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1
Maria, Immacolata Macioti. "Israel and the Occupied Territories." Academicus International Scientific Journal 1 (January 2010): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2010.01.02.
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Belcher, Oliver Christian. "Introduction: The Occupied Palestinian Territories and Late-modern wars." Human Geography 4, no. 1 (March 2011): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400101.
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The essays collected in this special issue address the intersections between the late-colonial occupation of the Palestinian Territories by the state of Israel, and the conduct of late-modern warfare. Taking the summer 2010 attack on the Gaza Aid flotilla, the devastating late-2009 assault on Gaza, and the everyday occupation and appropriation of the West Bank that continues to stranglehold the Palestinians as cues, each essay critically evaluates the material conditions that facilitate Israel's colonial project. As these essays attest, urbicide and infrastructural violence—institutionalized by the Israeli military most succinctly in the so-called “Dahiya Doctrine”— play a critical role in Israeli military practice. As the authors, each in their own way, argue, it is only by taking on these infrastructural material conditions which facilitate the Israeli occupation that one can begin to hold an honest conversation on the prospects for a peaceful solution, and an end to the colonial occupation and manufactured humanitarian crisis which plagues the Palestinians.
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Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.
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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over the last decade, helped to create a framework in the Middle East wherein only Israeli needs have legitimacy. During the Oslo Process, the United States and Israel have tried to impose Israel's plans on the Palestinians, ignoring United Nations resolutions and the international community. The evidence reveals that US foreign policy was based on double standards and unfair terms. Further, the seeming link between the aid provided by the United States to Israel and the latter's aggressive policies toward the Palestinians makes it appear as though Washington is ‘rewarding’ such policies, that is, as if Washington is enabling Israel to deny Palestinians’ legitimate rights, violate United Nations resolutions and principles of international law, keep its military occupation forces, and expand Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Ben-Naftali, Orna, and Yuval Shany. "Living in Denial: The Application of Human Rights in the Occupied Territories." Israel Law Review 37, no. 1 (2003): 17–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012413.
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AbstractAre human rights norms applicable to occupied territories in general, and to the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in particular? The article examines the controversy that had arisen between Israel and the UN treaty monitoring bodies in relation to this question and critically analyzes Israel's three objections to such applicability: 1) the mutual exclusivity of humanitarian regime and human rights regime in occupied territories, the former being thus the only applicable law; 2) a restrictive interpretation of the jurisdictional provisions treaties; and 3) the lack of effective control in some of the territories. The article posits that the universal object and purpose of human rights treaties, which inform the proper interpretation of their jurisdictional clauses, require their applicability in all territories subject to the effective control of the state parties, as well as to other extra-territorial exercises of government power directly affecting individuals. Consequently, international human rights law and international humanitarian law apply in occupied territories in parallel and not to the exclusion of one another. This position is confirmed by extensive practice of the international human rights monitoring bodies, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), and by some decisions of the Israeli Supreme Court. In conclusion, the paper posits that Israel's refusal to apply the six principal human rights treaties to which it is party to the Occupied Territories is incompatible with its international law obligations and proceeds to propose modalities for the co-application of both human rights and humanitarian law in occupied territories.
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Najah Duqmaq. "Israel's International Legal Responsibility for Human Rights Violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory In accordance with the provisions of international law." مجلة جامعة فلسطين الأهلية للبحوث والدراسات 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2022): 4–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.59994/pau.2022.1.4.
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The West Bank, Gaza Strip, and the city of Jerusalem are occupied territories occupied by Israel following hostilities in the 1967 war. Israel was a State party to the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which refused to apply it to the occupied territories since the common article I of the four Geneva Conventions showed respect for and universal adherence to the principles contained therein. However, Israel has not complied with this but has committed serious violations of the rights of Palestinian citizens, criminalized under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The research aims to hold Israel internationally responsible for its illegal actions in the occupied Palestinian territories for violating the provisions of international law and resolutions of international legitimacy. The importance of the search for international criminal and civil accountability of Israel for its human rights violations in the Occupied Palestinian Territories is important, as Palestine's accession to the International Criminal Court comes as an important step in terms of ending the impunity of Israeli war criminals in addition to prosecuting them wherever they are regardless of their nationality and the place where the crime was committed in accordance with universal jurisdiction. The problem of the research revolves around: How long will Israel remain without international accountability for its violations of the rights of citizens in the Occupied Palestinian Territory? The researcher followed the descriptive and analytical approach and reached a set of conclusions and recommendations, the most prominent of which are: holding Israel internationally responsible for its internationally wrongful actions in the occupied Palestinian territories represented by the violation of international obligations. Among the most prominent recommendations are the implementation of the recommendations of Amnesty International's report regarding the call of the International Criminal Court to consider the crime of apartheid as part of its investigations into the Palestinian situation before it and that all States exercise universal jurisdiction to bring the perpetrators of apartheid crimes to justice.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Chronology." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.s3.
