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1
Thielemann, Gregory S. "Assessing the Importance of Party and Gender in Legislators’ Policy Preferences." American Review of Politics 16 (July 1, 1995): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.151-165.
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In recent years much has been written about what factors influence the policy preferences of legislators in general and women legislators specifically. This analysis explores the relative importance of a member's sex, party, locality and tenure on policy preferences in the 71st Texas House of Representatives with its low levels of professionalism and party influence. The members were surveyed for their views on the four most pressing issue areas they faced: education reform, judicial selection reform, workers' compensation insurance reform and abortion. Surprisingly, party is important in explaining policy preferences on education reform, judicial selection reform and workers’ compensation reform. Being a woman is of less importance in these areas, but is more important in the area of abortion rights.
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Maryadi, Ari, Mahmudah Mahmudah, and Mayong Mayong. "The Use of Power Language of South Sulawesi Women Legislators in Political Discourse Through Vocabulary Features: A Case Study of the Chairperson of the Regional House of Representatives of South Sulawesi." Journal of Asian Multicultural Research for Social Sciences Study 3, no. 3 (September 9, 2022): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.47616/jamrsss.v3i3.316.
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This research is a qualitative research using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis which aims to; (1) revealing the form of using the language of power of women legislators in South Sulawesi in political discourse through vocabulary features, (2) revealing the forms of using the language of power of women legislators in political discourse through grammatical features, (3) revealing forms of using the language of power of women legislators in political discourse through features text structure. The data of this study are natural texts in the form of transcripts of women's legislators' speeches in political discourse that contain the construction of power. The data sources for this research are phrases, clauses, or inter-paragraphs that contain the unity of ideas and ideas that were transcribed from video recordings that aired on the Tribun Timur media youtube channel throughout 2021. This study proves that a female politician is able to exercise power through her speech. The power of the female legislator in South Sulawesi is the implication of the position of the South Sulawesi DPRD as a legislative body that has a control function, budgeting function, and the function of making regional regulations to the executive and the people of South Sulawesi. The female legislator of South Sulawesi AIKS (initial name) exercises her power through a number of grammatical features, including nominalization, passive active sentences, sentence modes, modalities, and personal pronouns. The text of the political speech of the Chairman of the DPRD (Regional House of Representatives) of South Sulawesi Andi Ina Kartika Sari consists of several parts.
3
Cox, Gary W., Mikitaka Masuyama, and Mathew D. McCubbins. "Agenda Power in the Japanese House of Representatives." Japanese Journal of Political Science 1, no. 1 (May 2000): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109900000116.
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In this paper we provide evidence from Japan that bears on a general theory of agenda power in legislatures. By agenda power we mean the power to determine: (a) which bills are considered in the plenary session of the legislature and (b) restrictions on debate and amendment to these bills, when they are considered. While a substantial amount of work has focused on the second category of agenda power, including studies of special rules in the US House (e.g., Sinclair forthcoming), closure in the UK House of Commons (e.g., Cox, 1987; Dion, 1997), and the guillotine in the French National Assembly (e.g., Huber, 1996), there is very little on the first and arguably more fundamental sort of agenda power. This agenda power – the power to decide which bills will actually be considered on the floor of the legislature – is our focus here, and henceforth when we refer to ‘agenda power’ we shall mean this narrower conception.
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Setiawan, Rahmat Adi. "Public Authority in Interim Replacement of Members of the House of Representatives." UMPurwokerto Law Review 1, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30595/umplr.v1i2.8661.
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The House of Representatives is a people's representative institution or legislative body. Membership of the House of Representatives, both at the central and regional levels, can be replaced with other members through a mechanism, namely Interim Replacement. The purpose of interim replacement is to maximize the performance of legislators effectively and efficiently. However, there is a problem, namely the replacement of members of the legislature in the middle of their term of office. This study aims to analyze the mechanism of interim replacement of members of the House of Representatives and how the involvement of voters in the intertime replacement mechanism. This research is normative juridical research using secondary data as the primary data in the form of legislation, research results, and journals. Based on the research results, the interim replacement mechanism does not involve the public, namely voters. Disputes between members of the legislature and the supporting party cannot be avoided due to the inappropriate process of implementing the mechanism. It is necessary to improve the mechanism for the Interim Replacement of members of the House of Representatives, which is not only the authority of political parties but also the public authority, namely the constituent voters.Keywords: Public Authority, Interim Replacement, Representative
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Pile Tukan, John Paulus, and Lita Tyesta ALW. "DPD (REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL), AS A STATE AGENCY OF INDONESIAN STATE SYSTEM, RUNS THE AUTHORITY OF ITS ROLE AND FUNCTION TO CREATETHE EXISTENCE OF BICAMERAL SYSTEM IN INDONESIA." Diponegoro Law Review 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/dilrev.3.1.2018.64-74.
