Journal articles: 'Terrorists Turkey'

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Teichmann, Fabian Maximilian Johannes. "Financing of terrorism through the banking system." Journal of Money Laundering Control 22, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 188–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-07-2017-0026.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to illustrate that it remains feasible for terrorists to use the banking system to transfer funds to finance their activities. Design/methodology/approach Based upon a qualitative content analysis of 15 informal interviews with financiers of terrorism and 15 formal interviews with compliance experts and law enforcement officers, concrete methods of financing terrorism through the banking system can be described. Findings Even though banks have implemented strict control mechanisms, they often do not give the same attention to terrorism financing as they do to money laundering. Recently, refugees and “tourists” may have been involved in terrorism financing. When it comes to transferring larger amounts of money, terrorists do not necessarily act in their own name, but rather hire “straw men”. Some terrorists have proceeded to set up real companies in Turkey. Terrorists can explain why funds need to be transferred from Europe to Turkey through “charitable contributions”. Transfers of large amounts of money can also be facilitated by lawsuits. Research limitations/implications The findings are based on semi-standardized interviews limited to the perspectives of the 30 interviewees. Practical implications The identification of gaps in current terrorism-financing prevention mechanisms provides both compliance officers and legislators with valuable insights. Originality/value Whilst the existing literature focuses on understanding the channels terrorists can use to finance their activities and on developing prevention mechanisms, this paper emphasizes that terrorists can still use the banking system to accomplish their goals. This paper illustrates ways terrorists can transfer funds through banks.

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Ekici, Niyazi, Murat Ozkan, Ahmet Celik, and Michael G. Maxfield. "Outsmarting Terrorists in Turkey." Crime Prevention and Community Safety 10, no. 2 (March 26, 2008): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpcs.2008.3.

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Turer, Ahmet, and Robyn Diehl McDougle. "The Impact of Sincerity of Terrorists on Committing Terrorist Activities in Turkey." Open Journal of Social Sciences 03, no. 09 (2015): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2015.39034.

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Yesil, Bilge, and Efe Kerem Sozeri. "Online Surveillance in Turkey: Legislation, Technology and Citizen Involvement." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 543–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6637.

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The AKP government has constructed an online surveillance regime (not to mention censorship) via various legal and technical means. This article analyzes the emergence and expansion of online surveillance within the context of the AKP’s authoritarian practices that are interwoven with its nationalist and populist politics. It begins with an overview of legal and technical initiatives aimed at enhancing online surveillance, data collection and retention. It then focuses on the AKP’s recent strategies designed to bolster this online surveillance regime such as the institutionalization of online “snitching” via a newly-introduced social media app that enables citizen-informants to “report terrorists” to the authorities. The article argues that the AKP’s recent strategies and rationalities to regulate the conduct of online users are aligned with principles of “governing at a distance” and are informed by both its authoritarianism (exemplified by the repression of all forms of dissent in the broader media ecosystem) and its right-wing nationalism and populism (as seen in the stigmatizing of critical voices and/or certain groups as sources of threat, labelling them as “being against the nation” and as “terrorists”).

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Oxnevad, Ian. "The Illicit Economy in Turkey: How Criminals, Terrorists, and the Syrian Conflict Fuel Underground Markets." Turkish Studies 21, no. 3 (August 16, 2019): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2019.1654382.

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Chernobrov, Dmitry. "Who is the modern ‘traitor’? ‘Fifth column’ accusations in US and UK politics and media." Politics 39, no. 3 (May 24, 2018): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395718776215.

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Accusations of treason and disloyalty have been increasingly visible in both western and international politics in recent years, from Russia and Turkey, to Brexit and the 2016 US presidential election. This article explores ‘traitor’ accusations in modern politics, with evidence from British and American newspapers for 2011–2016. Besides British and American politics, results reveal reported ‘fifth column’ accusations in over 40 countries. I identify three dominant patterns: authoritarian states describing opposition movements as a ‘fifth column’; suspicion of western Muslim populations as potential terrorists; and the use of traitor language to denote party dissent in western politics. Employed across the political spectrum, and not only by right-wing or populist movements, accusations of treason and betrayal point at a deeper breakdown of social trust and communicate collective securitizing responses to perceived threats.

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Mete, Mustafa. "The Effects of Terrorist Activities on Development in the Southeastern Region of Turkey-Theoretical and Empirical Application." International Journal of Economics and Finance 8, no. 4 (March 23, 2016): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v8n4p229.

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<p>Terrorist activities affect and continue to cause social, political, cultural and economic problems for Turkey just as they do to many parts of the world. Investors would prefer to move their capital into safer regions due to the problem of terrorism and this affects the distribution of development. This study, aims at demonstrating the extent at which terrorism has affected development in the South-eastern Anatolia region of Turkey. This study will look at the investment volumes in 9 provinces located in southeast Turkey. We will also look at terrorist activities in these provinces as well as discussing the relationship between investment preferences and terrorism. Firstly, we will look at terrorist incidents in these provinces, the number of provinces affected by terrorist activities, number of people dying from terrorist related activities, state and industrial investments as well as determining the number of industrial workers in these provinces. For this purpose, as a case study, we will investigate investments in Gaziantep which is a city located in the Southern eastern Anatolia region and the sixth largest city in Turkey with a lot of private investments. In this study, a questionnaire was administered to ninety-three (93) big companies who are doing foreign trade with at least one country. The questionnaire administered was easy and used a detailed cross-question analysis. According to the study, it was discovered that there is an inverse relationship between the private investment demand and the frequency of terrorist incidences and then this relationship was discussed in detail.</p>

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Issaev, Leonid M., Marat B. Aisin, Ilya A. Medvedev, and Andrey V. Korotayev. "Islamic Terrorism in the Middle East and its Impact on Global Security." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-713-730.

