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1

Rivas Nieto, Pedro, and Pablo Rey García. "Islamismo, yihadismo y extrema izquierda en América Latina. ¿Hacia una teoría y una práctica islamizadas de la revolución?" Araucaria, no. 46 (2021): 215–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i46.11.

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Este artículo estudia la hipotética penetración del islamismo –vertiente degradada del Islam– en algunos sectores de la extrema izquierda en Latinoamérica y reflexiona sobre su habilidad para desarrollar tanto una teoría como una práctica islamizadas de la revolución. El objetivo de esto es indagar en un aspecto inusual de la seguridad, el factor ideológico, habitualmente soslayado por preferirse los elementos estratégicos y tácticos. Para ello primero se investigan someramente algunos cambios del terrorismo ligados al islamismo en Latinoamérica. Después se analiza la doctrina mediante la que
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Levi, Rozita, and Slobodan Pajovic. "International terrorism and Latin America." Medjunarodni problemi 54, no. 1-2 (2002): 73–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0201004l.

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The authors give a historical overview of the origin and development of terrorism in Latin America describing the forms in which it appears in this region of the world (political, military, state and narco terrorism). They also explore to what degree the attacks on the USA launched on 11 September 2001 will affect the governments of Latin American countries to harmonize their positions with those of the US government in taking joint actions in their combat to eliminate terrorist activities on the American continent.
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Feldmann, Andreas E., and Maiju Perälä. "Reassessing the Causes of Nongovernmental Terrorism in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 46, no. 2 (2004): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2004.tb00277.x.

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AbstractFor years, nongovernmental terrorism in Latin America was considered an epiphenomenon of the Cold War. The persistence of this type of political violence in the 1990s, however, not only belied many assumptions about its causes but also led scholars to reexamine the phenomenon. This article investigates the validity of a number of hypotheses by applying a pooled time-series cross-section regression analysis to data from 17 Latin American countries between 1980 and 1995. Findings indicate that nongovernmental terrorist acts in Latin America are more likely to occur in poorly institutiona
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4

Lopez Garcia, Ana Isabel. "The Myth of 9/11 in Latin America." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 2, no. 1 (2008): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v2i1.340.

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It is often argued that the first and most visible impact of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has been the reordering of Washington’s priorities in its relations with Latin America. The United States (U.S.) has focused its attention outside the hemisphere and placed Latin America at the “bottom of U.S. terrorist agenda” (Youngers 2003). Various scholars argue that the U.S has returned to its Cold-War stance, in which it only notices those developments in Latin America that directly challenge U.S. interests (Hakim 2006). Accordingly, after 9/11 U.S. security demands have overshadowed other issues
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5

MILLER, REUBEN. "Acts of International Terrorism." Comparative Political Studies 19, no. 3 (1986): 385–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086019003004.

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This article examines a particular form of low-level conflict known as international terrorism. The failure in the international arena to cope and curb this form of political violence forced governments to seek out and design various avenues of response. The focus then is on confrontational terrorism that includes instances of hostage takings, kidnappings, and skyjackings. The common denominator to these incidents is the specific and tangible demands that terrorists attempt to extract from the targeted states. On the other hand, the study explores the various policies and approaches adopted by
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6

Magner, Nicolás S., and Cinthia K. Roa. "Terrorism and Latin-American Stocks Markets." Revista Mexicana de Economía y Finanzas 14, PNEA (2019): 583–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21919/remef.v14i0.424.

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This paper investigates the effects of major terrorist attacks of the last 20 years on a set of stocks listed at Latin-American stock markets. Utilizing the capital market model, we calculate abnormal returns during the day of the terror attacks for 115 stocks listed in 6 Latin-American countries. In this sense, we appreciate different reaction between countries, where Brazil, Peru, and Chile have a significant market reaction of terrorism. These results promote international diversification and the use of this loss to avoid significant capital losses. However, the results are limited by the v
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7

Meierrieks, Daniel, and Thomas Gries. "Causality between terrorism and economic growth." Journal of Peace Research 50, no. 1 (2013): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343312445650.