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This is part 131 of a chronology begun in Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 (Spring 1984), and covers events from 16 May to 15 August 2016 on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territories and in the diplomatic sphere, regionally and internationally. The habba, or uprising, that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 dissipated further as the Israeli government expanded its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, the Israeli Left, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected international efforts to push Israel closer to peace talks with the Palestinians, instead shifting his ruling coalition further to the right. The French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing, despite Israeli opposition. Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8/2016. Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations. For a more comprehensive overview of regional and international developments related to the peace process, see the quarterly Update on Conflict and Diplomacy in JPS 46 (1).
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PARKER, P. "Israel HEALTH CARE IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES." Lancet 325, no. 8441 (June 1985): 1321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(85)92805-3.
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Fine, JonathanE. "Torture in Israel and the Occupied Territories." Lancet 342, no. 8864 (July 1993): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0140-6736(93)91363-q.
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Cohen, Amichai. "Administering the Territories: An Inquiry into the Application of International Humanitarian Law by the IDF in the Occupied Territories." Israel Law Review 38, no. 3 (2005): 24–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700012814.
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This article seeks to evaluate Israel's implementation of the international law of occupation in the territories which it came to control after the Six-Day War, from a new perspective. Many scholars have criticized or justified specific Israeli policies by comparing them to specific norms of international law. Contrary to this scholarship, this article addresses the questions at the core of current debates over the implementation of international law: Why has Israel chosen to implement some specific rules of international law and to ignore others? And what caused the changes in Israel's implementation of international law?Some of the answers to these questions can be found by examining the interests of various institutions involved in the implementation of International law, and the interplay between them. I suggest that in order to understand Israel's initial behavior one must look at the interests, goals and culture of the Israeli army, the IDF, the institution initially responsible for administering the territories. I shall further argue that subsequent changes in policies are a result of the struggle between the IDF and other Israeli institutions attempting to gain influence over the way the territories were controlled.
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Gazit, Nir. "Military (Non-)Policing in the Occupied Territories." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350206.
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Since 1967, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have been engaged in various military missions in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including occasional high-intensity fighting and counter-insurgency, as well as civilian duties, such as administration and policing. While existing literature emphasizes the organizational and professional burden this combination of duties places on the military, the actual forces that shape soldiers’ policing practices in the field remain largely unexamined. The present article offers a micro-sociological examination of the patterns of military policing implemented by Israeli soldiers in the West Bank. It explores the social and political forces that shape soldiers’ ‘logics of action’ and demonstrates the reciprocal relations between the IDF’s disparate modes of policing of Jewish settlers and Palestinians. Three clusters of factors shape these interrelations: the relationships between soldiers and settlers, the blurring between ‘security’ and ‘civilian’ missions, and situational variables. The research for this article was conducted between 2004 and 2018.
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Khalidi, Ahmad Samih. "Why Can't the Palestinians Recognize the Jewish state?" Journal of Palestine Studies 40, no. 4 (2011): 78–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2011.xl.4.78.
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Israel's relatively recent demand for recognition as a "Jewish state" or "homeland for the Jewish people" has important implications for the Palestinians (whether refugees, citizens of Israel, or residents of the occupied territories) with regard to their history, identity, rights, and future. This essay explores the moral and practical reasons why they cannot accede to this demand, or even accept Israel's self-definition as a matter of exclusive Israeli concern.
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Malekian, Farhad. "Judging International Criminal Justice in the Occupied Territories." International Criminal Law Review 12, no. 5 (2012): 827–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01205005.
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Analysing the philosophy of criminal justice and international criminal jurisdiction is indeed very complex. At a minimum, one has to be familiar with both common law and civil law systems. Examining the Gaza Strip situation is also simultaneously a very sophisticated task. It needs, to some extent, an understanding, not only of natural and positive law, but also of many principles and cultural heritages of, at least, two ethnic groups, the Palestinians, and the Jews. It is not certainly a question of religious theories, but the potentiality of rightful co-existence. It also requires understanding why these very two old groups have been, since the creation of Israel, constantly suffering from serious armed conflicts. The Gaza crimes are some of the most recent recognized crimes committed against the population of occupied territories. The intention of this article is to re-examine the historical creation of the State of Israel, the influence of the politicians of the United Kingdom in its creation, the murder of European Jews and the killing of physical and psychological integrity of Palestinians under the authority of Israeli governments. The article deals with some of the most significant norms of international criminal law and human rights law that ought to be respected in national or international conflicts regardless of the target of attack. It deals with the concept of criminal responsibility of individuals under the law of international criminal courts.