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This paper examines the impact of the increase in terrorist activity in the Middle East after the Arab Spring on the terrorist threat in other parts of the world. The aim of the work is to clarify, using quantitative methods, the factors, mechanisms and scale of the spread of Islamist terrorism from the Middle East. A qualitative study of time series with partial formalization is used to identify time lags between the rise of Islamist terrorism in the Middle East and its intensification in other parts of the world. It has been demonstrated that the rapid growth in the number of terrorist attacks recorded in the world after 2010 was primarily due to the explosive growth of Islamist terrorist activity in the Afrasian zone of instability in general and in the Middle East in particular. There is considerable evidence to suggest that this spurred terrorist activity after 2013 in the U.S., Western Europe, Turkey and Russia. The analysis shows that the Islamic State (ISIS) and its affiliates (prohibited in Russian Federation) have acted as the main export agent of terrorism to these countries and regions in an attempt to retaliate military strikes carried out by foreign powers in the Middle East. Among these foreign countries, Turkey was particularly hard hit by the increase in terrorist activities - the level of terrorist activity in Turkey between 2013 and 2014 grew 14 times. In the United States and Western Europe, the onslaught of Islamist terrorism has been accompanied by a threefold increase in the number of terrorist attacks recorded. A similar scale of the Middle East terrorist echo was observed in the Russian Federation. The ISIS efforts to expand and develop terrorist networks in Russia also resulted in the tripling of a number of terrorist attacks in this country. However, it would be wrong to exaggerate the scale of the Middle East terrorist echo in Russia. The previous waves of the terrorist threat between 2002 and 2004, as well as the second half of the 2000s (an echo effect of the Chechen wars) were much larger.

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Rodoplu, Ulkumen, Jeffrey Arnold, and Gurkan Ersoy. "Terrorism in Turkey." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000285.

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AbstractOver the past two decades, terrorism has exacted an enormous toll on the Republic of Turkey, a secular democracy with a 99.8% Muslim population. From 1984 to 2000, an estimated 30,000 to 35,000 Turkish citizens were killed by a nearly continuous stream of terrorism-related events. During this period, the Partiya Karekeren Kurdistan (PKK), a Kurdish separatist group (re-named KADEK in 2002), was responsible for the vast majority of terrorism-related events (and casualties), which disproportionately affected the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey, in which the PKK has focused its activities. Most terrorist attacks over the past two decades have been bombings or shootings that produced <10 casualties per event. From 1984 to 2003, 15 terrorist attacks produced ≥30 casualties (eight shootings, five bombings, and two arsons). The maximum number of casualties produced by any of these events was 93 in the Hotel Madimak arson attack by the Tu r kish Islamic Movement in 1993.This pattern suggests that terrorist attacks in Turkey rarely required more than local systems of emergency medical response, except in rural areas where Emergency Medical Services (EMS) are routinely provided by regional military resources. The last decade has seen the development of several key systems of local emergency response in Turkey, including the establishment of the medical specialty of Emergency Medicine, the establishment of training programs for EMS providers, the spread of a generic, Turkish hospital emergency plan based on the Hospital Emergency Incident Command System, and the spread of advanced training in trauma care modeled after Advanced Trauma Life Support.

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Rodoplu, Ulkumen, Jeffrey Arnold, and Gurkan Ersoy. "Terrorism in Turkey." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000923.

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AbstractOver the past two decades, terrorism has exacted an enormous toll on the Republic of Turkey, a secular democracy with a 99.8% Muslim population. From 1984 to 2000, an estimated 30,000 to 35,000 Turkish citizens were killed by a nearly continuous stream of terrorism-related events. During this period, the Partiya Karekeren Kurdistan (PKK), a Kurdish separatist group (re-named KADEK in 2002), was responsible for the vast majority of terrorism-related events (and casualties), which disproportionately affected the eastern and southeastern regions of Turkey, in which the PKK has focused its activities. Most terrorist attacks over the past two decades have been bombings or shootings that produced <10 casualties per event. From 1984 to 2003, 15 terrorist attacks produced ≥30 casualties (eight shootings, five bombings, and two arsons). The maximum number of casualties produced by any of these events was 93 in the Hotel Madimak arson attack by the Tu r kish Islamic Movement in 1993.This pattern suggests that terrorist attacks in Turkey rarely required more than local systems of emergency medical response, except in rural areas where Emergency Medical Services (EMS) are routinely provided by regional military resources. The last decade has seen the development of several key systems of local emergency response in Turkey, including the establishment of the medical specialty of Emergency Medicine, the establishment of training programs for EMS providers, the spread of a generic, Turkish hospital emergency plan based on the Hospital Emergency Incident Command System, and the spread of advanced training in trauma care modeled after Advanced Trauma Life Support.