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This article analyzes the causal relationship between terrorism and economic growth, running a series of tests for Granger non–causality with panel data for a maximum of 160 countries from 1970 to 2007. The authors find that the causal relationship between terrorism and growth is heterogeneous over time and across space. They argue that the temporal causal heterogeneity can be explained by shifting geographical and ideological patterns in terrorism associated with the end of the Cold War. Different causal mechanics across countries are ascribed to a variety of country–specific factors (the lev
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8

Humphrey, Michael. "Permission to Torture." Asia-Pacific Journal on Human Rights and the Law 17, no. 2 (2016): 212–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718158-01702004.

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9/11 introduced a new phase in us foreign policy launching the war on terror. Integral to this new us global counterinsurgency was the use of torture as technique deployed to save us lives threatened by international terrorism. President George Bush’s declaration in 2001, ‘Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists’ expresses the logic of counterinsurgency strategy to divide the world into friends and enemies. The division of the world into friends and enemies is based on asymmetrical counterconcepts based on the negation of the ‘Other’. This article argues that the legitimation of
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9

Fatic, Aleksandar. "Organized crime and the outline of a new structure of security in Europe." Medjunarodni problemi 56, no. 1 (2004): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0401056f.

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The modern security threats in Europe, and especially in the transitional region of Southeastern Europe, are considerably different from the traditional military threats arising from statehood-related aspirations of the minorities, or from unresolved border issues between neighbours, or between regional aspirations of the former superpowers. Today's security threats emanate primarily from organized crime and terrorism, two curses that have spread their realm across the globe, and that threaten to establish breeding grounds in Southeastern Europe, due to the relatively soft and porous borders,
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10

Müller, Markus-Michael. "Enter 9/11: Latin America and the Global War on Terror." Journal of Latin American Studies 52, no. 3 (2020): 545–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x20000565.

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AbstractThis article offers an analysis of the transnational discursive construction processes informing Latin American security governance in the aftermath of 9/11. It demonstrates that the Global War on Terror provided an opportunity for external and aligned local knowledge producers in the security establishments throughout the Americas to reframe Latin America's security problems through the promotion of a militarised security epistemology, and derived policies, centred on the region's ‘convergent threats’. In tracing the discursive repercussions of this epistemic reframing, the article sh
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11

Kiss, Amarilla. "Maritime Piracy in the Modern Era in Latin America." Acta Hispanica, no. II (October 5, 2020): 121–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2020.0.121-128.

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Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy
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12

Emerson, R. Guy. "Radical Neglect? The “War on Terror” and Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 52, no. 01 (2010): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00073.x.

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Abstract The rise of leftist governments in the Americas and the adoption of policy initiatives contrary to U.S. interests highlight a disconnect in interamerican relations, which cannot be understood simply as U.S. “neglect” of Latin America. In contrast to arguments that attribute the deteriorating relations to U.S. preoccupation with the Middle East, the article examines whether the “War on Terror” acted as a guiding paradigm for the George W. Bush administration in Latin America. Opposition to this “War on Terror” paradigm was evident following Colombia's 2008 air strike in Ecuador. Justif
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Burliay, Yan. "Islam in Latin America." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (June 28, 2017): 31–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2017-2-31-33.

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The article deals with three stage of Muslim immigration to Latin America. The author studies activities of Muslim communities in Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela and Mexico and gives the conclusion that Middle East immigrants made a contribution to the political, economic and cultural development of the region. The author gives his proposals to establish cooperation between great powers with a view to struggle international terrorism in Latin America.
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14

Yurow, Marshall. "Evolving Relationships: Nicaragua, Israel, and the Palestinians." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (2019): 149–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19831697.