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Usher, Graham. "Bantustanisation or bi-nationalism?" Race & Class 37, no. 2 (October 1995): 43–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030639689503700205.
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Azmi Bishara, a Palestinian who is an Israeli citizen, has long been involved in the struggles of the Arab minority in Israel and against the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. He has also been active on the Israeli Left. A lecturer in philosophy at Birzeit University, he writes regularly in both the Israeli and the Arabic press in Israel and the occupied territories.
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Melpignano, Melissa. "A Necropower Carnival: Israeli Soldiers Dancing in the Palestinian Occupied Territories." TDR: The Drama Review 67, no. 1 (March 2023): 186–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1054204322000910.
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Israeli soldiers dancing to global pop hits in the Occupied Palestinian Territories look like they are having fun, and there is always something entertainingly contradictory in watching army bodies circumventing the military codes. But the choreographic analysis of three viral videos from the 2010s reveals how dancing serves the Israel Defense Forces’ territorializing and necropower strategy.
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Leibowitz, Yeshayahu, and John P. Egan. "Yeshayahu Leibowitz: Liberating Israel from the Occupied Territories." Journal of Palestine Studies 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1986): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2536829.
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Segev, Tom, and Gershom Gorenberg. "A Bitter Prize: Israel and the Occupied Territories." Foreign Affairs 85, no. 3 (2006): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031975.
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Leibowitz, Yeshayahu, and John P. Egan. "Yeshayahu Leibowitz: Liberating Israel from the Occupied Territories." Journal of Palestine Studies 15, no. 2 (January 1986): 102–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1986.15.2.00p0244k.
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Mautner, Menachem. "The Occupied Territories, Gaza, and Israel’s Recent Slide to Authoritarianism." Law & Ethics of Human Rights 14, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 273–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lehr-2020-2015.
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AbstractIn recent years there have been numerous warnings in the press and in the social networks that Israel is about to convert its liberal democracy into a fascist regime. This Article argues that the occupation of the West Bank stands at the root of the most important processes that have been taking place in Israel in the past five decades. One of those processes is the erosion of Israel’s liberalism. I claim that the prolongation of the occupation is the central, lasting threat to Israel’s liberalism. In essence, the occupation breeds denunciations of and protests against the government and the Israel Defense Forces, and these, in turn, bring about measures on the part of the government and right-wing civil society organizations that undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism. In addition, the full-scale wars between Israel and Gaza, and the continuation of violence between the parties in the periods between the wars, undermine or threaten Israel’s liberalism.
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Lustick, Ian S. "Making Sense of the Nakba." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 2 (2015): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.44.2.7.
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Zionist claims to rightful rule of most or all of Palestine/the Land of Israel ultimately depend on naturalizing those claims into common sense, for Jews, of course, but also for the international community. Following the 1967 war, Israelis in favor of withdrawing from occupied territories have relied on distinguishing between the justice of the 1949 Armistice Lines, and the process that led to the State of Israel within those lines, versus the injustice of the occupation of territories conquered in 1967 and of their settlement and gradual absorption. But as the truth of the expulsions and forced dispossession of Palestinians in 1948 becomes accepted by wider swaths of both Israeli-Jewish and international public opinion, the traditional narrative distinguishing the justice of 1948 and the injustice of 1967 breaks down. Ari Shavit's book, My Promised Land, can be understood as a response by Israeli two-staters to accusations of hypocrisy by the extreme right.
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Bartram, David V. "Foreign Workers in Israel: History and Theory." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200201.
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Beginning in 1993, Israel began importing large numbers of foreign workers, replacing its traditional Palestinian labor force. This article presents a descriptive history and theoretical analysis of the migration, placing it in the context of Israel's reliance on noncitizen labor from the occupied territories. Dual labor market theory is particularly helpful in analyzing labor migration to Israel, but only by also analyzing the determinants of state policy can we understand how these recent flows began. The Israeli case thus suggests a cumulative model of the initiation of labor migration flows: structural factors create a predisposition toward use of foreign labor, and political factors determine whether and how that predisposition will be actualized.
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Benvenisti, Eyal. "The Applicability of Human Rights Conventions to Israel and to the Occupied Territories." Israel Law Review 26, no. 1 (1992): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700010803.
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The recent ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by the Israeli Government is part of a welcome effort to ratify multilateral conventions dealing with human rights, some of which Israel had signed long ago. In addition to this Convention, the Israeli Government ratified, during the summer of 1991, the 1966 Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the 1966 Covenant on Economic and Social Rights, the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, and the 1984 Convention Against Torture. On the occasion of the ratification of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, this article discusses the legal implications of the ratification of human rights conventions to the Israeli legal system and to the legal systems in the occupied territories.