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Bassil, Charbel. "The Effect of Terrorism on Tourism Demand in the Middle East." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 20, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0032.

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AbstractThis paper uses a seemingly unrelated regression model (SUR) to test the individual effects of domestic and transnational terrorism on tourism demand to Lebanon, Turkey and Israel over the period 1995–2007. Tourism demand is measured by the logarithm of the number of arrivals to each country. Moreover, this paper tests whether tourism depends on the magnitude of the terrorist attacks by disaggregating terrorism into three levels of intensity – low, medium and high. The results show significant own and spillover effects for domestic and transnational terrorism on tourism demand to each of the three selected countries. In addition, the results show that the effect of terrorism on tourism depends on the intensities of the terrorist attacks.

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Bilgel, Fırat, and Burhan Can Karahasan. "The Economic Costs of Separatist Terrorism in Turkey." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 2 (July 10, 2016): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576572.

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Turkey has been suffering from separatist terrorism and the political conflict it implies since the mid-1980s, both of which are believed to have a negative impact on economic welfare. This article investigates the economic costs of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorism, particularly in the Eastern and Southeastern provinces of Turkey by invoking the synthetic control method. We create a synthetic control group that mimics the socioeconomic characteristics of the provinces exposed to terrorism before the PKK terrorism emerged in the mid-1980s. We then compare the real gross domestic product (GDP) of the synthetic provinces without terrorism to the actual provinces with terrorism for the period 1975 to 2001. Causal inference is carried out by comparing the real per capita GDP gap between the synthetic and actual provinces against the intensity of PKK terrorist activity. Extended over a period of fourteen years (1988 to 2001), we find that after the emergence of terrorism, the per capita real GDP in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia declined by about 6.6 percent relative to a comparable synthetic Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia without terrorism.

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Anjum, Ubair. "A Review of Refugees and Their Mental Health in the Perspective of World, and the Particular Issue of Afghan Refugees in Pakistan." International Journal of Culture and History 7, no. 1 (April 14, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijch.v7i1.16842.

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The mental health of the refugees is a matter of interest from the global perspective, as the refugees are reported to have several kinds of mental illness because of their flee from their home countries which could ultimately provoke the circumstances of the host countries. Pakistan is amongst the top listed countries providing the refuge to the displaced people after Lebanon, Jordan and, Turkey. The refugees have been reported to have behavioral and mental issues because they had gone through the awful situations of being exiled from their own land. Pakistan is serving the refugees from decades on mandate of UNHCR, but has been victimized of worthy loss due to the extremists and terrorists hide in refugee camps, because of their psychopaths of criminality towards the host-nation. Pakistan still backed the Afghan refugees and declared to provide the nationality to those Afghan’s born in Pakistan. But, Pakistan doesn’t possess any certain act or policy concerning the Afghan refugee till now, the mandate of UNHCR has been following as well as the health facilities and betterments for refugees are accordingly. By unveiling the certain issue mental health of the refugees in general the recommendations has been presented as well as by focusing the matter of the Afghan Refugees the ultimate policy is devised to consider for betterment in state-backed by the evidence gathered contextually.

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TRUEVTSEV, K. M. "MIDDLE EAST: MORPHOLOGY OF AND POST-CONFLICT DESIGN." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 143–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-2.

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This article looks at the structure and the dynamics of the Middle Eastern crisis set in motion by the events of the Arab Spring. At the heart of the crisis was Syria, where antigovernment protests broke out in early 2011, almost in parallel with other countries also affected by the Arab Spring. Starting from late March 2011, the unrest morphed into a civil war, leading to a large-scale crisis engulfing the country by the end of the year. At first, the opposition to the Syrian regime consisted of numerous groups with varying political affiliations – from liberals to Islamists – however, by early 2012, radical Islamism came to dominate the opposition forces. And by the end of the same year, the opposition was spearheaded by an openly terrorist organization – the al-Nusra Front, an outgrowth of the Syrian branch of Al-Qaeda. Over the same period, regional and international forces were becoming more and more involved in the Syrian crisis. Since 2012, in parallel with the Syrian crisis, there has been another internal conflict raging in the Middle East, namely in Iraq, with the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) taking the foreground and combining groups of Iraqi al-Qaeda militants with Baathist underground forces. In 2014–2015, ISIL took hold of large swaths of territory in Syria and Iraq, effectively turning the Syrian civil war into a regional conflict. In addition to Syria and Iraq, the ongoing crisis has involved – either directly or indirectly – such actors as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and a number of other regional powers. Turkey has been indirectly involved in the Syrian crisis since its very beginning, but starting from 2016 its engagement in the conflict has become much more active – not only in Syria, but also in Iraq. In 2013, Iran started to interfere in the Syrian crisis directly, using its Shia allies, and expanded its presence onto Iraq in 2014. Saudi Arabia and Qatar’s participation in the Syrian conflict has been indirect, mainly through military and financial assistance provided to their clients inside the country. However, Saudi Arabia’s activities in Syria have started to decline in 2015, due to its military involvement in Yemen, which – in a broader context – can be perceived as a peripheral component of the large regional conflict. In addition to the above mentioned components, one could also name a number of other equally important factors to the crisis. One of them is that the ranks of al- Nusra and ISIL militants have been reinforced not only by people coming from the Arab countries, but also from the citizens of Western Europe, North America and the former USSR. Another factor has been the growing role of Kurdish groups in the confrontation with the terrorists, especially with ISIL. This has led to the creation of a Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. At the same time, an armed confrontation began in Turkish Kurdistan, which Turkey views as a threat to its territorial integrity. The Syrian crisis has also been marked by involvement of global powers, such as the US and Russia. The US-led international coalition has not succeeded in changing the course of the conflict – on the other hand, Russia’s involvement since the second half of 2015 has made a significant difference. With the end of the campaign against ISIL already in view, and with the prospects for a successful intra- Syrian settlement, it would seem reasonable to raise the question of the post-conflict configuration of the region, which is discussed at the end of the article.