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DPD (Regional Representatives Council) which is the representative of the region can be a counterweight in strengthening the parliamentary system in Indonesia. Since the amendment begun, the Indonesian parliamentary system has changed from a unicameral system to a bicameral system. However, if noticed, the functions, powers and duties set forth in Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution and Law No.22 of 2003 on the composition and position of MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly), DPR (House of Representatives), DPD (Regional Representatives Council) and DPRD (Regional People’s Representatives Council), there are many assumptions that whether the function of Regional Representative Council can represent regional’s interests. DPD does not only serve as a counselor of regional autonomy board, and does not serve the legislature, as a country that embraces bicameral system. Bicameral is a term of representation system consisting of two chambers, which in Indonesia are known as DPR RI (House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) and DPD RI (Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia) which aims to achieve good government and the achievement of checks and balances between institutions, particularly in the legislature, which is one of the most important elements in the constitutional of the State.
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Pile Tukan, John Paulus, and Lita Tyesta ALW. "DPD (REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVE COUNCIL), AS A STATE AGENCY OF INDONESIAN STATE SYSTEM, RUNS THE AUTHORITY OF ITS ROLE AND FUNCTION TO CREATETHE EXISTENCE OF BICAMERAL SYSTEM IN INDONESIA." Diponegoro Law Review 3, no. 1 (August 31, 2018): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/dilrev.3.1.2018.65-75.
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DPD (Regional Representatives Council) which is the representative of the region can be a counterweight in strengthening the parliamentary system in Indonesia. Since the amendment begun, the Indonesian parliamentary system has changed from a unicameral system to a bicameral system. However, if noticed, the functions, powers and duties set forth in Article 22 D of the 1945 Constitution and Law No.22 of 2003 on the composition and position of MPR (People’s Consultative Assembly), DPR (House of Representatives), DPD (Regional Representatives Council) and DPRD (Regional People’s Representatives Council), there are many assumptions that whether the function of Regional Representative Council can represent regional’s interests. DPD does not only serve as a counselor of regional autonomy board, and does not serve the legislature, as a country that embraces bicameral system. Bicameral is a term of representation system consisting of two chambers, which in Indonesia are known as DPR RI (House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia) and DPD RI (Regional Representatives Council of the Republic of Indonesia) which aims to achieve good government and the achievement of checks and balances between institutions, particularly in the legislature, which is one of the most important elements in the constitutional of the State.
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Caress, Stanley M. "Term Limits and the Increased Election of Women: Evidence From State Legislatures and the U.S. House of Representatives." American Review of Politics 30 (November 1, 2009): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.275-287.
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This study seeks to determine if term limits increase the likelihood of women being elected to legislative seats. Using a simple comparison of growth rates, we found that, during the initial period of term limit implementation (1991 to 2009), the increase of females elected to state legislatures with term limits was approximately the same as to those without term limits. Additionally, a comparison of the growth rate of females elected to the non-term-limited United States House of Representatives with those of the state legislatures during this same time period shows that the U.S. House actually had a greater increase than state legislatures both with and without term limits. Moreover, in California, which has a full-time, professional state legislature with electoral dynamics similar to the U.S. House, the proportion of women elected to the state’s non-term limited U.S. House delegation from 1990 to 2009 exceeded the proportion of women elected to its term-limited state legislature. These comparisons all suggest that term limits do not facilitate the election of female candidates to legislative seats.
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Arbour, Brian K., and Seth C. McKee. "Cracking Back: The Effectiveness of Partisan Redistricting in the Texas House of Representatives." American Review of Politics 26 (January 1, 2006): 385–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005-2006.26.0.385-403.
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We assess the partisan consequences of alternative redistricting plans in 2001 for the Texas House of Representatives. In the paper, we combine a methodological tool (the JudgeIt program) that allows us to examine both enacted and proposed redistricting maps with data from not only the districts used in the 2002 and 2004 Texas House elections, but also from districts that existed only in proposed plans. We find that each redistricting plan benefited their sponsor’s party. In fact, a plan supported and advocated by Democratic Speaker Pete Laney is projected to have kept a Democratic majority in the Texas House after the 2002 elections. Our data also demonstrate that rules matter in redistricting, especially in the context of substantial party system change shown by the growth of the Republican Party in Texas.
9
Morrow, Nicholas G. "Federal Regulation of Greenhouse Gas Emissions a Practical Certainty: How Will the Texas Energy Industry Survive-Maybe Thrive?" Texas Wesleyan Law Review 17, no. 2 (January 2011): 237–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/twlr.v17.i2.6.
