Relevant bibliographies by topics / Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Thielemann, Gregory S. "Assessing the Importance of Party and Gender in Legislators’ Policy Preferences." American Review of Politics 16 (July 1, 1995): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.151-165.

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In recent years much has been written about what factors influence the policy preferences of legislators in general and women legislators specifically. This analysis explores the relative importance of a member's sex, party, locality and tenure on policy preferences in the 71st Texas House of Representatives with its low levels of professionalism and party influence. The members were surveyed for their views on the four most pressing issue areas they faced: education reform, judicial selection reform, workers' compensation insurance reform and abortion. Surprisingly, party is important in explaining policy preferences on education reform, judicial selection reform and workers’ compensation reform. Being a woman is of less importance in these areas, but is more important in the area of abortion rights.
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Maryadi, Ari, Mahmudah Mahmudah, and Mayong Mayong. "The Use of Power Language of South Sulawesi Women Legislators in Political Discourse Through Vocabulary Features: A Case Study of the Chairperson of the Regional House of Representatives of South Sulawesi." Journal of Asian Multicultural Research for Social Sciences Study 3, no. 3 (September 9, 2022): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47616/jamrsss.v3i3.316.

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This research is a qualitative research using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis which aims to; (1) revealing the form of using the language of power of women legislators in South Sulawesi in political discourse through vocabulary features, (2) revealing the forms of using the language of power of women legislators in political discourse through grammatical features, (3) revealing forms of using the language of power of women legislators in political discourse through features text structure. The data of this study are natural texts in the form of transcripts of women's legislators' speeches in political discourse that contain the construction of power. The data sources for this research are phrases, clauses, or inter-paragraphs that contain the unity of ideas and ideas that were transcribed from video recordings that aired on the Tribun Timur media youtube channel throughout 2021. This study proves that a female politician is able to exercise power through her speech. The power of the female legislator in South Sulawesi is the implication of the position of the South Sulawesi DPRD as a legislative body that has a control function, budgeting function, and the function of making regional regulations to the executive and the people of South Sulawesi. The female legislator of South Sulawesi AIKS (initial name) exercises her power through a number of grammatical features, including nominalization, passive active sentences, sentence modes, modalities, and personal pronouns. The text of the political speech of the Chairman of the DPRD (Regional House of Representatives) of South Sulawesi Andi Ina Kartika Sari consists of several parts.
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Cox, Gary W., Mikitaka Masuyama, and Mathew D. McCubbins. "Agenda Power in the Japanese House of Representatives." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (May 2000): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900000116.

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In this paper we provide evidence from Japan that bears on a general theory of agenda power in legislatures. By agenda power we mean the power to determine: (a) which bills are considered in the plenary session of the legislature and (b) restrictions on debate and amendment to these bills, when they are considered. While a substantial amount of work has focused on the second category of agenda power, including studies of special rules in the US House (e.g., Sinclair forthcoming), closure in the UK House of Commons (e.g., Cox, 1987; Dion, 1997), and the guillotine in the French National Assembly (e.g., Huber, 1996), there is very little on the first and arguably more fundamental sort of agenda power. This agenda power – the power to decide which bills will actually be considered on the floor of the legislature – is our focus here, and henceforth when we refer to ‘agenda power’ we shall mean this narrower conception.
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Setiawan, Rahmat Adi. "Public Authority in Interim Replacement of Members of the House of Representatives." UMPurwokerto Law Review 1, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/umplr.v1i2.8661.

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The House of Representatives is a people's representative institution or legislative body. Membership of the House of Representatives, both at the central and regional levels, can be replaced with other members through a mechanism, namely Interim Replacement. The purpose of interim replacement is to maximize the performance of legislators effectively and efficiently. However, there is a problem, namely the replacement of members of the legislature in the middle of their term of office. This study aims to analyze the mechanism of interim replacement of members of the House of Representatives and how the involvement of voters in the intertime replacement mechanism. This research is normative juridical research using secondary data as the primary data in the form of legislation, research results, and journals. Based on the research results, the interim replacement mechanism does not involve the public, namely voters. Disputes between members of the legislature and the supporting party cannot be avoided due to the inappropriate process of implementing the mechanism. It is necessary to improve the mechanism for the Interim Replacement of members of the House of Representatives, which is not only the authority of political parties but also the public authority, namely the constituent voters.Keywords: Public Authority, Interim Replacement, Representative
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Pile Tukan, John Paulus, and Lita Tyesta ALW. "DPD (REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL), AS A STATE AGENCY OF INDONESIAN STATE SYSTEM, RUNS THE AUTHORITY OF ITS ROLE AND FUNCTION TO CREATETHE EXISTENCE OF BICAMERAL SYSTEM IN INDONESIA." Diponegoro Law Review 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/dilrev.3.1.2018.64-74.

