islamique pour la Turquie. Il existe des failles démocratiques dans chacun de ses Etats, que nous avons mises en évidence, tout comme des évolutions positives. Le nationalisme présent dans chacun de ces pays est particulièrement prononcé, selon les différentes communautés d’appartenances, ce qui fait de l’appartenance ethnique principale une appartenance nationale ; d’où notre choix ambitieux d’appeler ces Etats des démocraties ethniques, se basant sur l’ethnos (l’appartenance communautaire du peuple). C’est aussi en raison de cette condition qu’ils connaissent surtout des lacunes vis-à-vis de la reconnaissance d’autres appartenances, leurs minorités respectivesDoes a democratic pluralism exist, implying a democracy different from the "Western" standards? Based on a positive assumption, this is the question that we attempt to answer to in this research within a specific framework, namely the commonly contested alliance between democracy and religion. We have decided to study Middle-Eastern democracies with their specificities related to the narrow link that exists in those countries between politics and religion. The countries of the area that seemed, as of today, the most democratic to us are Lebanon, Israel (including a study of the Palestinian Territories) and Turkey. Based on the democratic principles of Equality and Liberty, also present in their respective constitutions, we have decided to look into the specificities of each country; such as being a confessional state for Lebanon, a Jewish state for Israel, a state without a state for the Palestinian Territories and a state being at the same time secular, Turkish and Islamic for Turkey. In each of these countries there are democratic flaws that we have highlighted, as well as positive evolutions. The Nationalism present in each of these countries is particularly pronounced according to the different communities to which one belongs, which leads the main ethnic to become a national identification, hence our ambitious choice to name these states ethnic democracies based on the ethnos (people's identification to a community). It is also because of this specificity that they encounter weaknesses towards the recognition of other identifications such as their respective minorities
45
Bernasová, Tereza. "Právní postavení Palestiny." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-261746.
Full textAbstract:
The theme of this diploma thesis is the analysis of the legal status of Palestine. The theoretical part of this thesis examines the history of Palestine, the relations between Palestine and Israel, the rejection of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 by Arab states, Palestinian membership in international organisations, the Oslo I Accord and the Montevideo criteria for statehood.The thesis also evaluates the final status negotiations between Israel and Palestine and various Palestinian government programs. The second part of the thesis analyses the constraints posed by divided Palestinian territories and the dynamics and interactions between Palestinian populations living in and outside the territory. Furthermore this diploma thesis focuses on the Palestinian public sector; especially on the areas of justice, education, health system and defense. Individual chapters also deal with the economic instability of Palestine and its financial dependence on the other, mostly European, countries. In conclusion, this diploma thesis will give not only a comprehensive legal view of the status of Palestine, but also views on Palestinian governance.
46
Berger, Michael Andrew. "How resisting democracies can defeat substate terrorism : formulating a theoretical framework for strategic coercion against nationalistic substate terrorist organizations." Thesis, St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/889.
Full text
47
Afifi, Rola. "La politique d’aide au développement de l’Union européenne dans le territoire palestinien occupé : vers l’établissement d’un État palestinien." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCB222.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse vise à examiner les politiques d'aide au développement de l'Union européenne (UE) et leur impact sur les conditions politiques, économiques, sécuritaires et sociales dans le Territoire palestinien occupé (TPO). De plus, elle vise à répondre à la question de savoir si ces politiques ont concrètement contribué à la construction d'une économie palestinienne solide conduisant à l'établissement d'un État palestinien, ou si elles étaient seulement des politiques destinées à protéger un processus de paix, délabré en permanence, et à maintenir le statu quo de l'occupation tout en répondant aux exigences de survie de la population palestinienne. L'étude met en lumière l'évolution de la politique d'aide européenne au peuple palestinien en accordant de l'intérêt à l'évolution de la politique étrangère de l'UE envers le conflit palestino-israélien et aux institutions en charge de la coopération au développement avec les pays tiers au sein de l'Union. La présente recherche a pour objet l'aide accordée par l'UE aux Palestiniens pour la période s'étendant de 1993 à 2014. Elle met en évidence un ensemble de résultats, dont le plus important est que cette aide a joué un rôle éminent afin d'éviter l'effondrement de l'Autorité nationale palestinienne (ANP) et d'aider le peuple palestinien. Elle s'est diversifiée au cours des années, en quantité et en qualité, afin de s'adapter à la situation politique, économique et humanitaire dans le TPO. Elle a contribué aux réformes réussies effectuées par l'ANP dans plusieurs secteurs, et elle a davantage soutenu les plans nationaux palestiniens de développement. Pourtant, cette aide n'a réussi ni à freiner les politiques de dé-développement pratiquées systématiquement par l'occupation, ni à mettre de la pression sur Israël. Cette recherche souligne que cette aide ne réalisera pas ses objectifs, notamment celui de l'établissement d'un État palestinien viable coexistant avec l’État d'Israël en paix et en sécurité, tant que l'UE n'utilisera pas son pouvoir économique et ne transformera pas sa rhétorique en actions concrètes sur le terrainThe study aims to examine the policies of development aid of the European Union (EU) and their impact on the political, economic, security and social conditions in the occupied Palestinian territory (OPT). In addition, it seeks to answer the question whether these policies have helped to build a strong Palestinian economy leading to the establishment of a Palestinian state, or if they were only policies to protect the peace process, permanently dilapidated, and maintain the status quo of the occupation while meeting the basic requirements of survival of the Palestinian population. The study highlights the evolution of the European political support to the Palestinian people by highlighting the evolution of EU foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the institutions responsible for the development cooperation with third countries within the Union. This research relates to the aid granted by the EU to the Palestinians for the period extending from 1993 to 2014. It highlights a set of results, the most important is that this aid has played a prominent role in avoiding the collapse of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and in helping the Palestinian people. It has diversified over the years, both in quantity and quality, to fit the political, economic and humanitarian situation in the OPT. It contributed to the successful reforms carried out by the PNA in several sectors, and has further supported the Palestinian national development plans. However, this aid has not succeeded to curb the de-development policies systematically practiced by the occupation or to put pressure on Israel. This research underlines that this aid will not achieve its objectives, including that of the establishment of a viable Palestinian state coexisting with the State of Israel in peace and security, as long as the EU does not use its economic power and does not turn its rhetoric into concrete action on the ground
48
Giglioli, Ilaria. "Networks of Power. Water, Infrastructure and Territory in the West Bank, Occupied Palestinian Territories." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24249.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the relationship between water resources, networks and territory under changing relations of rule in the West Bank, Occupied Palestinian Territories. It focuses on the creation of uneven patterns of water infrastructure development since Israeli occupation of the territory in 1967, and on their perpetration following the establishment of the Palestinian National Authority in 1995. This is produced by the interplay of three different imperatives of water resource development: a military-strategic and territorial one, represented by the Israeli Civil Administration, one based on national sovereignty over resources and universal water rights, represented by the Palestinian National Authority, and one based on technical efficiency of the sector, promoted by some international development institutions. The relative strength of these three actors in relation to each other, which in turn is influenced by the political history of the region, determines the physical outcome of water resource development.
49
Khannenje, Hassan. "Between Johannesburg and Jerusalem a comparative analysis of non-violence as strategy for political change : the case of apartheid South Africa and the occupied territories of Palestine/Israel /." 2007. http://etd1.library.duq.edu/theses/available/etd-07122007-100716/.
Full text
50
Prestwood, Elizabeth Brooks. "Paradise lost, and lost again limitations and realities of Palestinian identity in exile, occupied Palestine and Israel /." 2003. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04222003-204219/unrestricted/etd.pdf.
Full text