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This article asks the policy question: How is the Texas Legislature preparing to protect the Texas energy industry from the federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions? The article begins with an explanation of why federal regulation of greenhouse gas emissions appears to be a practical certainty. In 2007, a 5-4 U.S. Supreme Court majority held the Environmental Protection Agency must regulate greenhouse gas emissions or find some reason rooted in the Clean Air Act why it should not act. This article will explore this decision, as well as the executive order that followed and the American Clean Energy and Security Act of 2009. This article next discusses the implications of three bills passed into law by the 81st Legislature relating to carbon capture and sequestration (CCS) technology. House Bill 1796 provides for a carbon dioxide repository in subsurface geologic formations off the coast of Texas. House Bill 469 provides for the creation of clean energy projects, in which coal plants sequester carbon dioxide into geologic formations for permanent storage. Senate Bill 1387 establishes a regulatory framework for the implementation of CCS technology in Texas. Finally, this article analyzes three bills relating to renewable energy that failed to be enacted. These bills serve as a foundation-and possibly an indication- of legislative initiatives to come in the following sessions. House Bill 1243 would have allowed customers of retail electric providers to sell back to the grid surplus energy generated from renewable energy sources. Senate Bill 541 would have updated renewable energy source goals and modified the Texas Renewable Energy Credit trading program. Senate Bill 545 would have provided incentives for investment in solar energy generation, as well as reduced the initial costs of implementation
10
Kessler, Daniel, and Keith Krehbiel. "Dynamics of Cosponsorship." American Political Science Review 90, no. 3 (September 1996): 555–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082608.
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Electoral-connection theories of legislative politics view bill cosponsorship as low-cost position taking by rational legislators who communicate with target audiences (e.g., constituents) external to the legislature. Legislative signaling games suggest a view of bill cosponsorship in which early cosponsors attempt to communicate to target audiences (e.g., the median voter) within the legislature. Using data from the 103rd U.S. House of Representatives, we show that the timing of legislators' cosponsorship decisions are more supportive of cosponsorship as intralegislative signaling than as extralegislative position taking. First, policy extremists on both sides of the political spectrum are more likely than moderates to be initial endorsers of legislative initiatives. Second, extremist-moderate differences diminish over the course of bill histories.
11
Ray, Saumyajit. "How the Speaker of the US House of Representatives from the ‘Other Party’ Shaped American Politics Since 1945." International Studies 49, no. 3-4 (July 2012): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881714534034.
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In the presidential system of government in the United States, the President’s party has on more than one occasion been reduced to a minority in the federal legislature. The US President and the Speaker of the House of Representatives—the leader of the majority party—had often found themselves clashing on matters of policy, legislation, and executive action. This essay makes a careful selection of five House Speakers in the post-1945 period, all belonging to the ‘other party’, and explores their relations with the Presidents of their times. Out of these, only Newt Gingrich succeeded in dividing the government as never before, demonstrating that the House Speaker had the capacity to stall government altogether, something even a ‘Leader of the Opposition’ in a parliamentary system can never do.
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Swaelen, Frank. "Naar een alternatieve Senaatsfunctie." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (June 30, 1989): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18875.
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The federalisation of the Belgian state requires a rethinking of the legislature, especially of the Senate. A 'Second Chamber' seems a necessary prerequisite for a federal system. It usually serves as a forum of representation of the different components of the federation, deliberation and national cohesion. In the future the Senate could also become closer involved into European politics.As far as the specific redrawing of the powers of the new Senate concerns, opinions differ considerably. Firstly, nearly all parties agree the Senate should have the same powers as the House of Representatives to revise the Constitution and laws on the political institutions. Secondly, there is far less unanimity on the question whether the control powers of the Senate should be as extensive as the House of Representatives. In the current state reform the Senate retains its right of investigation. Thirdly, the role that the Senate and the House of Representativesin the 'ordinary' legislative work can play has to be well defined. There are many ways to redistribute the legislative power. Whatever the principle will be, it is essential to work out a reasonable arbitration procedure between the two chambers. Fourthly, the Senate should retain its power to propose candidatures for the high courts and to act together with the House of Representatives in matters of the monarchy. Fifthly, the Senate should grow into the principal body of mediation for conflicts between the different components of the federal state. The last point of discussion in the reform of the Senate is its future composition. Guiding principles should be : a certain allegiance between the councils of regions and communities and the national Senate, an expression of political experience, no increase of the total number of representatives and a fair representation of the minorities.
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Ridlwan, Zulkarnain. "Cita Demokrasi Indonesia dalam Politik Hukum Pengawasan Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat terhadap Pemerintah." Jurnal Konstitusi 12, no. 2 (May 20, 2016): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.31078/jk1226.
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Constitutional discourse can not be separated from the discussion on democracy building. The existence of the House of Representatives in Indonesia with its oversight function of government is one manifestation of democracy. With a historical approach juridical writings results of this study concluded that the statute law of political representative institutions is likely to continue to strengthen parliamentary oversight of government functions by providing additional instruments that can be used by the legislature as an institution and the individual members of the House to conduct oversight. The legal political tendencies are in accordance with the ideals of democracy in Indonesia who wanted representation of the people in the context of the embodiment of the people’s sovereignty in a representative body, but does not eliminate the critical power of the people to the ruler.
14
Buckley, Thomas E. "“A Great Religious Octopus”: Church and State at Virginia's Constitutional Convention, 1901–1902." Church History 72, no. 2 (June 2003): 333–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070009987x.