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DPD (Regional Representatives Council) which is the representative of the region can be a counterweight in strengthening the parliamentary system in Indonesia. Since the amendment begun, the Indonesian parliamentary system has changed from a unicameral system to a bicameral system. However, if noticed, the functions, powers and duties set forth in Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution and Law No.22 of 2003 on the composition and position of MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly), DPR (House of Representatives), DPD (Regional Representatives Council) and DPRD (Regional People’s Representatives Council), there are many assumptions that whether the function of Regional Representative Council can represent regional’s interests. DPD does not only serve as a counselor of regional autonomy board, and does not serve the legislature, as a country that embraces bicameral system. Bicameral is a term of representation system consisting of two chambers, which in Indonesia are known as DPR RI (House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) and DPD RI (Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia) which aims to achieve good government and the achievement of checks and balances between institutions, particularly in the legislature, which is one of the most important elements in the constitutional of the State.
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Pile Tukan, John Paulus, and Lita Tyesta ALW. "DPD (REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL), AS A STATE AGENCY OF INDONESIAN STATE SYSTEM, RUNS THE AUTHORITY OF ITS ROLE AND FUNCTION TO CREATETHE EXISTENCE OF BICAMERAL SYSTEM IN INDONESIA." Diponegoro Law Review 3, no. 1 (August 31, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/dilrev.3.1.2018.65-75.

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DPD (Regional Representatives Council) which is the representative of the region can be a counterweight in strengthening the parliamentary system in Indonesia. Since the amendment begun, the Indonesian parliamentary system has changed from a unicameral system to a bicameral system. However, if noticed, the functions, powers and duties set forth in Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution and Law No.22 of 2003 on the composition and position of MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly), DPR (House of Representatives), DPD (Regional Representatives Council) and DPRD (Regional People’s Representatives Council), there are many assumptions that whether the function of Regional Representative Council can represent regional’s interests. DPD does not only serve as a counselor of regional autonomy board, and does not serve the legislature, as a country that embraces bicameral system. Bicameral is a term of representation system consisting of two chambers, which in Indonesia are known as DPR RI (House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) and DPD RI (Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia) which aims to achieve good government and the achievement of checks and balances between institutions, particularly in the legislature, which is one of the most important elements in the constitutional of the State.
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Caress, Stanley M. "Term Limits and the Increased Election of Women: Evidence From State Legislatures and the U.S. House of Representatives." American Review of Politics 30 (November 1, 2009): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.275-287.

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This study seeks to determine if term limits increase the likelihood of women being elected to legislative seats. Using a simple comparison of growth rates, we found that, during the initial period of term limit implementation (1991 to 2009), the increase of females elected to state legislatures with term limits was approximately the same as to those without term limits. Additionally, a comparison of the growth rate of females elected to the non-term-limited United States House of Representatives with those of the state legislatures during this same time period shows that the U.S. House actually had a greater increase than state legislatures both with and without term limits. Moreover, in California, which has a full-time, professional state legislature with electoral dynamics similar to the U.S. House, the proportion of women elected to the state’s non-term limited U.S. House delegation from 1990 to 2009 exceeded the proportion of women elected to its term-limited state legislature. These comparisons all suggest that term limits do not facilitate the election of female candidates to legislative seats.
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Arbour, Brian K., and Seth C. McKee. "Cracking Back: The Effectiveness of Partisan Redistricting in the Texas House of Representatives." American Review of Politics 26 (January 1, 2006): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005-2006.26.0.385-403.

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We assess the partisan consequences of alternative redistricting plans in 2001 for the Texas House of Representatives. In the paper, we combine a methodological tool (the JudgeIt program) that allows us to examine both enacted and proposed redistricting maps with data from not only the districts used in the 2002 and 2004 Texas House elections, but also from districts that existed only in proposed plans. We find that each redistricting plan benefited their sponsor’s party. In fact, a plan supported and advocated by Democratic Speaker Pete Laney is projected to have kept a Democratic majority in the Texas House after the 2002 elections. Our data also demonstrate that rules matter in redistricting, especially in the context of substantial party system change shown by the growth of the Republican Party in Texas.
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Morrow, Nicholas G. "Federal Regulation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions a Practical Certainty: How Will the Texas Energy Industry Survive-Maybe Thrive?" Texas Wesleyan Law Review 17, no. 2 (January 2011): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v17.i2.6.