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Peled, Yoav, and Gershon Shafir. "The Roots of Peacemaking: The Dynamics of Citizenship in Israel, 1948–93." International Journal of Middle East Studies 28, no. 3 (August 1996): 391–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800063510.
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The Declaration of Prsinciples signed by Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in September 1993 marked a dramatic about-face in Israel's traditional policy toward the PLO and the Palestinian issue in general. This turn of events came as a surprise not only to journalists and commentators following day-to-day political events, but also to scholars engaged in the academic study of Israeli society. The prevailing notion among these scholars had been that the Israeli polity was suffering from what Horowitz and Lissak (1989) called “overburden” due to domestic debates over the disposition of the occupied territories. Thus, it was concluded, Israel was unable to launch bold policy initiatives to try to solve its deadlocked conflict with the Arabs.
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Krylov, A. V. "Jewish extremist and terrorist organizations in Israel." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 99–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-1-99-115.
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This article is an extension of the research material published in the previous issue of the Journal “International Analytics” (2016, vol. 3 (17), p. 45–58), and focused on the activity of the Jewish paramilitary groups in Palestine before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Originally the conspiratorial Jewish extremist organization opposed the policy of the Jewish immigration restraint which had been carried out by the socialist countries, especially the USSR. Some ultra-Orthodox groups, such as the Union of Zealots, used openly the terrorist methods in the struggle against the development of Israel as a secular and democratic state. After the war of 1967 and the Israeli occupation of the Arab territories the orthodox-nationalists, who formed the vanguard of the “Movement for Greater Israel”, created an underground network of extremist armed organizations. From the beginning, the activities of these groups were contrary to the Israeli Law on the Fight against Terror. The term commonly used for the Jewish underground groups in Hebrew is “mahteret”. There have been several dozen groups of this kind in the history of the Israeli settlements movement. The most famous of them are “Kach” (“Thus”) and “Kahane Chai” (“Kahane Lives”).The initiator and inspirer of the “Jewish Underground” was an American Orthodox Rabbi Meir Kahane. He founded a political settlement party “Kach” which had legally existed until in 1988 a ban on the list of its candidates in the parliamentary elections was imposed by the Supreme Court of Israel because of the accusations of the denial of the democratic character of the state of Israel and the promotion of racism. The activities of both organizations were declared terrorist and banned in the USA and some other countries.The article analyses religious, philosophical and political routes of the modern ideology of Israeli orthodox nationalists who participate in the settlement movement on the occupied Arab territories as well as the illegal activities of the most famous parties and organizations supporting the policy of the extension of the Israeli jurisdiction over the occupied Arab territories.
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Waxman, Dov. "Cursed Victory: Israel and the Occupied Territories: A History." History: Reviews of New Books 45, no. 3 (March 10, 2017): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2017.1267504.
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Duqmaq, Najah, and Ahmed Abu Ja'far. "The Israeli violations of the natural resources in Palestine." المجلة الدولية للدراسات القانونية والفقهية المقارنة 2, no. 3 (December 2021): 214–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31559/lcjs2021.2.3.5.
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The Israeli private companies deliberately committed various violations against the Palestinian inhabitants and civilian properties by pillaging the natural resources in Palestine. The research sheds light on the need for the Palestinian people to exercise their right over their natural resources and wealth, and the need to stop the violations and practices of Israeli companies that impede the implementation of this right, especially in the Jordan Valley and the Dead Sea, which are major sources of many minerals. Israeli practices violate the Public International Laws by giving the private companies the green light and the necessary declarations and facilities to extract and exploit the natural resources in Palestine. The research gave more attention to these companies’ pillage and robbery of the natural resources in Palestine, mainly extracting the minerals in the Dead Sea. The research problem centers on the Israeli flagrant violation for the Public International Law provisions by giving the private companies the green light and the necessary declarations and facilities to extract and exploit the natural resources in Palestine. The research concludes some essential results and recommendations. The most important results are Israel occupied the Palestinian lands for their natural resources and got benefit from them. Israel encouraged and facilitated its civilian population to reside in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Mining and extracting natural resources in Palestine by Israel for the economic benefit amount to the war crime of pillage, entailing responsibility for Israel and for its officials who commit such types of crimes. The most important recommendations are: Israel must abandon its illegal utilization of the natural resources in Palestine, damaging the Palestinians' properties, building up the Separation Discrimination Wall, transporting the Israeli civilians to the Palestinian Occupied Territories, plundering of the Dead Sea natural resources. The Israeli procedures and activities severely violate mainly the resolutions which have been issued by the UN organs, and Public International Law provisions.
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Krylov, A. V. "The European Union Counteraction To Israel's Settlement Policy In The Occupied Arab Territories: Myths And Realities." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-161-173.