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Çora, Dr Hakan. "An Analysis on Significant International Issues of US-Turkey Relations during 2001-2019 Period." Psychology and Education Journal 58, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 546–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/pae.v58i1.805.

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Following 9/11, the United States of America set new goals such as the global fight against terrorism, intervention in countries supporting terrorism, and the provision of democracy. It created a common threat perception and implemented policies of cooperation with other western states. Turkey became an essential ally for the US as it has a Muslim identity and has close ties with the Middle East, which the US wants to shape due to the common terror perception. However, while the US-Turkey relations continue positively in general, it witnessed some unforgettable developments. We can exemplify the events that directly affect the security dimension of Turkish-US relations following the 9/11 as following: March 1 Memorandum, the raid by US soldiers with peshmerga to the outpost that is used by Turkish Special Forces, US support to PKK, April 24 statement on Armenian Issue, Wikileaks documents along with US policy toward Turkey, extradition of Fethullah Gulen, leader of FETO/PYD terrorist organization, the trial of Pastor Brunson, S-400 crisis, Syria cross-border intervention.

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Atilla, YAYLA. "Terrorism In Turkey." Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 44, no. 3 (1989): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/sbfder_0000001527.

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Knoops, Geert-Jan A. "International Terrorism: The Changing Face of International Extradition and European Criminal Law." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 10, no. 2 (June 2003): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0301000203.

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From 1996 onwards the international legal community has been trying to establish a general anti-terrorism treaty. Despite several attempts to reach agreement on such a general treaty within the framework of an ad hoc commission of the General Assembly of the UN, this goal has never been fulfilled, due to a lack of consensus on the definition of the concept of terrorism. For the very same reason, the offence of terrorism has not been incorporated in the ICC Statute. This raises the question of the extent to which international criminal law is sufficiently equipped to combat international terrorism, particularly considering the effects of the September 11 attacks on national and international criminal law, as well as the fact that an International Extradition Convention with respect to International Terrorism is still lacking. The additional need for such a uniform treaty recently became apparent following the terrorist attacks in Bali and Mombasa (Kenya). At the same time, the EU, with the advent of the European Arrest Warrant (EAW), is entering a new era with regard to combating terrorism. The purpose of this development is in principle to abolish the present extradition formalities and obstacles. However, the recent decision of 10 December 2002, issued by the Extradition Chamber of the District Court in Amsterdam, which rejected an extradition request concerning a person suspected of being a member of the Turkish PKK, an organization prohibited in Turkey, also emphasizes the importance of the ‘Rule of Law’ in the area of suppressing terrorism on both the global and European level.

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Yazıcı, Hanefi. "PKK Terrorism in Turkey." Open Journal of Political Science 06, no. 03 (2016): 310–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2016.63027.

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Ergil, Doğu. "Suicide terrorism in Turkey." Civil Wars 3, no. 1 (March 2000): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698240008402430.

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Perez, Frank. "Terrorism: Lingering threat to Turkey?" Terrorism 11, no. 5 (January 1988): 359–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576108808435733.

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Sieczko, Anna. "Wpływ terroryzmu na wybór destynacji turystycznych." Turystyka i Rozwój Regionalny, no. 7 (December 29, 2017): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/tirr.2017.7.9.

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The aim of this paper was to investigate influence of terrorist attacks on tourists’ decisions about directions of theirs tours. Research was conducted in 2017 and covered 118 tourists. Additionally, approaches used by subjects to avoid the threat were presented. Interviewees evaluated that France, Turkey and Egypt are the most threatened countries by terrorist attacks.

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Hashim, Rosnani. "Rethinking Islamic Education in Facing the Challenges of the Twenty-first Century." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i4.1676.