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A hundred years ago Virginia drafted a new state constitution designed to disfranchise African American voters. That objective was transparent from the outset of the convention. As John Goode, the presiding officer, assumed his seat, he called black suffrage “a great crime against civilization and Christianity.” At the age of seventy-two, Goode was the grand old man of the convention. A graduate of the University of Virginia and life-long Democrat, he had served in the state legislature, the Secession Convention of 1861, the Confederate legislature, and the U.S. House of Representatives before his appointment as Solicitor General of the United States in 1885. Goode reflected the mentality of the vast majority of convention delegates when he stated that African Americans were incapable of education or citizenship. “The omniscient Ruler of the Universe … made [them] inferior,” he proclaimed, and sometime in the future, when the North knew better, the Fifteenth Amendment would be repealed.
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Elis, Roy, Neil Malhotra, and Marc Meredith. "Apportionment Cycles as Natural Experiments." Political Analysis 17, no. 4 (2009): 358–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp012.
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Although there are compelling theoretical reasons to believe that unequal political representation in a legislature leads to an unequal distribution of funds, testing such theories empirically is challenging because it is difficult to separate the effects of representation from the effects of either population levels or changes. We leverage the natural experiment generated by infrequent and discrete census apportionment cycles to estimate the distributional effects of malapportionment in the U.S. House of Representatives. We find that changes in representation cause changes in the distribution of federal outlays to the states. Our method is exportable to any democratic system in which reapportionments are regular, infrequent, and nonstrategic.
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Adamuti-Trache, Maria, Yi Leaf Zhang, and Staci L. Barker. "Texas Perspectives on College and Career Readiness: An Examination of CTE-Supported Endorsements in Public High Schools." Career and Technical Education Research 45, no. 2 (September 15, 2020): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5328/cter45.2.59.
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The Texas Legislature passed House Bill 5 in 2013 to adopt the Foundation High School Program, a new graduation program intended to support youth college and career readiness. Texan students entering grade 9 were guided to enroll in one or more endorsements with a specific curriculum designed to introduce them to STEM, Business & Industry, Public Services, Arts & Humanities, or Multidisciplinary areas of study and future career pathways. This research was based on analysis of restricted-use Texas longitudinal administrative and transcript data for 9th graders enrolled in Texas public schools in the academic year 2015/16. We examined the complementary roles that exposure to core academic subjects and career and technical education courses has on making endorsement choices, with a focus on three CTE-supported endorsements, STEM, Business & Industry, and Public Service. The study contributes to the literature on college and career readiness by examining specifically how the academic and vocational dimensions are reflected in the Texas high school endorsements. The study also addresses social equity issues by inquiring who participates in which endorsements and whether student endorsement choices are marked by sociodemographic and academic differences that exacerbate educational inequalities.
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Parkinson, Phil. ""Strangers in the House": The Maori Language in Government and the Maori Language in Parliament 1840-1900." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 3 (August 4, 2001): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i3.5874.
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The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.
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Adams, Michael O., L. Anthony Johnson, and Gbolahan S. Osho. "Public Opinions of Black Democrats in Texas: An Empirical Investigation." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 12, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v12i4.20631.
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On August 25, 1979, a group of African-American leaders met at the Holiday Inn in Duncanville, Texas. Robert Malson, Assistant Director of Domestic Policy for the White House, was the speaker. The vision was enthusiastically embraced by those in attendance. As with most coalitions, the Texas coalition of black Democrats, which exists under the auspices of the Texas Democratic Party, benefits from certain advantages: with chapters in most counties in Texas, it certainly enjoys a large base of support, networks and connections and projects the image of strength in numbers among its members. In 2018, Black candidates stepped up across the State to lead. In Texas, Black Democrats running for office included: 18 candidates for US Congress, 9 candidates for statewide office, 34 candidates for Texas Legislature, and hundreds more Black Democrats for county & local offices. In 2020, the Coalition surveyed its members to determine what we were thinking as Black Texan Democrats. Therefore, the survey is an attempt to define an agenda to support our aggressive campaigns to serve as strong advocates for our community. The research concluded that in order to continue to be relevant in Texas politics, the coalition must grow and sustain its membership, continue to develop its agenda around issues that are central to the interests of its members as well as the agenda of the Democratic Party including justice, opportunity, equity and economic prosperity.
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Nothomb, Charles-Ferdinand. "La rénovation du Parlement." Res Publica 31, no. 2 (June 30, 1989): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i2.18876.
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Although there is a consensus about the representative parliamentary system throughout Europe, it is in a state of crisis.To renovate Parliament means to restore the essential functions of that institution : budgetary power, legislative action and control of the government.In the field of budget a reform to institute a general budget on expenditure and to impose stricter rules on the funds as well as a very tight budgetary schedule for the government, beside the budget on revenues, was passed by the House at the end of March 1989.In the legislative sphere new approaches should be considered so as to enable Parliament to reduce the complexity of the legislation, to correct badly written texts and to get rid altogether of superfluous texts.The citizens' rights can only be fully safeguarded by a well functioning legislative assembly. A rationalisation of the control on governmental action is necessary in the field of parliamentary commissions and particularly the commissions of enquiry, petitions and the scrutiny of State expenditure.To conclude it should be noted that the renovation of Parliament must go hand in hand with better relations with the common citizen.