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More than 50 years the European Union member states (the European Economic Community up to 1993) maintain a special relations with Israel particularly in the trade sphere. Only in 2014 the export of Israeli products to Europe increased by 3%, amounting in absolute terms to a third of total exports of Israel. At the same time, the position of the EU with regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is clearly contrary to the real character of the mutual economic, scientific and technical cooperation. After the failure in 2001 of the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations aimed to reach a «Final-Status Agreement» in accordance with the Oslo Accords, the European Union made several attempts to limit the European market penetration of the Israeli products originating from the occupied territories (the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights). However, as can be seen from the contents of the article, there is no consensus between the EU member states with regard to the Israeli settlement policy. The study argues that all the decisions made so far in the European Union to limit Israeli export or reduce crediting of programs for scientific and technical cooperation used to be of declarative or vague character.
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Kretzmer, David. "The law of belligerent occupation in the Supreme Court of Israel." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 885 (March 2012): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000446.
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AbstractSince the 1967 War, in the course of which Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza, the Supreme Court of Israel has considered thousands of petitions relating to acts of the military and other authorities in those territories (OT). This article reviews the contribution to the law of belligerent occupation of the Court's jurisprudence in these cases. After discussing issues of jurisdiction and the applicable norms, the article reviews the way in which the Court has interpreted military needs, the welfare of the local population, changes in the local law, and use of resources; the attitude of the Court to the long-term nature of the occupation and the existence of Israeli settlements, settlers, and commuters in the OT; the introduction of a three-pronged test of proportionality in assessing military necessity; and hostilities in occupied territories. In the final section, I draw some general conclusions on the Court's contribution to the law of occupation.
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Alperovich, Gershon. "Israeli Settlement in Occupied Territories and its Impact on Housing Prices in Israel." Journal of Regional Science 37, no. 1 (February 1997): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0022-4146.00046.
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Plasse-Couture, François-Xavier. "Effective abandonment: The neoliberal economy of violence in Israel and the Occupied Territories." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 449–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499787.
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Towards the end of 2012, a group of Israeli settlers and right-wing activists attacked an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) base on the West Bank. IDF soldiers and members of the Israeli Knesset had provided information to the attackers, who adopted a ‘bring it on’ tone that commentators described as echoing ‘civil war’. As the occupation blurs the categories of inside/outside, what we are witnessing is a challenge to the traditional distinction between politics and war. Accordingly, we are moved to think in terms of the distribution and variable intensities of violence, rather than to accept simple debates about either the absence or presence of war or the monopoly of violence. This article seeks to examine the evolving relationship between the state and society in the wake of the so-called Arab Spring through an investigation of the relationship between neoliberalism and sovereign violence. It argues that ‘price tag’ actions perpetrated in the Occupied Territories and Israel are the effect of a neoliberal organization of power characterized by a form of governing by non-intervention, where the abandonment of certain parts of society produces the desired containment of elements considered undesirable to the body politic. This article challenges Weber’s theory of state sovereignty as the monopoly of legitimate state violence, arguing instead that state apparatuses may in fact ‘outsource’ violence. We can understand this shift in the mode of operation of sovereignty by theorizing ‘society’ as the effect of warlike relations whereby particular tactics and strategies are employed as a way of organizing and policing forms of life necessary for the continuation of a particular body politic.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 95–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2016.46.1.95.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and the future of the peace process, and covers the quarter beginning on 16 May and ending on 15 August 2016. The surge of unrest and resistance that began in Jerusalem in 9/2015 continued to dissipate this quarter as the Israeli government strengthened its crackdown on the occupied Palestinian territories, Israeli left-wing activism, and the Palestinian minority in Israel. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected an international push towards peace talks with the Palestinians, and shifted his ruling coalition further to the right. Despite Israel's opposition, the French peace initiative advanced with Palestinian backing and Egypt lent its weight to international peace efforts, but failed to break the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic impasse. Internally, the Palestinians prepared for municipal elections on 10/8. In regional developments, Israel and Turkey reached a formal reconciliation agreement, paving the way for a return to full diplomatic relations.
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Miles, William F. S. "Minoritarian Francophonie – The Case of Israel, with Special Reference to the Palestinian Territories." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (December 1995): 1023–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839502900408.