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This article asks the policy question: How is the Texas Legislature preparing to protect the Texas energy industry from the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions? The article begins with an explanation of why federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions appears to be a practical certainty. In 2007, a 5-4 U.S. Supreme Court majority held the Environmental Protection Agency must regulate greenhouse gas emissions or find some reason rooted in the Clean Air Act why it should not act. This article will explore this decision, as well as the executive order that followed and the American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009. This article next discusses the implications of three bills passed into law by the 81st Legislature relating to carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) technology. House Bill 1796 provides for a carbon dioxide repository in subsurface geologic formations off the coast of Texas. House Bill 469 provides for the creation of clean energy projects, in which coal plants sequester carbon dioxide into geologic formations for permanent storage. Senate Bill 1387 establishes a regulatory framework for the implementation of CCS technology in Texas. Finally, this article analyzes three bills relating to renewable energy that failed to be enacted. These bills serve as a foundation-and possibly an indication- of legislative initiatives to come in the following sessions. House Bill 1243 would have allowed customers of retail electric providers to sell back to the grid surplus energy generated from renewable energy sources. Senate Bill 541 would have updated renewable energy source goals and modified the Texas Renewable Energy Credit trading program. Senate Bill 545 would have provided incentives for investment in solar energy generation, as well as reduced the initial costs of implementation
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Kessler, Daniel, and Keith Krehbiel. "Dynamics of Cosponsorship." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (September 1996): 555–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082608.

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Electoral-connection theories of legislative politics view bill cosponsorship as low-cost position taking by rational legislators who communicate with target audiences (e.g., constituents) external to the legislature. Legislative signaling games suggest a view of bill cosponsorship in which early cosponsors attempt to communicate to target audiences (e.g., the median voter) within the legislature. Using data from the 103rd U.S. House of Representatives, we show that the timing of legislators' cosponsorship decisions are more supportive of cosponsorship as intralegislative signaling than as extralegislative position taking. First, policy extremists on both sides of the political spectrum are more likely than moderates to be initial endorsers of legislative initiatives. Second, extremist-moderate differences diminish over the course of bill histories.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Ludlam, Daniel. "The Expansion of the California State Legislature and U.S. House of Representatives." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1872.

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This research examines the central question of representation in the California State Legislature and the United States House of Representatives. This thesis examines the proper size for both legislative bodies in comparison to their current sizes. Considering this analysis, this thesis proposes that the California State Legislature be doubled in size, and that the United States House of Representatives be increased in size in accordance with the Wyoming Rule. This thesis examines the advantages and drawbacks of a larger legislature in both settings. Increasing the size of the California State Legislature would lower campaign costs, improve representation for communities of interest, and reduce the effectiveness of partisan gerrymandering. Increasing the size of the U.S. House of Representatives would reduce malapportionment among states, make the Electoral College more equitable, and increase political diversity among the states.
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Jackson, Martha J. (Martha Jane) 1949. "The Educational Opportunity Act of 1984: A Study of Legislative Politics." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332436/.

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The problem with which this investigation is concerned is that of identifying and assessing degrees of influence of environmental conditions and actors which influenced the passage of House Bill 72 by the Texas legislature. The two methods used to collect this data were personal interviews of key actors in the legislative process and a questionnaire administered to all members of the 68th Texas legislature.
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Books on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. The Texas House of Representatives: A pictorial roster, 1846-1992. Austin, Tex: The House, 1992.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Select Committee on Rules. Interim report to the House of Representatives, 73rd Texas Legislature. [Austin, Tex.]: The Committee, 1993.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Select Committee on Child Abuse and Pornography. Interim report to the 71st Legislature, Texas House of Representatives. [Austin, Tex.] (P.O. Box 2910, Austin 78769): The Committee, 1988.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Committee on County Affairs. House Committee on County Affairs, Texas House of Representatives, interim report, 1992: A report to the House of Representatives, 73rd Texas Legislature. [Austin, Tex.]: The Committee, 1992.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Committee on Public Education. Report of the Committee on Public Education, House of Representatives, State of Texas, 71st Legislature: To the Speaker and members of the Texas House of Representatives, 72nd Legislature. Austin, Tex. (P.O. Box 2910, Austin 78768-2910): The Committee, 1990.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Committee on Public Safety. Interim report 1992: A report to the House of Representatives, 73rd Texas Legislature. [Austin, Tex.]: The Committee, 1992.