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The Muslim ummah, as a world community, faces many challenges at thethreshold of the new century. The fateful event of 9/11 has revealed yetanother facet of the problems plaguing Muslim society: the existence ofradical, or what some media have labeled “militant,” Muslim groups.Despite the Muslim world’s condemnation of the 9/11 terrorist attack, theUnited States considered itself the victim and thus launched its “war againstterrorism” against the alleged perpetrators: the Taliban and al-Qaeda. Iraq,which was alleged to be building weapons of mass destruction (WMDs)and assisting al-Qaeda, became the second target. Iran would have becomethe immediate third target if the international community had supported theBush administration’s unilateral declaration of war against Iraq. But it didnot, for the allegations could not be proven.Unfortunately, this new American policy has not helped to curb aggressionor terrorism; rather, it has caused radical groups to run amok andindulge in even more acts of terrorism in Israel, Palestine, Indonesia, Turkey,Spain, Iraq, and Saudi Arabia. The 9/11 tragedy has caused the West to holdmore negative images of Muslims and Islam and has made life more difficultfor Muslims living in the West. In response, anti-Americanism hasgrown throughout the world, particularly in the Muslim world.1September 11 seemed to provide certain Muslim governments with thelicense to combat terrorism on the local front more rigorously. This actionheightened the conflicts between local Muslims and the ruling governments,as in the case of General Musharraf of Pakistan, who decided to cooperatewith Washington in its “war against terrorism” by providing bases forAmerican forces. After 9/11, Egypt, Tunisia, and Malaysia all receivedrepeated praise from Washington for their experience and seriousness incombating terrorism and joining the alliance against it, despite their trackrecord on, for example, human rights violations vis-à-vis the ruling elites’ ...

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Nadein-Rayevsky, V. "Extremism and terrorism in contemporary Turkey." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2017): 182–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2017-1-182-204.

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Cubukcu, Suat, and Brian Forst. "Measuring Terrorism." Homicide Studies 22, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 94–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1088767917737808.

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This study investigates the extent of reporting and nature of biases in open-source (OS) terrorism databases. We compare OS accounts with official accounts on terrorism events in Turkey (1996-2012). Results indicate (a) substantial systematic discrepancy between OS and official accounts, which we attribute primarily to underreporting in OS accounts; (b) the discrepancy is not random—incident characteristics (victim/target, offender, and incident types, temporal and spatial factors) and rational factors (especially newsworthiness) matter; and (c) severity is the strongest predictor of the probability of OS coverage.

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MALYSHEVA, D. B. "POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF TURKEY IN THE CONTEXT OF THE REFERENDUM ON 16 APRIL." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 2 (November 2, 2017): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-2-167-180.

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The article deals with the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey in the sphere of internal and foreign policy in the light of the referendum held on April 16, 2017 on the issue of the extension of powers of the head of state. The preconditions and consequences of the transition of Turkey from a parliamentary political system to a presidential one are analyzed, as well as the problem of stability of the internal political situation in the republic in the conditions of the economic crisis, the unresolved Kurdish problem, the increase of terrorist threat. In the article the changes in the positioning of Turkey in the international arena appeared after the referendum, in particular in the relations with the European Union which Turkey has tried to join for a long time are revealed. Special attention is paid to the international and political activity of Turkey in the Middle East region and in the Syrian conflict zone where the military confrontation sparked the activation of radical Islamist movements and terrorist structures. The evolution of the Turkish approaches to the crisis in Syria is analyzed, the role of Turkey which with Russia and Iran has become a guarantor of peaceful settlement within the framework of Astana process is estimated. Based on the analysis of the peculiarities of the transformation of Turkey as a regional power a conclusion is made about the postreferendum continuity of the political course in the sphere of internal and foreign policy and that within the framework of the presidential political system developing in the republic one can expect greater dynamics in the adoption of economic, political and international solutions.

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Karmon, Ely. "Islamic terrorist activities in turkey in the 1990s." Terrorism and Political Violence 10, no. 4 (December 1998): 101–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559808427484.

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Yavuz, M. Sunay, Mahmut Asirdizer, Gursel Cetin, M. Fatih Yavuz, F. Nuray Cansunar, and R. Ozdemir Kolusayin. "Deaths due to terrorist bombings in Istanbul (Turkey)." Journal of Clinical Forensic Medicine 11, no. 6 (December 2004): 308–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcfm.2004.06.002.

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Tkachuk, L. "GLOBAL POLITICAL INSTABILITY AS A FACTOR OF INTERNATIONAL TOURISM." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Geography, no. 70-71 (2018): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2721.2018.70.23.

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The article is devoted to the disclosure the ways in which the global international political instability influence the international tourism. In particular, the components of global international political instability are described and indices that determine the level of security and threats in different countries of the world are analyzed. Political stability and safety are prerequisites for tourism; even the threat of events such as civil unrest and terrorism can cause tourists to rethink their decision to visit a destination. In order to evaluate how different components of geopolitical instability influence on international tourism, the results of surveys of consumer behaviour of tourists for different years are analyzed. Terrorism is identified as the most alarming for travellers type of geopolitical factors. Over 40% of all international travellers plan to change their travel behaviour due to terror concerns. The safest and dangerous, from the tourists point of view, destinations are disclosed. Destinations such as Turkey, Egypt and Tunisia which have all suffered terror attacks in recent years are still seen as particularly unsafe. And the USA and the UK are new on the list of ‘potentially endangered’ destinations. It is proposed to consider the global instability as the geopolitical risks of international tourism because of unpredictable of its effect for different tourist destinations. The geopolitical risk for tourism is defined as the risk associated with wars, terrorist acts, and tensions between states that affect international tourism. Countries affected by political unrest inevitably experience a decline in the number of international tourists and tourism receipts however on different scales. On the other hand, some destinations which are seen as particularly safe could thus benefit from the travellers who shift destinations due to the terrorist threat. Recommendations on levelling negative effects of geopolitical instability for tourist demand are formulated. The course of action should be targeted at four key fields: crisis management, incentives for tourists, perception management and rebranding of the tourism destination.