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Harahap, Hadry, B. F. Sihombing, and Adnan Hamid. "Impact of the Omnibus Law/Job Creation Act in Indonesia." International Journal of Scientific Research and Management 8, `10 (October 30, 2020): 266–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsrm/v8i10.lla01.
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The purpose of this research is to analyze the impact of the Omnibus Law/Job Creation Act related to the discussion process and post-endorsement by the legislature, the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia. This research uses the normative juridical method, which is a legal research conducted by examining library materials. or secondary data and carried out with descriptions, measurements and accurate reporting of the characteristics of some of the phenomena under study. The findings of this study are that the government and legislature in the process and discussion tend to conflict with the 1945 Constitution article 1 paragraph (3), article 27 paragraph (1), and article 28 paragraph (5) and Law No.12 of 2011. regarding the Formation of Legislative Regulations as updated by Law No.15 of 2019 . Pancasila as a philosophische grondslag is stated in the Preamble of the 1945 Indonesian Constitution which means that Pancasila is positioned as a source of constitutional law in Indonesia, is an inspiration for the formation of the rule of law in Indonesia. As a result, civil society organizations oppose and reject this regulation so that it is hoped that President Joko Widodo can issue a Government Regulation in Lieu of Law.
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Clement, Desireé Mullis. "Factors Influencing Georgia Legislators' Decision-Making on Nurse Practitioner Scope of Practice." Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice 19, no. 3-4 (November 2018): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1527154418817036.
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The state of Georgia faces challenges in providing access to care, largely due to rural hospital closures and physician shortages. Although nurse practitioners (NPs) could help address Georgia's urgent health care needs, the state remains restrictive with respect to NP scope of practice (SOP). This study examined factors that influence Georgia legislators' decision-making on NP SOP. In June 2016, after the January through March legislative session, a questionnaire was e-mailed to 49 state legislators on the Committees on Health and Human Services in Georgia's House of Representatives and Senate. The questionnaire was adapted from a legislative questionnaire previously used in research on state educational policy. Nine of 49 (18%) Georgia legislators responded. The majority of nine respondents were Republicans having served less than 15 years in the legislature. The number of respondents was approximately equal between Senate and House of Representatives. The respondents rated expert testimony and hearing from constituents as most likely to influence their decision-making on NP SOP. They reported that media and concerns about reelection were least likely to influence their decision-making about NP SOP. Therefore, nurses who aim to influence state policy should consider legislator preferences, such as speaking personally with constituents and receiving expert testimony. In-person communication could enhance interactions with legislators, potentially improving policy outcomes. Future research is necessary and should be conducted by NPs to determine the forms of communication and content in testimony most effective in influencing state lawmakers about NP SOP and examine if results vary by state political or other contexts.
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Amin, Muryanto, Humaizi Humaizi, Suci Rahmadani, and Muhammad Yusuf. "Political Power Shift in the House of Representative of North Sumatra Province, Indonesia: A Political Communication of Post-election." Studies in Media and Communication 10, no. 2 (July 28, 2022): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v10i2.5571.
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The results of the 2013 regional head election (Pilkada) in the context of the executive and 2014 legislative elections at the level of North Sumatra Province produced new leadership accompanied by a coalition posture of supporting parties. In the context of the legislative institution, it also resulted in changes in votes or seats. Normatively, in the context of executive-legislative relations, it will be more effective if a coalition of executive-supporting parties gets a majority in the legislature since it will facilitate political communication that is involved in the discussion of a regional regulation draft. This study attempts to depict the political power shift in the regional house of representatives of North Sumatra province (RHRNSP), Indonesia. This study employed a descriptive qualitative approach with a content analysis technique. The data were obtained through the documentation method. The results showed that there were obstacles from several factions outside the coalition party, specifically in discussing the regional regulation draft. However, these obstacles were still in the form of criticism and input from several factions against the draft regional regulation to be ratified. This is known through the ongoing political communication.
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Djuyandi, Yusa. "Politisasi Kebijakan dalam Rancangan Undang-Undang Keamanan Nasional." Humaniora 5, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v5i1.3045.
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Discussion of the draft of National Security Act in the House of Representatives cannot be separated from the political charge. Politicization of policy formulation in the draft of National Security Act sometimes can lead to the policy distortion. The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze the policy politicization of National Security Act draft. This study revealed that from the aspect of “all questions political questions”, the Parliament gives a political question in the framework of the process of policy control. In the second aspect, “all issues political issues”, issues that arise and become a concern are issues which are considered threaten the human rights and democracy. In the third, “all values political values”, the parliament is fighting for the human rights and democracy values. From the last aspect of “all decisions political decisions”, the parliament political decision for not approving the draft, because it is not in favor with the agenda of reformation and democracy. This study concluded that the politicization of policy in the Draft Law is still considered normal. Politicization occurred because policy adoption involves the executive and the legislature, in the context of political checks and balances.