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Appropriations, Texas Legislature House of Representatives Committee on. Committee on Appropriations interim study & report to the 73rd State Legislature. Austin, Tex: The Committee, 1992.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Natural Resources Committee. Interim report 1990: A report to the House of Representatives, 72nd Texas Legislature. Austin, Tex. (P.O. Box 2910, Austin 78768-2910): The Committee, 1990.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Committee on Financial Institutions. Interim report, 1992: A report to the House of Representatives, 73rd Texas Legislature. Austin, Tex. (P.O. Box 2910, Austin 78768-2910): The Committee, 1992.

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Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives. Committee on Energy. Interim report from the Committee on Energy, Texas House of Representatives, 71st Legislature: To the Speaker and Members of the Texas House of Representatives, 72nd Legislature ; Jim McWilliams, chairman. Austin, Tex. (P.O. Box 2910, Austin 78768-2910): The Committee, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Lynch, John Roy. "Electing a Legislature." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin, 73–80. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0010.

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This chapter studies how John Roy Lynch's appointment to, and acceptance of, the office of justice of the peace resulted in creating, for the time being, two factions in the Republican party in the county. One was known as the Lynch faction and the other the Jacobs faction. When the constitution was submitted to a popular vote in November of 1869, it was provided that there should be elected at the same time all officers provided for, or created by, the constitution, and that they were to be chosen by popular vote, including members of the legislature. The county of Adams—Natchez—was entitled to one member of the state senate and three members of the House of Representatives. H. P. Jacobs was a candidate for the Republican nomination for state senator. For that position the Lynch faction refused to support him, but it had no objection to his nomination for member of the House. Since Jacobs persisted in his candidacy for state senator, the Lynch faction brought out an opposing candidate in the person of a Baptist minister by the name of J. M. P. Williams. The contest between them was interesting and exciting, though not bitter, and turned out to be very close.
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"10. Changing the Face of the Texas House of Representatives." In Once Upon a Time in Texas, 85–104. University of Texas Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/771185-011.

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Adkison, Danny M., and Lisa McNair Palmer. "Legislative Department." In The Oklahoma State Constitution, 73–104. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514818.003.0008.

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This chapter assesses Article V of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the legislative department. Section 1 states that “the Legislative authority of the State shall be vested in a Legislature, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” However, “the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution and to enact or reject the same at the polls independent of the Legislature, and also reserve power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act of the Legislature.” Section 2 provides for the designation and definition of reserved powers. Initiative means the power of the people to propose bills, and to enact or reject them at the polls. Referendum is the right of the people to have bills passed by the legislature submitted to the voters for their approval. Meanwhile, in May 1964, the Oklahoma constitution was amended to conform to the U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The amendment passed and Sections 9 through 16 were replaced with Sections 9A through 11E. The chapter then details the provisions for the Senate and the House of Representatives.
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Faragher, Colin. "7. Parliament and the legislative process." In Public Law Concentrate. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198803898.003.0007.

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Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter first describes the UK legislature. The legislature of the UK is the Queen in Parliament. Parliament is bicameral, meaning that, apart from the Queen, there are two legislative chambers called the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The House of Lords—composed of life peers, senior bishops, and some hereditary peers—protects the constitution, and initiates and revises legislation. The House of Commons—composed of constituency representatives organized on party lines under the whip system—is the principal legislative chamber and plays a significant role in scrutinizing the executive. The discussion then turns to the legislative process, covering electoral law, alternative voting systems, and the devolution of the legislative function including the Wales Act 2017.
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Faragher, Colin. "7. Parliament and the legislative process." In Public Law Concentrate, 88–110. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780198840527.003.0007.

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Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter first describes the UK legislature. The legislature of the UK is the Queen in Parliament. Parliament is bicameral, meaning that, apart from the Queen, there are two legislative chambers called the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The House of Lords—composed of life peers, senior bishops, and some hereditary peers—is guardian of the constitution through the work of the House of Lords Constitution Committee and protects the constitution and initiates and revises legislation. The House of Commons—composed of constituency representatives organized on party lines under the whip system—is the principal legislative chamber and plays a significant role in scrutinizing the executive. The discussion then turns to the legislative process, covering electoral law, alternative voting systems, and the devolution of the legislative function including the Wales Act 2017.
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Faragher, Colin. "5. Parliamentary government and the legislative process." In Public Law Concentrate, 54–80. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/he/9780192897251.003.0005.