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Feridun, Mete. "Impact of terrorism on tourism in Turkey: empirical evidence from Turkey." Applied Economics 43, no. 24 (September 2011): 3349–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00036841003636268.

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Criss, Nur Bilge. "The nature of PKK terrorism in Turkey." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 18, no. 1 (January 1995): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109508435965.

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Yaya, Mehmet E. "TERRORISM AND TOURISM: THE CASE OF TURKEY." Defence and Peace Economics 20, no. 6 (December 2009): 477–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242690903105414.

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Wilcox, Pamela, M. Murat Ozer, Murat Gunbeyi, and Tarkan Gundogdu. "Gender and Fear of Terrorism in Turkey." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 25, no. 3 (May 27, 2009): 341–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986209335011.

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Öney, Berna, and Torsten J. Selck. "What was the ‘Kurdish opening’ all about? A qualitative text analysis of parliamentary group speeches in Turkey." Ethnicities 17, no. 6 (March 30, 2017): 771–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817700934.

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This study explores the use of four discourses – socio-economic, relative deprivation, pro-Islamist and terrorism oriented – used by political parties in Turkey to address the Kurdish issue and the resulting political party strategies during the Kurdish opening in Turkey. Although the factors that influence the Kurdish issue have drawn attention, no research has analysed Turkish political parties’ perspectives on the Kurdish issue in primary political documents. By examining 188 parliamentary group speeches delivered during the Kurdish opening process with qualitative text analysis, this study reveals that the mainstream parties in the Turkish Parliament employ socio-economic, relative deprivation and regional terrorism approaches, while the ethnic parties use either regional terrorism and pro-Islamist approaches or the relative deprivation approach. Due to the overlap in their discourses, the mainstream parties have developed a new strategy: compartmentalization of the ethnic issue by creating sub-ethnic categories. This research contributes to revealing political parties’ approaches to the Kurdish question and their strategies for mobilizing the ethnic median voter.

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ORHUN, EDA. "THE IMPACT OF TERRORISM ON TURKISH BANKS’ STOCKS AND CROSS-BANK VARIATION OF ABNORMAL RETURNS." Global Economy Journal 20, no. 02 (June 2020): 2050011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565920500116.

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This paper investigates the impact of the recent terrorist attacks on the Turkish banking sector. Specifically, an event study analysis is executed to estimate the abnormal returns of banks’ stocks in Turkey. According to the results, negative and significant abnormal returns were observed on the event dates of terrorist attacks, those of which especially occurred at international points and touristic places. The study continues with a regression analysis that looks into the cross-bank variation of abnormal returns by using important bank characteristics as predictors. The regression analysis exhibits that banks with higher leverage and larger size are prone to getting more negatively affected by the terrorist attack. On the other hand, banks with higher liquidity and higher income level are likely to have less negative abnormal returns.

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Ulucak, Recep, Ali Gökhan Yücel, and Salih Çağrı İlkay. "Dynamics of tourism demand in Turkey: Panel data analysis using gravity model." Tourism Economics 26, no. 8 (January 29, 2020): 1394–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816620901956.

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Turkey, an emerging economy, ranked 8th among the most visited countries in the world in 2017. Given the importance of the tourism sector in Turkey, it is of utmost importance to identify the dynamics of tourism demand to achieve sustainable tourism. The aim of this article is, therefore, to explore the demand-side factors that affect the number of international tourist arrivals to Turkey. To this end, an augmented gravity model has been employed to analyze the factors affecting the number of international tourists visiting Turkey from the top 25 originating countries from 1998 to 2017. The results show that the gravity model is very effective in explaining the tourist arrivals to Turkey. Empirical findings suggest that per capita income of both origin country and Turkey, relative exchange rate, and globalization positively affect the demand for tourism, while it is negatively affected by consumer price index, violence/terrorism, household debt level, and bilateral distance between Turkey and the origin country.

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Sikuta, Jan. "Threats of Terrorism and the European Court of Human Rights." European Journal of Migration and Law 10, no. 1 (2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138836407x261317.

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AbstractThis contribution is aiming to provide a reader with a brief overview of selected relevant case-law of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg ("the Court"), somehow relating to the acts of terrorism. It shows the evolution of the Courts case-law from the very first case of Lawless v. Ireland, lodged to the Court in 1959, through the case of Osman v. UK, involving the positive obligation of a State to protect the life of its citizens and case of Ocalan v. Turkey, up to the case of Cetin and Others v. Turkey, dealing with terrorism and media (Article 10 of the Convention).The aim of this contribution is also to give a very brief views on the issue of terrorism from the aspects of different provisions of the Convention, starting with the Article 1 of the Convention and ending with Article 10 of the Convention, in order to provide participants of the Conference with short, but rather "plastic" picture of the Courts' case-law related to the mentioned issue.