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Mahendra, Muhammad Raka, Paisol Burlian, and Yuswalina Yuswalina. "ANALISIS FIQH SIYASAH TERHADAP PERAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DALAM HUKUM TATA NEGARA INDONESIA." Muqaranah 5, no. 2 (December 23, 2021): 159–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/muqaranah.v5i2.10511.
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Abstract
In the state government system there is a legislature as a channel for the aspirations of the people. In the Indonesian government it is known as the People's Representative Council (DPR), while in Islamic government it is known as Ahlu Al-Halli Wa Al-Aqdi. Prior to the reform, the role of the DPR in Indonesia had not been implementbased on the 1945 Constitution. However, after the reform the role of the DPR has been running well after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution. Indonesian country?; (2) What is the role of the House of Representatives (Ahlu Al-Halli Wa Al-Aqdi) in Fiqh Siyasah?; and (3) What are the similarities and differences in the roles of the House of Representatives and Ahlu Al-Halli Wa Al-Aqdi in Indonesian Constitutional Law and Fiqh Siyasah?. Normative juridical study or what is known as library research is used in this research with comparative descriptive nature using normative methods where the author analyzes one source of data, namely secondary data, which means the data is sorted into a primary, secondary and also tertiary law. Reffering on the results obtained, the role of the DPR to oversee the running of the government, form laws, and provide considerations concerning the people. While the role of “Ahlu Al-Halli Wa Al-Aqdi”is to elect and dismiss the head of state, make legal regulations and consult to resolve the problems of his people. Thus, we concludefrom this research is that these two institutions have many similarities in carrying out their roles in the government system, and both also have several differences that can be seen from: (a) Their position in government; (b) How to elect and inaugurate the head of state; (c) Carry out their duties in government; (d) The system in government; and (e) In its membership in the government.
Keywords: Legislative Institutions, Role, Constitutional Law, Fiqh Siyasah
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Wahdini, Muhammad. "Rekonstruksi Syarat Anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Dalam Perspektif Ketatanegaraan Islam." Jurnal Istiqro 6, no. 1 (July 4, 2020): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30739/istiqro.v6i1.559.
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The many polemics that occur in the House of Representatives of the Republic of Indonesia (DPR RI), starting from the lack of the maximum legislative function where the Parliament is considered not productive in producing laws, instead of being productive, when producing Draft Laws actually results in highly controversial results. Like the latest Penal Code Bill, the Corruption Eradication Commission Law revised and caused turmoil in the community. Slanted news about legislative institutions in Indonesia has become a public secret, ranging from the lack of members present at meetings to those who are sleeping together and other issues. This research summarizes the opinions of thinkers in the world of Islamic state administration so that analyzing the capability or competence of DPR members is the main cause that causes a number of problems that occur. Furthermore, the concept of Islamic constitutionality answers that the professionalism and expertise aspects are the main priorities of those who fill positions in the legislature. So that there is a need to reconstruct the conditions of people who will fill the positions of DPR members needed by people who have capabilities and expertise in both the legislative, budgetary and supervisory functions. The estuary is the maximum performance of legislative members who are the presentations of all Indonesian people.
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Howard, Seth P., Alison P. Boehmer, Kevin M. Simmons, and Kim E. Klockow-Mcclain. "Business Behavior in the Face of Severe Weather: Studying the Effects of Deterministic and Probabilistic Warning Systems." Weather, Climate, and Society 14, no. 1 (January 2022): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/wcas-d-21-0029.1.
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AbstractTornadoes are nature’s most violent storm and annually cause billions of dollars in damage along with the threat of fatalities and injuries. To improve tornado warnings, the National Weather Service is considering a change from a deterministic to a probabilistic paradigm. While studies have been conducted on how individual behavior may change with the new warnings, no study of which we are aware has considered the effect this change may have on businesses. This project is a response to the Weather Research and Forecasting Innovation Act of 2017, House of Representatives (H.R.) bill 353, which calls for the use of social and behavioral science to study and improve storm warning systems. The goal is to discuss business response to probabilistic tornado warnings through descriptive and regression-based statistics using a survey administered to businesses in north Texas. Prior to release, the survey was vetted by a focus group composed of businesses in Grayson County, Texas, who assisted in the creation of a behavior ranking scale. The scale ranked behaviors from low to high effort. Responses allowed for determining whether the business reacted to the warning in a passive or active manner. Returned surveys came from large and small businesses in north Texas and represent a wide variety of industries. Regression analysis explores which variables have the greatest influence on the behavior of businesses and show that, beyond increases in probability from the probabilistic warnings, trust in the warning provides the most significant change to behavior.