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This article examines the minoritarian status of a nonethnic group identity: Israeli Francophonie. Nonethnic minority status is particularly interesting for it represents a nonascriptive and voluntary category of group identity. In the case of Israel, Francophonie has evolved from its mainly North African (and hence socially disparaged) associations in the 1950s and 1960s to becoming an immigrant Ashkenazi and “frenchified Sephardic” phenomenon today. Francophone intellectuals promote Israeli Francophonie as an adjunct to Zionism, for it represents a cultural alternative to the Americanization of Israeli society. Common French language also diffuses the cleavages (religious versus secular versus nationalistic) which otherwise challenge the unity of the Jewish state. Associational, educational, cultural and religious institutions reflect the diffuse, dispersed and discrete nature of Israeli Francophonie; while there are categories of Francophonie, there is no francophone community per se. The future of Francophonie in Israel is a function of media technology, pluralistic self-redefinition, and political relations with France. Regarding the latter, the originally religiously-based Palestinian Francophonie based on the Latin Patriarchate is being supplemented by diplomatic efforts to extend French cultural influence among Arabs both in Israel and in the occupied territories.
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Chaney, Paul. "Civil Society Perspectives on Children’s Rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories." International Journal of Children’s Rights 30, no. 1 (February 14, 2022): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718182-30010003.
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Abstract “This study analyses civil society organisations’ (cso s’) discourse on children’s rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (opt). This is a troubled context, for Israel – the ‘State Party’ to the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child (crc), disputes that its obligations extend to the opt. In consequence, there has been a dearth of official data and scholarly attention to the situation. Discourse analysis of cso s’ reports to the UN’s monitoring mechanism, the Universal Periodic Review (upr), shows children are affected by a raft of violations including: sexual abuse, violence and inadequate access to health and education. The Israeli state’s engagement with the upr, whilst denying responsibility for the opt, raises questions about legitimation and performativity. The pathologies are compounded by state repression of civil society meaning that the upr is a singular means of highlighting children’s rights abuses in the Occupied Territories.
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Ben-Ari, Eyal, and Uzi Ben-Shalom. "Israel’s Ground Forces in the Occupied Territories." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350204.
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The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) routinely rotate ground forces in and out of the Occupied Territories in the West Bank. While these troops are trained for soldiering in high-intensity wars, in the Territories they have long had to carry out a variety of policing activities. These activities often exist in tension with their soldierly training and ethos, both of which center on violent encounters. IDF ground forces have adapted to this situation by maintaining a hierarchy of ‘logics of action’, in which handling potentially hostile encounters takes precedence over other forms of policing. Over time, this hierarchy has been adapted to the changed nature of contemporary conflict, in which soldiering is increasingly exposed to multiple forms of media, monitoring, and juridification. To maintain its public legitimacy and institutional autonomy, the IDF has had to adapt to the changes imposed on it by creating multiple mechanisms of force generation and control of soldierly action.
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Mazali, R. "Health in Israeli occupied territories." BMJ 308, no. 6921 (January 8, 1994): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.308.6921.137a.
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International, Amnesty. "Town Arrest Orders in Israel and the Occupied Territories (Excerpt)." Journal of Palestine Studies 14, no. 2 (January 1, 1985): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537179.
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Eli, Yosef. "Cursed Victory: A History of Israel and the Occupied Territories." RUSI Journal 160, no. 2 (March 4, 2015): 96–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2015.1036582.
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International, Amnesty. "Town Arrest Orders in Israel and the Occupied Territories (Excerpt)." Journal of Palestine Studies 14, no. 2 (January 1985): 186–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1985.14.2.00p0145g.
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Philippova, Natalya I. "Israel and apartheid: Opinion of human rights NGOs, and Israeli Government denials." Asia and Africa Today, no. 11 (2022): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750020143-9.
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Between 2019 and early 2022 more than 15 human rights NGOs have brought accusations against Israel regarding the presence of signs of apartheid both in the territory of the State of Israel and in the occupied territories. Based on documents of international law (the International Convention against the Crime of Apartheid and the Rome Statute), NGOs (national and international) have presented in a number of reports why the reality in which the Palestinian people live should be called apartheid. Although the term ‘apartheid’ has no geographic reference, its use for systems established outside of South Africa is very rare and highly controversial. However, accusations against Israel, which have been going on for a long time, are gaining popularity and are also reflected in the reports of the Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, which are mainly based on data provided by NGOs. Israel contends that these accusations are false and have nothing to do with reality. Thus, the Israeli authorities have repeatedly stated that in this way human rights organizations promote hate, incitement, violence, and terror. Despite the tendentious nature of the information, NGOs have a significant impact on the image of the Jewish state and on public opinion in the context of supporting the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, although they will not make changes to Israel’s policy.
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Farsakh, Leila. "Understanding 50 Years of Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Land." Review of Middle East Studies 52, no. 2 (November 2018): 369–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2018.89.
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The year 2017 was important for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, commemorating both the centennial of the Balfour Declaration and the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 war. That war, which resulted in Israel's defeat of three Arab armies and its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights, transformed the politics of the Middle East. According to UN Security Council Resolution 242, issued in November 1967, the occupation was illegal: Israel would have to withdraw from the territories it occupied if it were to achieve peace with its neighbors. In international law, military occupations are temporary by definition. Israel, however, only returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1982. (One year prior, it unilaterally annexed the Golan Heights from Syria.) Despite a twenty-five-year-long political process initiated in 1993, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza has continued unabated.