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Each Concentrate revision guide is packed with essential information, key cases, revision tips, exam Q&As, and more. Concentrates show you what to expect in a law exam, what examiners are looking for, and how to achieve extra marks. This chapter first describes the UK legislature. The legislature of the UK is the Queen in Parliament. Parliament is bicameral, meaning that, apart from the Queen, there are two legislative chambers called the House of Lords and the House of Commons. The House of Lords—composed of life peers, senior bishops, and some hereditary peers—is guardian of the constitution through the work of the House of Lords Constitution Committee and protects the constitution and initiates and revises legislation. The House of Commons—composed of constituency representatives organized on party lines under the whip system—is the principal legislative chamber and plays a significant role in scrutinizing the executive. The discussion then turns to the legislative process, covering electoral law, alternative voting systems, and the devolution of the legislative function including the Wales Act 2017.
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Day, John Kyle. "The Signatories." In The Southern Manifesto. University Press of Mississippi, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781628460315.003.0006.

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Chapter Five provides a narrative of the Senate’s Southern Caucus’ struggle to secure the endorsement of the Southern Manifesto by the majority of the Southern Congressional Delegation. These included an important endorsement by prominent national Democrats like U.S Reps. Brooks Hays, but refusals by U.S Rep. Harold Cooley of North Carolina, Speaker of the House of Representatives Sam Rayburn of Texas, as well as U.S. Sens. Albert Gore, Sr., Estes Kefauver, of Tennessee and Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson of Texas. The ramification of these endorsements, for both Massive Resistance and the larger Struggle for Black Freedom, is also examined.
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Cahill, Cathleen D. "Pacific Currents." In Recasting the Vote, 173–83. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469659329.003.0014.

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Carrie Chapman Catt, Helen Hamilton Gardener, and Maud Wood Park were savvy and observant politicians. They convinced congressmen to create a Committee on Woman Suffrage in the House of Representatives in early summer 1917. They worked slowly and steadily throughout the war years to convince Congress that women deserved enfranchisement through a national amendment. And they often pointed to the extensive work the nation’s women were doing in the war effort. While on the whole, well-to-do white women were involved in the volunteering to help shepherd the amendment through the process, that did not mean people of color were absent from the congressional process. Women of color were consistently part of these congressional discussions—sometimes directly and sometimes obliquely. For example, since 1912, suffragists and their male allies had petitioned Congress to give the Hawaiian legislature the authority to vote to enfranchise women, and by 1915, both parties in Hawaii had pledged to support the issue. But despite these efforts, they did not convince the Hawaiian legislature to enfranchise women before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment.
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Seabrook, Nicholas R. "Introduction." In Drawing the Lines. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705311.003.0001.

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As the results of the 2002 election flashed across their television screens, Texas’s congressional Republicans could be forgiven for feeling a certain amount of dissatisfaction with the redistricting process in the United States. Their party had seen its share of the statewide vote in U.S. House elections increase from 49.8 percent in 1992 to 54.9 percent in 2002. Yet, even with this latest ten-point victory over the Democrats in the popular vote, they had once again failed to convert their increasingly dominant electoral support into a Republican majority in the state’s congressional delegation. A partisan gerrymander, passed in the wake of the 1990 Census and left largely intact by the district boundaries implemented by the federal courts following the 2000 Census, had allowed the Democratic Party to maintain its overall majority in the Texas delegation for more than a decade. The Democrats won twenty-one of Texas’s thirty seats in Congress in 1992, and managed to retain control of nineteen in 1994 and seventeen from 1996 to 2000, despite averaging just 45.8 percent of the two-party vote in these elections. In 2003, the Texas Republicans, armed for the first time with control of both houses of the state legislature and the governorship, undertook an unprecedented mid-decade redrawing of the state’s congressional boundaries. Though many Republicans in the state government were opposed to the idea of redrawing the district boundaries mid-decade, the effort was initiated under considerable pressure from Republicans in Congress, most notably House majority leader Tom DeLay (...
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Lupia, Arthur. "From Infinite Ignorance to Knowledge that Matters." In Uninformed Why People Seem to Know So Little about Politics and What We Can Do about It. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190263720.003.0005.