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Nicaragua occupies a special place in the Israeli-Palestinian impact on Latin America. Israeli–Somoza Dynasty ties and Palestinian-Sandinista ties have been well documented over the past 35 years. Yet while the facts are available, the interpretations are still fiercely debated. Both relationships have been portrayed largely in polemical terms. The Israeli-Somoza relationship was viewed as a pariah-state alliance or a “debt of honor.” The Sandinista-Palestinian relationship was viewed as a terrorist connection or brotherhood against a common enemy. Both relationships were seen as static when i
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15

Findley, Michael G., and Joseph K. Young. "Terrorism and Civil War: A Spatial and Temporal Approach to a Conceptual Problem." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 2 (2012): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712000679.

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What is the relationship between civil war and terrorism? Most current research on these topics either explicitly or implicitly separates the two, in spite of compelling reasons to consider them together. In this paper, we examine the extent to which terrorism and civil war overlap and then unpack various temporal and spatial patterns. To accomplish this, we use newly geo-referenced terror event data to offer a global overview of where and when terrorist events happen and whether they occur inside or outside of civil war zones. Furthermore, we conduct an exploratory analysis of six separate ca
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Tullis, LaMond. "Illicit drugs and vulnerable communities." International Review of the Red Cross 34, no. 301 (1994): 368–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400078694.

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In the 1980s and 1990s vulnerable people worldwide have suffered assaults on their basic survival and civilized existence. Ethnic upheavals have convulsed the former Yugoslavia and new republics of the former USSR. The struggles have produced human tragedies beyond calculation in Rwanda. Political terrorists have operated freely in some Latin American, Middle Eastern, and Asian countries. Hunger, disease, ethnic strife, and praetorian governments continue to stalk much of Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Economic restructuring has marginalized citizens of some countries, placing people even fu
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17

Grenier, Yvon. "Guérilla et terrorisme en Amérique latine." Études internationales 19, no. 4 (2005): 613–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702415ar.

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In this paper, we deal with the distinction between two specific forms of political mobilization in Latin America, guerrilla and terrorism. First, we try to identify and discuss the main historical events in the evolution of guerrilla mobilization. We emphasize the socio-political profile and the ideological dispositions which are usually related to the guerrilla mobilization. Then, we examine the two phenomenons in a comparative perspective. We argue that guerrilla is a form of political mobilization that entails a fundamental change in the political competition (which involves an internal wa
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18

Gautam, Sasmita. "Key Security Challenges of the Third World." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38846.

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While shaping an impression of the Third World from post-colonial, non-aligned to less developed states today, security concerns over the region, more or less, remained a status quo in a handful of international security scholars. This article explores various security challenges, including internal, regional, transnational and international of Asia, Africa and Latin American countries, the then considered Third World. Military interventions, illegal migration and narco-terrorism of Latin America; Demographic derivatives, ethnical conflicts and transnational organized crimes in Africa; Terrori
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19

Feldmann, Andreas E., and Maiju Perala. "Reassessing the Causes of Nongovernmental Terrorism in Latin America." Latin American Politics & Society 46, no. 2 (2004): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lap.2004.0020.

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20

Hager, Robert P. "Latin American terrorism and the Soviet connection revisited." Terrorism and Political Violence 2, no. 3 (1990): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559008427066.

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21

Meierrieks, Daniel, and Thomas Gries. "Economic Performance And Terrorist Activity In Latin America." Defence and Peace Economics 23, no. 5 (2012): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2012.656945.

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22

Basile, Teresa. "Testimonios y militancias de mujeres en Argentina: Revolución, Derechos Humanos y Feminismo." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 9, no. 16 (2021): 62–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2021.511.