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Moroz, Oleksiy. "Relations Between Ukraine and Israel Within the Framework of the United Nations: Key Interests and Disagreements." Humanitarian vision 9, no. 2 (November 16, 2023): 8–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/shv2023.02.008.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the formation and implementation of Ukraine's position on the issue of the Palestinian territories in UN institutions and Israel attitude toward russian invasion of Ukraine. There are important differences in the military and political interests of Ukraine and Israel. Thus, the institutions of the UN have become the international forum where the differences between Ukraine and Israel show themselves especially clearly. The author argues that Israel is interested in maintaining balanced relations with moscow, which has repeatedly prompted Israel to avoid supporting the organization's decisions in support of Ukraine at the UN. However, after the start of full-scale russian invasion, Israel supported most of the organization's resolutions for the support of Ukraine. In turn, Ukraine at the UN forms a position on the issue of the Palestinian territories in accordance with the norms of international law, a number of resolutions of the General Assembly and the UN Security Council, but this causes serious dissatisfaction of Israel government. The negative impact on the relations between Israel and russia of the intensification of Moscow's military-political cooperation with Tehran was also noted. May be supposed that a less cautious position of Israel in supporting Ukraine would be welcomed by Washington. Ukraine's rejection of its principled position regarding the occupied Palestinian territories would expose Kyiv to accusations of double standards, would undermine the position of Ukrainian diplomacy in efforts to exert international pressure upon russia regarding the occupied Ukrainian territories, and would have an unfavorable projection on our relations with many EU countries. However, Ukraine has some room for diplomatic maneuver in determining its position on this issue.
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Bandyopadhyay, Lahari. "CASE STUDY OF ISRAEL-PALESTINE CONFLICT AND THE ABUSE OF HUMAN RIGHTS." International Journal of Advanced Research 12, no. 03 (March 31, 2024): 456–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/18414.
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Israel is an established country. And Palestine, despite being a country with rich heritage since ages, has been occupied by the Israel government who refuse to provide Palestine with the status of a sovereign nation. Israeli-Palestine conflict has led to numerous war crimes and most of the victims have always been the innocent and common people of the land. Besides territorial disputes, religious fundamentalism and persecution has also been a major factor. The state of Israel has always supported the ideology of Zionism wherein Israel supported the establishment of a Jewish state. Jews also claim that there is a large-scale antisemitism among the Arabs as well as various other communities because of which they face non-acceptance. But the conflict is not merely confined to one cause and has other grounds as well. This paper takes up the study of the conflict between the two countries and analyse the historical and political background that led to the series of events and how it led to the abuse of human rights in the region. The research further seeks to find out the role of the USA and the United Nations. USA had been the pioneer of liberalism and human rights in todays neo liberal world, but has remained silent in occasions of Israels wrongful claims over Palestinian territories. Hence, the protection and restoration of humanitarian laws is a major field of discussion.
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Harpaz, Guy. "Being Unfaithful to One's Own Principles: The Israeli Supreme Court and House Demolitions in the Occupied Palestinian Territories." Israel Law Review 47, no. 3 (August 29, 2014): 401–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223714000132.
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The practice of house demolition in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (‘the Territories’) pursued by Israel for the purpose of deterring potential terrorist activities (as opposed to planning or operational purposes) has attracted voluminous literature, most of which is critical. Scholarship postulates that the practice is immoral and ineffective, that it is contrary to Jewish morals and international law, and that it may amount to an international crime. Some of the critical writings focus on the practice of the Israel Defence Forces; others concentrate on the failure of the Israeli Parliament to curb the practice, while others examine the practice in its wider context, namely the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. This article focuses on the regulation of the practice by the Israeli Supreme Court (‘the Court’). This theme has already been examined by numerous scholars including, in particular, Kretzmer and Simon, who found that the Court's jurisprudence is contrary to public international law and its reasoning is unpersuasive. This article aims to add to the existing scholarly corpus by using a different prism. It contrasts the Court's house demolition jurisprudence with its own jurisprudence in comparable areas in which it is called upon to resolve tensions between security and human rights in the Territories, postulating that in handling house demolition measures the Court is unfaithful to its own jurisprudence. Building upon these findings, the article distils the manifestations of that unfaithfulness and its negative repercussions in normative, coherence and legitimacy terms. It concludes with the call that when the issue of house demolition is brought back before the Court, it should apply the same approach, spirit, techniques and benchmarks that it has employed in analogous areas of law.