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Akyuz, Kadir, and Todd Armstrong. "Understanding the Sociostructural Correlates of Terrorism in Turkey." International Criminal Justice Review 21, no. 2 (May 12, 2011): 134–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567711407332.

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Bjørkheim, Anders Sundstøl. "One terrorism to rule them all: Turkey, the PKK and global terrorism discourse." Journal of International Relations and Development 23, no. 3 (November 22, 2018): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41268-018-00167-z.

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Töngür, Aykut, and Hakan Batirhan Kara. "Critical discourse analysis on the news about terrorism: An analytical study on Turkish media." International Journal of Human Sciences 13, no. 1 (March 16, 2016): 1629. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/ijhs.v13i1.3663.

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Today, combating terrorism is accepted as an international issue. Turkey has struggled with this problem for years. Combating terrorism is not only a matter for the state or government to address, but nongovernmental organizations must be contribute to the process of developing strategies and policies against terrorism. Media organs may have contribution in fighting against terrorism and newspapers which can be tools to combat terrorism are the subject of this study. Three newspapers were selected as samples of this study and news reports relating to terror and terrorism in these newspapers were analyzed according to Van Dijk’s Critical Discourse Analysis. As a result of the findings of this study, it is seen that media organs are not free from biases and ruling ideology and political view effects newspapers, magazines or televisions while presenting terror news. At the end of the study, some suggestions were developed especially for the stakeholders in the fight against terrorism.

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Turkut, Emre. "Accommodating Security Imperatives v. Protecting Fundamental Rights." Security and Human Rights 28, no. 1-4 (April 1, 2018): 62–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02801002.

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This article seeks to illuminate the use of exceptional national security and emergency powers in the fight against terrorism in Turkey. The article is organized in four parts. Section i looks at the role of terrorism in the activation and justification of a state of emergency and introduces the Turkish case within this context. Section ii explores the historical origins of the Turkish state of emergency regime and analyses the principles regulating emergency regime at the Turkish domestic level. Section iii examines the operation of governmental emergency powers by providing an analysis of the state of emergency practices in Turkey, both past and present. A principal focus is necessarily directed at the state of emergency and the measures deployed within this framework in Turkey’s predominantly Kurdish southeast, where emergency rule was in force from 1987 to 2002, and the recent nationwide state of emergency in the wake of the 15 July attempted coup. Section iv presents concluding remarks.

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Uzun, Ruhdan. "National Interest vs. Online Freedom of Expression: The Discussions of Internet Users on the Blocking of ‘Wikipedia’ in Turkey." Etkileşim 3, no. 5 (April 2020): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32739/etkilesim.2020.5.82.

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In 2017, The Information and Communication Technologies Authority (ICTA) blocked online access to the online encyclopedia Wikipedia in Turkey due to its articles and comments that mention Turkey as a country that seems to be in coordination and aligned with various terrorist groups. Since then, the blocking has been criticized by Turkish people as a violation of the right of access to knowledge and a crackdown on online freedom of expression. However, freedom of expression becomes controversial when expression appears to threaten some important national interests. This paper aims at providing a framework for resolving questions about the recognition of online information rights, by finding out the rationale behind online users’ arguments on freedom of expression. In this article, online users’ comments on the blocking of Wikipedia in Turkey are analyzed. The findings reveal that most of the users disapprove the blocking. Both opponents and approvers discussed the issue by putting a broad framework and they put forward very different arguments to justify their attitude.

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Meri, Muthanna Faiq, and Abdelalim Fadel Wadi. "Russian -Turkish relations and current international alliances in the Middle East "Study on the effect and Impact"." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 11 (March 1, 2019): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i11.101.

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International relations are affected by the interests that may be achieved by States or if those interests are harmed as a result of internal and external factors that are exposed to this or that state. The bilateral international relations are also affected by the alliances to which one or both sides of the relationship is involved. A set of geopolitical, economic, security and ideological interests negatively and positively. Such relations were also affected by the policy of axes and international alliances, which have long been joined by the two countries to contradictory alliances that have strained their relations. Turkey is a member of the four-party alliance and Turkey is a member of the Islamic alliance and then of the international coalition to fight the oppressive organization and the terrorist groups in Iraq and Syria. Each of these alliances has its objectives and members whose views differ from those of other member states, Hence, the impact on relations between Russia and Turkey was clear.

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Derin-Güre, Pinar, and Adem Yavuz Elveren. "Does Income Inequality Derive the Separatist Terrorism in Turkey?" Defence and Peace Economics 25, no. 3 (February 21, 2013): 311–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242694.2013.763627.