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Bendler, Bruce. "James Sloan: Renegade or True Republican?" New Jersey History 125, no. 1 (July 5, 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njh.v125i1.1020.
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This paper examines the political career of James Sloan of Gloucester County, New Jersey. Sloan was instrumental in organizing the Democratic Republican party in Gloucester County, and he represented New Jersey in the United States House of Representatives from 1803 to 1809. Sloan was born into a Quaker family, but he supported the Whig cause in the American Revolution and faced disciplinary action from his Quaker meeting for doing so. Later, he would gravitate toward Methodism, but he never seemed comfortable in any religious organization. Historian Carl Prince called Sloan an “anomaly” in New Jersey politics. Sloan’s career certainly did manifest anomalous behavior. He criticized his party after it took control of the state legislature in 1801, viewing its implementation of republican principles as insufficiently zealous. As a member of Congress, he broke with the Jefferson administration over the Embargo. After leaving Congress, he coalesced with New Jersey Federalists in opposition to the War of 1812, helping to elect a “peace ticket” in that year. This paper examines Sloan’s role in state and national politics in the very early nineteenth century. Specifically, it points out some of the tensions within the Democratic Republican party, especially among those who were displeased with the domination of the “Virginia Dynasty.” Sloan led efforts to challenge this domination and to offer alternatives to the New Jersey electorate.
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Abdurrachman, Hamidah, Ratna Riyanti, and Rahmad Agung Nugraha. "KUOTA PEREMPUAN DI DPRD JAWA TENGAH PADA PEMILU 2014 DAN PEMILU 2019." Perspektif Hukum 19, no. 1 (May 2, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.30649/phj.v19i1.195.
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<p><em>Gender equality in Indonesian legislature has not yet reached its expected state. Despite numerous agreements, conventions, and affirmative actions that were taken so far to promote the agenda, the fact of the matter is that female politicians are still quite rare in Indonesian legislatures, compared to their male counterparts. Among some of the deciding factors that hinder women’s participation in politics, gender gap and transactional relationship in the election system are deemed to be the main ones. </em><em> </em><em>This article wants to address this problem by analysing the regulation of Indonesian general election and the way it affects female representation in regional Indonesian legislatures. Using a normative approach, this article will discuss secondary data through qualitative analysis. We have examined the number of female politicians in five regional House of Representatives in Central Java based on the election result of 2014 and 2019. Our findings showed that women's participation in those legislatures has not yet reached the 30% quota expected by the regulation. Based on this finding, we propose two necessary steps to attain the 30% quota goal. </em><em>T</em><em>he need of a political warrant in practical level for female politicians beyond political party legitimacy and number-ordering of their candidacies. </em><em></em></p>
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Siburian, H. M. Sahat Radot. "Constitution Formulation and Amendment in Indonesian and American Legal System: A Comparative Study." Journal of Law and Legal Reform 3, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jllr.v3i1.49536.
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The purpose of this study is to find out the comparison of constitutional law in Indonesia and the United States in terms of the development of the constitution and the mechanism for changing the constitution (UUD). The method used in this research is in the form of legal research. The type of research used for this approach is normative legal research. As in the United States constitution, Article V regulates how to amend the constitution. Meanwhile, in Indonesia, the mechanism for this change is regulated in Article 37 of the 1945 Constitution (UUD). The United States and Indonesia are countries that have adopted a presidential system of government with a republican form of government. In addition, the state institution authorized to make changes to the constitution of each country is the legislature. If in the United States the one who can amend the Constitution is the Congress consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate, then in Indonesia the authority to make changes to the Constitution is the MPR, which includes the DPR and DPD. Then, the form of the constitution used by the two countries is the same as the Written Constitution. The existence of the United States Constitution is actually an effort to realize the principles stated in a Declaration of Independence (1776). The Declaration is based on French philosophical and English Enlightenment schools. The main purpose of the United States constitution is to guarantee the rights of the states.
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Matos, Yalidy. "Geographies of Exclusion: The Importance of Racial Legacies in Examining State-Level Immigration Laws." American Behavioral Scientist 61, no. 8 (July 2017): 808–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764217720480.
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In this article, I examine the decisions of Arizona, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Utah, Indiana, and most recently, Texas to pass restrictive immigration omnibus bills and analyze the factors associated with the decision of a state to pass its own immigration law, sometimes without explicit warrant. I focus on state omnibus legislation for two main reasons. First, this type of legislation has been the focus of much media attention. Second, omnibus legislation mimics comprehensive immigration legislation over which the federal government has sole authority. Additionally, I focus on the regional proliferation of restrictive immigration laws, and then bring my attention to the seven states that passed similar legislation. Individually, I examine the roll call votes by each state’s House of Representatives. By looking at immigration politics at a sub-national level, this article provides a more nuanced understanding of the political and ideological work of immigration policies. I argue that contemporary immigration politics at sub-national levels should not only be understood as a story about demographic changes and strictly partisan politics but also a story about the sociohistorical legacies of localities. The historical processes of race, and the differing ways in which places get racialized, influences, beyond partisanship, which representatives voted for and against restrictive immigration legislation. These differences, alongside state-level differences, I argue, continue to affect politics and policy today. Immigration policy has become a vessel through which to contest the politics of race, place, and power.