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In this article,will examine a specific moment in the trajectories of both women's testimony and militancy, which have traced very powerful and certainly varied paths in recent decades in Argentina and Latin America, beginning at the beginning of democracy, after the Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983), with women's testimonies on the sexual crimes suffered in clandestine detention centers (CCD). They are part of a second wave within the literary and cultural tradition of Latin American testimony. In a first movement, the testimony of revolutionary matrix, which includes ethnographic, guerrilla
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23

Weeks, Gregory. "Fighting the enemy within: Terrorism, the school of the Americas, and the military in Latin America." Human Rights Review 5, no. 1 (2003): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12142-003-1001-1.

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24

Nef, Jorge. "Crise politique et transnationalisation de l’État en Amérique latine : une interprétation théorique." Études internationales 17, no. 2 (2005): 279–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702005ar.

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If the crisis of the state has been a common trait in Latin America, its manifestations have not been the same throughout the continent. This article examines two general and apparently contraditory trends : the trend toward authoritarian capitalism resulting from the crisis of hegemony in South America and the trend towards popularly-based insurgency resulting from a crisis of domination in most of Central America. The author bases his general interpretation of these trends on the analysis of the historical and structural relationships between four factors identified as responsible for the dr
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Mitchell, Christopher. "The Significance of the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks for United States-Bound Migration in the Western Hemisphere." International Migration Review 36, no. 1 (2002): 29–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00067.x.

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The economic and political effects of the September 11 terrorist attacks weakened Latin American and Caribbean economies, reduced employment among Western Hemisphere immigrants living in the United States, and hindered new migrants' access to U.S. territory. Thus, the 9/11 events probably increased long-term motivations for northward migration in the hemisphere, while discouraging and postponing international population movement in the short run. In addition, the terrorist assaults dealt a sharp setback to a promising dialogue on immigration policies between the United States and Mexico. Those
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CASIS. "The Conflation of Organized Crime and Terrorism in Venezuela." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 3 (2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i3.1187.

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 On November 22, 2019, Victoria Dittmar presented on the “Conflation of Organized Crime and Terrorism in Venezuela” at the 2019 CASIS West Coast Security Conference. The presentation was followed by a group panel for questions & answers. Main discussion topics included organized crime and possible solutions for the aforementioned issue in Caribbean Latin America.
 
 
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Gutiérrez Marx, Graciela G. "Invisible Artists, or the Net Without a Fisherman … (My Life in Mail Art)." ARTMargins 1, no. 2–3 (2012): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00018.

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Perhaps we can think that mail art derives from Dada and link it to Fluxus, Filliou's proposal of an eternal network, and the highly innovative poetry and experimental art, born at the same time in different countries. GGMarx practiced collective creation, in poor areas of the southern cone of South America. In a broader and ideologically more sensitive context, a folk art appeared, thanks to the popular struggles in Cuba, México, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador and Argentina. The liberation movements, developed during the seventies, have marked t
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Toinet, Marie-France. "De Carter à Reagan : La politique salvadorienne des États-Unis." Études internationales 13, no. 3 (2005): 497–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701385ar.

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Ever since Monroe's doctrine and up to President Carter, the American foreign policy in Latin America has been remarkably continuous both from the point of view of objectives - the maintenance and extension of American influence and domination - and that of the pressures required to attain them - from direct military intervention to economic sanctions, including clandestine activities of destabilization. Carter came to power and from then on that policy rested on different principles which became expressed, particularly in the case of El Salvador, in pressures for the respect of human rights,
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Argote, Killiam A., Michael Molloy, Alexander Hart, Amalia Voskanyan, Ritu R. Sarin, and Gregory R. Ciottone. "Chemical Warfare Agent Terrorist Attacks in Latin America and the Caribbean Region (CWA-LAC)." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 34, s1 (2019): s13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x19000451.

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Introduction:In the past five decades, the region of Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) has been subject to several types of terrorist attacks, with most committed by local terrorist organizations. However, there have also been attacks by international terrorist groups. Internationally, terrorist attacks are increasing in both frequency and complexity. Significant concerns exist regarding the use of Chemical Warfare Agents (CWAs) in civilian settings. Asphyxiants (e.g. cyanide), opioids (e.g. fentanyl), and nerve agents (e.g. sarin) represent some of the most lethal CWAs. To date, there is
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Lagos, M. "Terrorism and the Image of the United States in Latin America." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 15, no. 1 (2003): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/15.1.95.