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Stein, Rebecca L. "SOUVENIRS OF CONQUEST: ISRAELI OCCUPATIONS AS TOURIST EVENTS." International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 4 (November 2008): 669a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081944.
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This paper studies the intersections between military occupation and tourism in contemporary Israel. Focusing on two key moments of Israeli military engagement—the 1967 war and subsequent Israeli military occupation and the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon—the paper considers the ways that mainstream Israeli newspapers represented the conquest and/or incursion to Israeli publics through stories about Israeli tourism, consumption, and pleasure in the occupied territories in question. Drawing on postcolonial scholarship on colonial travel, I argue that these tourism stories can be read as “anticonquest narratives” that obscure the violence of the occupation by recasting it as a leisure opportunity. Both cases have been largely overlooked within the scholarly writing on Israel, and both expand our scholarly accounts of Israeli militarism by considering the quotidian, cultural avenues by which military projects have been enabled and sustained.
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Karolyi, Paul. "Update on Conflict and Diplomacy." Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 3 (2018): 135–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2018.47.3.135.
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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel during the quarter from 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018. Highlights include: U.S. president Donald Trump pledged to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and formally recognized Jerusalem as Israel's capital, reversing decades of U.S. policy. His decision provoked an international backlash, sparked a wave of protests and clashes in the occupied Palestinian territories, and compromised his own diplomatic efforts. The Israelis celebrated Trump's decision, while the Palestinians cited it as an illustration of the United States' pro-Israel bias and as the reason for their rejection of U.S. mediation in any future peace talks. Outraged, Trump ordered punitive cuts to U.S. humanitarian aid designated for Palestinian refugees, further undercutting any peace initiative, which advisors insisted was still under way. The Palestinians began pursuing a new, multilateral framework to continue the peace process. Amid these developments, the Palestinian national reconciliation process stalled once again.
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Berger, StephenA, Martin Livingston, Albert Singer, and S. Scharf. "MEDICINE AND ISRAEL'S OCCUPIED TERRITORIES." Lancet 331, no. 8598 (June 1988): 1338–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(88)92154-x.
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Regan, Bernard. "The State of Israel and the Apartheid Regime of South Africa in Comparative Perspective." Holy Land Studies 7, no. 2 (November 2008): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e147494750800022x.
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With increasing frequency comparisons are being drawn between the situation of the Palestinian people both in the Occupied Territories and inside Israel with the system of Apartheid imposed on the indigenous peoples of South Africa by the Nationalist Government in 1948. The object of this essay is to explore the analogy and test its merits and shortcomings. The essay explores the legal structure of the Apartheid system and compares it to that of the state of Israel and the legal framework under which Palestinians live in the occupied territories. It concludes that whilst the term Apartheid might seem attractive and adequate for descriptive purposes rendering the plight of the Palestinians more familiar ultimately there is a gap between the appearance and reality of the two experiences.
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Roberts, Adam. "Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967." American Journal of International Law 84, no. 1 (January 1990): 44–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203016.
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To what extent are international legal rules formally applicable, and practically relevant, to a prolonged military occupation? The question has assumed prominence because of the exceptional duration of the occupation by Israel of various territories that came under its control in the war of June 5–10, 1967. The situation there has had two classic features of a military occupation: first, a formal system of external control by a force whose presence is not sanctioned by international agreement; and second, a conflict of nationality and interest between the inhabitants, on the one hand, and those exercising power over them, on the other. In highlighting these features, the Palestinian uprising, or intifada, which began in Gaza and the West Bank in December 1987, has added urgency to the question of the law applicable to prolonged occupations.
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Jabareen, Hassan, and Suhad Bishara. "The Jewish Nation-State Law." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 2 (2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.2.43.
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This analysis explores the origins and constitutional implications of Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People (hereafter the Jewish Nation-State Law), enacted by the Israeli Knesset in July 2018. It examines the antecedents of the legislation in Israeli jurisprudence and argues that most of the law's provisions are the product of precedents established by Israel's Supreme Court, specifically the court's rulings delivered post-Oslo. The authors contend that the “two states for two peoples” vision of so-called liberal Zionists paved the way for Israel's right-wing politicians to introduce this law. Their analysis holds that the law is radical in nature: far from being a mere continuation of the status quo, it confers unprecedented constitutional status on ordinary policies and destabilizes the prevailing legal distinction between the area within the Green Line and the 1967 occupied territories.
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Moore, James W. "IMMIGRATION AND THE DEMOGRAPHIC BALANCE IN ISRAEL AND THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES." Middle East Policy 1, no. 3 (September 1992): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4967.1992.tb00198.x.
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TAKKENBERG, lex. "The Protection of Palestine Refugees in the Territories occupied by Israel." International Journal of Refugee Law 3, no. 3 (1991): 414–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/3.3.414.
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