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When I wrote this paragraph, I lived in the city of Ann Arbor, Michigan, which is located in the United States of America. Here are some things that recently happened in these places. In the decade prior to the one in which I completed this book, members of Congress proposed over 40,000 bills. In an average year, Congress passed and the president subsequently signed over 200 of these bills into law. My state legislature was similarly active. In one of the years when I was writing this book, Michigan’s House of Representatives produced 1,239 bills, 42 concurrent resolutions, 36 joint resolutions, and 174 resolutions. During the same period, Michigan’s Senate produced 884 bills, 25 continuing resolutions, 19 joint resolutions, and 106 resolutions. Michigan’s governor signed 323 of these proposals into law. In the same year, my city passed over 100 ordinances of its own. In addition to these laws, federal agencies such as the United States Department of Commerce promulgated thousands of rules and regulations. These rules and regulations are not trivial matters. Laws intended to fight crime, educate children, care for the sick, or accomplish other social priorities often lack specific instructions for what to do in individual cases. Rules and regulations provide these instructions. They clarify how to interpret and implement these laws. One other thing to know about these rules and regulations is that there are a lot of them. In one of the calendar years in which I was working on this book, federal agencies issued more than 3,500 rules spanning more than 82,000 pages of the Federal Register. Every one of these 3,500 rules, and the comparable number of rules proffered in other years, carry “the full force of law.” Beyond laws and rules, other participants in government activities make decisions that are legally binding on me. In law offices and court­rooms across the country, people challenge the meanings of the laws, rules, and regulations described above. Each case focuses on whether it is legal to interpret a law or rule in a particular way.
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Conference papers on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Grubert, Emily A., and Michael E. Webber. "Water Impacts of the American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009 on Texas." In ASME 2010 4th International Conference on Energy Sustainability. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2010-90029.

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Complex environmental systems are frequently broken into politically manageable pieces, and a policy focusing on a single environmental issue can undermine other policy priorities. It is a nontrivial concern that domestic and international legislation focused on reducing emissions of climate-related pollution have not adequately considered policy effects on related systems like water. The goal of this work is to assess the possible effects of the American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009 (ACES, passed by the House of Representatives in June) on water resources in Texas.
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Reports on the topic "Texas. Legislature. House of Representatives"

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Lazonick, William, and Matt Hopkins. Why the CHIPS Are Down: Stock Buybacks and Subsidies in the U.S. Semiconductor Industry. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp165.

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The Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) is promoting the Creating Helpful Incentives to Produce Semiconductors (CHIPS) for America Act, introduced in Congress in June 2020. An SIA press release describes the bill as “bipartisan legislation that would invest tens of billions of dollars in semiconductor manufacturing incentives and research initiatives over the next 5-10 years to strengthen and sustain American leadership in chip technology, which is essential to our country’s economy and national security.” On June 8, 2021, the Senate approved $52 billion for the CHIPS for America Act, dedicated to supporting the U.S. semiconductor industry over the next decade. As of this writing, the Act awaits approval in the House of Representatives. This paper highlights a curious paradox: Most of the SIA corporate members now lobbying for the CHIPS for America Act have squandered past support that the U.S. semiconductor industry has received from the U.S. government for decades by using their corporate cash to do buybacks to boost their own companies’ stock prices. Among the SIA corporate signatories of the letter to President Biden, the five largest stock repurchasers—Intel, IBM, Qualcomm, Texas Instruments, and Broadcom—did a combined $249 billion in buybacks over the decade 2011-2020, equal to 71 percent of their profits and almost five times the subsidies over the next decade for which the SIA is lobbying. In addition, among the members of the Semiconductors in America Coalition (SIAC), formed specifically in May 2021 to lobby Congress for the passage of the CHIPS for America Act, are Apple, Microsoft, Cisco, and Google. These firms spent a combined $633 billion on buybacks during 2011-2020. That is about 12 times the government subsidies provided under the CHIPS for America Act to support semiconductor fabrication in the United States in the upcoming decade. If the Congress wants to achieve the legislation’s stated purpose of promoting major new investments in semiconductors, it needs to deal with this paradox. It could, for example, require the SIA and SIAC to extract pledges from its member corporations that they will cease doing stock buybacks as open-market repurchases over the next ten years. Such regulation could be a first step in rescinding Securities and Exchange Commission Rule 10b-18, which has since 1982 been a major cause of extreme income inequality and loss of global industrial competitiveness in the United States.
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