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31

Robert, Karen. "State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina, and International Human Rights." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 4 (2008): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-006.

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Oubiña, David. "Un cine fuera de sí: terrorismo estilístico en el udigrudi brasileño." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 7, no. 12 (2019): 338–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2019.382.

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The movement of underground cinema emerges in Latin America in the late sixties and, through radical formal experimentation, it tries to shape a political discourse. These films confront both with author cinema and with militant cinema. Apart from a shared countercultural attitude, the underground movement adopts different traits in each country. This article studies the modes implemented by Brazilian udigrudi to attack the cinema d’auteur in order to produce the figure of an author with mutant identity: cinematographic author is not anymore a subjectivity expressing itself artistically nor th
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Fernández, Viviana. "Detection of Breakpoints in Volatility." Estudios de Administración 11, no. 1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5354/0719-0816.2004.56796.

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In this article, we test for the presence of structural breaks in volatility by two alternative approaches: the Iterative Cumulative Sum of Squares (ICSS) algorithm and wavelet analysis. Specifically, we look at the effect of the outbreak of the Asian crisis and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 on Emerging Asia. Europe. Latin America and North America's stock markets. In addition, we focus on the behavior of interest rates in Chile after the Central Bank switched its monetary policy interest rate from an inflation-indexed to a nominal target in August 2001. Our estimation results sh
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Strashko, Y. I. "Modern Conflicts Features in Latin America. The Role of the OAS in the Settlement of the Falklands Conflict." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-177-183.

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The article is an attempt to give careful examination to the issue of intergovernmental conflicts and the OAS's (The Organization of American states) activity on ensuring security in Latin America in particular. The article's focus on last decades is not accidental. The 30-40th of the XX century were marked by major military conflicts in South America that, however, were sidelined after the Second World War. Created on the verge of the Cold war the OAS was considered by the States as a barrier to the spread of communist threat in the Western Hemisphere and in such a capacity the organization w
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Cavallaro, James L., and Stephanie Erin Brewer. "Never Again? The Legacy of the Argentine and Chilean Dictatorships for the Global Human Rights Regime." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 39, no. 2 (2008): 233–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2008.39.2.233.

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Widespread forced disappearances, summary executions, and torture practiced by the military regimes in Argentina and Chile came to define human rights abuse during the 1970s and 1980s. Opposition to these practices and their parent regimes helped to shape the contemporary human rights movement and, by extension, human rights norms and institutions. Thomas C. Wright's State Terrorism in Latin America contends that the movement's struggle with the Argentine and Chilean dictatorships resulted in an era of greater deterrence and enforcement power for human rights institutions. Sonia Cardenas' Conf
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Saavedra, Boris. "Confronting Terrorism in Latin America: Building up Cooperation in the Andean Ridge Region." Low Intensity Conflict & Law Enforcement 12, no. 3 (2004): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662840500072847.

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Vitelli, Marina Gisela. "The Impossibility of a Defence Policy in the Americas? Comparing Hemispheric and South American Security Concepts and Military Roles." Contexto Internacional 42, no. 1 (2020): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-8529.2019420100004.

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Abstract This article analyses the competing security perspectives of hemispheric and South American defence cooperation initiatives. While the Organization of American States (OAS) emphasises domestic roles for armed forces in the region, concentrating on internal threats such as organised crime and terrorism, the South American Defence Council (CDS) emphasises the traditional conception of security, concentrating on the defence of sovereign states against external military threats. Despite its apparent consistency, the concept of deterrent cooperation has not taken hold. While the literature
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BOTTA, FELIX A. JIMÉNEZ. "The Foreign Policy of State Terrorism: West Germany, the Military Juntas in Chile and Argentina and the Latin American Refugee Crisis of the 1970s." Contemporary European History 27, no. 4 (2018): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000024.