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Isaac, Rami K., and Vanessa Velden. "The German source market perceptions: how risky is Turkey to travel to?" International Journal of Tourism Cities 4, no. 4 (December 3, 2018): 429–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijtc-11-2017-0057.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to get a better understanding of the influence of terrorism on risk perception and attitudes of the German travel behavior toward Turkey as a destination in crisis, which has been considered one of the biggest losers for 2016. Design/methodology/approach The research process involved an online self-administered method created with one of the leading research and web-based survey tools called Qualtrics. This tool has been considered useful to reach a wider target, the questionnaire filled in by 305 respondents. Findings The findings revealed a strong tendency of a low safety perception among the sample toward Turkey. Furthermore, a large proportion indicated a strong unlikelihood of traveling to the country within the upcoming 12 months independently of a past travel experience. In addition, Turkey and Egypt were the countries perceived as most unsafe among the mentioned destinations. Research limitations/implications The majority of the respondents of the study were aged between 50 and 59 years and were employed as commercial employee, office or administration workers. The outcomes might be different for a higher sample size with a tendency of various demographic characteristic such as age and profession. Furthermore, the study should be repeated while focusing on respondents with accompanied children on holidays, which only made up a minority for the present research study. Originality/value To the best of the knowledge, this is the first study to examine the influence of terrorism on risk perception and attitudes of the German travel behavior toward Turkey and their risk reduction strategies/preventive measures.

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CLINE, LAWRENCE E. "From Ocalan to Al Qaida: The Continuing Terrorist Threat in Turkey." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 27, no. 4 (July 2004): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100490461105.

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İğde, Murat, and Ahmet Kaplan. "Plastic Surgery Management of Victims of Terrorist Violence in Ankara, Turkey." Annals of Plastic Surgery 79, no. 6 (December 2017): 600–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/sap.0000000000001238.

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Shpakovskaya, Marina, Oleg Barnashov, Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah, Asadullah Noori, and Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad. "Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (October 1, 2020): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi59.

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The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.

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Svistunova, I. A. "THE SECURITY ASPECT OF TURKEY-UNITED STATES RELATIONS: IN SEARCH FOR A NEW MODEL." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-53-61.

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Security cooperation has always been an important aspect of the relations between Turkey and the USA. In Cold War era Turkish-American interaction within NATO played a crucial role in this cooperation. After that period the two countries began to search for a new model of their relations. Both Turkey and the USA started to use cooperation within NATO for the purpose of strengthening their global positions. At the same time the USA aspiration to use military bases in Turkey beyond NATO obligations frequently becomes a source of disagreement and crises in the relations of the two countries as it happened during the American intervention to Iraq in 2003. At present new challenges for regional security, especially in the Middle East, demands new forms of interaction between Turkey and the USA. The beginning of "the Arab spring" was met in Ankara and Washington with overlapping interest in changing conservative regimes and promoting "Turkish model". At the same time such questions as participation of Turkey in the fight against ISIL and the USA military cooperation with the Syrian Kurds, whom Ankara considers to be connected with the PKK terrorist organization, has brought serious contradictions between the two countries. The cause of these contradiction is the difference in the perception of threats in Turkey and in the Western countries. While the search for new forms of security cooperation meets with difficulties, NATO remains important for the relations between Turkey and the USA, despite traditionally high level of anti-NATO moods in the Turkish society.

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Koyuncu, Onur. "Effects of Terrorism and Political Instability on Tourist Behavior: 2016 conflicts in Turkey." Central European Review of Economics and Management 4, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29015/cerem.866.

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Aim: This article investigates the effects of two attacks and a failed coup attempt during 2016 on the tourist behavior. Foreign tourist data for the 2003-2019 period is analyzed to observe irregularities in Turkey’s national tourism income. Design / Research methods: Linear regression, multivariate regression and regression based static forecasting methods are applied for modeling the relationships. These models are supported with statistical tests. Conclusions / findings: Results on this study are in accordance with the current literature in the sense that conflicts in 2016 caused a shift in tourist behavior which in turn impaired the tourism industry in Turkey. Repercussions did not endure longer than expected and Turkish tourism recovered rapidly, only facing a serious loss due to the shift in tourism demand trend. Originality / value of the article: This study makes an addition to the terror and tourism literature, especially for the Mediterranean region and specifically for Turkey both of which are among the most popular tourist destinations worldwide. The aftermath of attacks and the coup attempt in Turkey during 2016 have not been researched before. The data and the outcomes presented sufficient evidence to infer on this issue.

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OKUTAN, Muhammet Erdal. "The European Union and First Years AKP: Popular Nationalism in Turkey." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 4 (December 23, 2020): 1090–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss4pp1090-1109.

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Nationalism is one of the important ideologies; it is too difficult to express what nationalism is in one sentence, because it is a multidimensional, debatable ideology. In Turkey, nationalism is also an important issue because of its multi-ethnic and multi-cultural structure. Moreover elites have an important roles on constructing a type of nationalism, especially popular nationalism. Critiques and opposition of the political and intellectual elites against the governmental policies indicated the escalated atmosphere in nationalist discourse in Turkey until 2010. Therefore, this work empowered the theories of popular nationalism, which contribute the relationship between the elites and nationalism to the body of theoretical knowledge. However, some other issues may escalate the popular nationalism in Turkey. Turkish public thinks on that way; 29 percentages of the sample group think that the cause of escalating nationalism in Turkey is PKK terrorism, and secondly 17 percentages of the sample group suggested that EU demands led the increase. On the other hand some may claim that even those issues are interrelated.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Terrorists Turkey'

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