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This article analyses West German foreign policy towards state terrorism in Chile and Argentina and towards political refugees fleeing these regimes. Pressured by grassroots activists, Willy Brandt's government took a hard stance against the Chilean military junta and established an asylum programme for refugees from Chile. Under Helmut Schmidt, however, the official attitude towards state terrorism changed. West Germany welcomed the military coup in Buenos Aires, accepted the Argentinean junta's position that repressive measures were necessary to fight ‘subversion’, flatly refused to accept a
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Rondon, M. B. "From Marianism to terrorism: the many faces of violence against women in Latin America." Archives of Women's Mental Health 6, no. 3 (2003): 157–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00737-003-0169-3.

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Chiesa, Luis E. "The Rise of Spanish and Latin American Criminal Theory." New Criminal Law Review 11, no. 3 (2008): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2008.11.3.363.

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As the contributions to this two-part special issue demonstrate, Spanish and Latin American criminal theory has attained a remarkable degree of sophistication. Regrettably, Anglo-American scholars have had limited access to this rich body of literature. With this volume, the New Criminal Law Review has taken a very important first step toward rectifying this situation. Although the articles written for this special issue cover a vast range of subjects, they can be divided into four main categories: (1) the legitimacy of the criminal sanction, (2) the punishability of omissions, (3) the challen
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Hollander, Nancy Caro. "The Gendering of Human Rights: Women and the Latin American Terrorist State." Feminist Studies 22, no. 1 (1996): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3178246.

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Zopf, Bradley J. "A Different Kind of Brown: Arabs and Middle Easterners as Anti-American Muslims." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 4, no. 2 (2017): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649217706089.

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The growth of nonwhite/nonblack ethnoracial minority groups, especially Latina/os, Asians, and Arab/Middle Easterners, is redefining the United States racial landscape. These groups, which defy straightforward racial classification and occupy different positions in the racial order, challenge narrow conceptualizations of race based on skin color and phenotype. Interviews with 53 Egyptian and Egyptian Americans reveal the existence of a brown racialization that simultaneously homogenizes, yet differentiates, brown-skinned ethnoracial groups. Their narratives indicate a brown ethnoracial categor
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Carballo, Rita R., María M. Carballo, Carmelo J. León, and Sergio Moreno Gil. "LA PERCEPCIÓN DEL RIESGO Y SU IMPLICACIÓN EN LA GESTIÓN Y PROMOCIÓN DE LOS DESTINOS TURÍSTICOS. EL EFECTO MODERADOR DEL DESTINO." Cuadernos de Turismo, no. 47 (May 28, 2021): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/turismo.473991.

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El propósito de este estudio es examinar como contribuyen los distintos tipos de riesgos (terrorismo, accidente, delincuencia, salud, catástrofes) a los que se enfrenta los turistas a la percepción de riesgo final sobre los destinos. Asimismo, el trabajo analiza el efecto moderador del destino en las relaciones causales establecidas entre los tipos de riesgos y el riesgo percibido. Para ello se comparan dos grupos de destinos: Europa (Islas Canarias, España) y Latinoamérica, con los destinos de Brasil y Colombia. El trabajo se realizó mediante encuestas online a través de una empresa especiali
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Muñoz Acosta, Deivy Alejandro, Daniel Ricardo Cardona Cortes, and Jimy Alexander Cortés Osorio. "Iris biometric recognition of latin american eyes in a white light controlled environment." Scientia et Technica 25, no. 2 (2020): 321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.22517/23447214.22861.

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Iris biometric recognition has taken a great interest in the last decade. Many private and public facilities need to improve their security access due to the increasing terrorist attacks, the growing number of fraud and identity theft among other felonies. The regular technologies are almost all based on infrared light illumination due to the ease of using this for texture approach recognition. Even Though this technique is suitable in most cases, the highest price of these cameras on the market demands the research of either daylight or a white light solution. There are some known iris databa
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Desai, Raj, and Harry Eckstein. "Insurgency: The Transformation of Peasant Rebellion." World Politics 42, no. 4 (1990): 441–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010510.

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The nature of insurgencies is an ambiguous concept. As a step toward theory about it and prudent action in regard to it, the authors argue that insurgency should be regarded as a syncretic phenomenon—a highly potent compound that combines the “spirit” of archaic peasant rebellions (their apocalyptic, millenarian passions) with modern revolutionary ideologies and organization, and the practice of guerrilla warfare. Insurgency thus supplies both the “steam” and the “piston box” that Trotsky considered an irresistible revolutionary combination. The syncretic mix of disparate elements in insurgenc
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Coleman, Diana Murtaugh. "El Sur También Existe: Imagining futures." Cultural Dynamics 31, no. 4 (2019): 365–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374019860937.

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Guantánamo is infamous as a site of extra-legal detention in the wake of 9/11; more than a single site, it is part of a web of the United States’ militarization operating in the Global South. An area of the military base is now being revitalized as a new camp for climate change–related mass migration events predicted to occur throughout the Caribbean and Latin America. In February 2018, RQ Construction, LLC (Carlsbad, California) won a 23-million-dollar contract to build a “Contingency Mass Migration Complex” at Guantánamo to house migrants and personnel at the military base in a massive tent
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Mazrui, Ali. "Liberal Islam versus Moderate Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (2005): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.1696.

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There is a tendency to equate liberal Islam with moderate Islam. Yet thereare occasions when to be liberal demands a sense of outrage and rebellion.The causes of the political radicalization of Islam are different from theroots of theological conservatism. For decades, the Royal House of SaudiArabia has been theologically conservative but not politically radical.Indeed, for a long time the monarchy in Riyadh was a classic example ofhow a Muslim regime could be politically pro-western without being culturallywesternized. Was the Saudi regime politically moderate withoutbeing doctrinally liberal
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Golash-Boza, Tanya. "Racialized and Gendered Mass Deportation and the Crisis of Capitalism." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (2016): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.610.

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By the time President Obama leaves the Oval Office there will have been 3 million deportations from the United States during his eight years in office. This sum is 50 percent more than the total number of all deportations prior to 1997, and far more than any previous U.S. president. I argue in this essay that the confluence of four factors in recent years has created the conditions for mass deportation from the United States: (1) nearly all deportees are Latin American and Caribbean men; (2) the rise of a politics of fear in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001; (3) the
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Barbero, Iker. "Citizenship, identity and otherness: the orientalisation of immigrants in the contemporary Spanish legal regime." International Journal of Law in Context 12, no. 3 (2016): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744552316000252.

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AbstractSpain is one of the few countries in the EU where Islam has had a historical role in the social and cultural construction of its identity. However, its modern history is marked by acts of repudiation of non-Christian cultures. Opinion polls indicate that certain groups of immigrants from North Africa, Latin America and Eastern Europe, but mainly Muslims, are considered to be incompatible with the popular conception of Spanish identity. The reason for this perception is related to the social construction of the immigrant as the ‘other to govern’ by political, academic and media discours
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Pavlov, N., and K. Khderi. "German Federal Republic and Crisis in Syria: Active Mediator or Passive Observer?" World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 12 (2020): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-12-78-86.

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During the Cold War, the involvement of the Federal Republic of Germany into the settlement of regional conflicts was insignificant. The situation started to change after German reunification which lead to the increase in Germany’s role in the international arena. Political, diplomatic and economic instruments started to belong to the main features of German foreign policy in the region and created a positive image among the Arab countries. Today, at first sight, the Middle East does not belong to the top priorities of German foreign policy. However, in the foreign policy hierar¬chy, the regio
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