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Ikhwanudin, Ikhwanudin, and Retnowati WD Tuti. "IMPLEMENTATION OF PUBLIC PARTICIPATION IN THE ESTABLISHMENT OF RULES OF LAWS AND REGULATIONS IN LEGISLATURE THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA DURING THE COVID 19 PANDEMIC." JHSS (JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL STUDIES) 5, no. 2 (July 29, 2021): 190–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33751/jhss.v5i2.4066.
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In the preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, it is stated that one of the objectives of the establishment of the Government of the State of Indonesia is to educate the life of the nation. Educating the nation's life through the education of people's sovereignty is one of the demands of a state of law. Realizing people's sovereignty in the Indonesian constitutional system is implemented through the branches of state power regulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia. The House Of Representatives (DPR), the Regional Representative Board (DPD), and the President hold the sovereign power of the people respectively. The DPR has the power to make laws. As a branch of state power that has the power to form laws, the DPR must pay attention to the sovereignty of the people which is reflected in the participation of the community or the public in forming laws and regulations, under any conditions, including during the Covid-19 pandemic. The involvement of public participation in legislation is intended so that the legislative products formed by the DPR are in accordance with the principles of people's sovereignty, aspirations and legal needs of the people and carry out the constitutional mandate, namely to educate the life of the nation. The implementation of public participation is not only carried out in the formation of laws and regulations, but also to the supervision of laws, as part of public political education efforts. Thus, one of the objectives of the formation of laws and regulations is to maintain the sovereignty of the people by educating the nation's life, even during the Covid 19 pandemic. This study aims to describe the implementation and objectives of public participation in the formation of legislation in the future. Covid-19 pandemic.
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Ileka, Justin C. "An Examination of the Presidential Power to Veto or Assent to Bills in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 10, no. 6 (June 15, 2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol10n66782.
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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the prerogative given the executive arm of the government to give assent to Bills passed by the legislature along with its corollary power to veto Bills passed by the legislature. This executive prerogative is expressly provided for in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended, which established the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of the government. This prerogative of assent or veto is exercisable by the President of the Federation in respect of Bills passed by the National Assembly or by the Governor of a State with respect to a Bill passed by the State House of Assembly or even by the Chairman of a Local Government Area involving a bill for a by-law passed by the Local Government Councilors. This paper examines various illustrations of the dynamic relationships and actions when Bills passed by the National Assembly have been presented for Presidential action. The above prerogative in the field of law-making, which field is constitutionally vested in the legislative arm of the government is without prejudice to the hallowed principle of separation of powers. It only strengthens the desired checks and balances against abuses and arbitrariness by the legislative arm of the government. Thus, the Constitution requires that a bill duly passed by the National Assembly, that is to say, by both the Senate and the Federal House of Representatives, shall be presented to the President for his assent or as a corollary, for his veto. The President must either assent or withhold his assent within thirty days of the presentment of a Bill passed by the National Assembly. There is no explicit third option of conditional assent or conditional veto. Notwithstanding the above, to demonstrate that the National Assembly retains the final discretion in the field of law-making, the Constitution vests in the legislature the power to override the veto of the President, or, when the President simply fails to act regarding a Bill within the thirty-day period. The manner in which the above law-making powers have been exercised in Nigeria has created controversies especially with regard to which are the arguably correct procedures in three situations – (i) whether there is an agreed process and time for an override by the National Assembly of a Presidential veto, (ii) whether the President may give merely conditional or partial assent to a Bill, and (iii) whether it is necessary for a President to assent to a proposed Act intended to amend the Constitution. This paper examines these controversies along the following outline: i. The Constitutional Requirement for the Executive to Assent to Bills enacted by the National Assembly ii. The Essence of an Assent or Veto by the President to Bills iii. Whether the President is vested with the authority to Assent to a Bill Not Duly Passed by the National Assembly iv. The Assent of the Executive to Bills for an Act for the Amendment of the Constitution v. The Procedure for the Override of the Veto of the President vi. The Interpretation of Section 58(5) of the 1999 Constitution This paper compares the way Nigeria practices its Constitutional system of government with the practices of similar federal tri-branch systems of government, especially the United States of America. This paper concludes that these controversies can only be resolved by the authoritative rulings of Nigeria’s apex court, the Supreme Court of Nigeria, or when there exist express provisions of the Constitution of Nigeria relevant to a controversy, by strictly enforcing those provisions.
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Ntsoane, Lefa Sebolaisi. "The Registration of Special Notarial Bonds under the Security by Means of Movable Property Act and the Publicity Principle: Lessons from Developments in Belgium." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 21 (January 19, 2018): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2018/v21i0a2389.
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Many people do not own immovable property to offer as security but do have movable property which can be offered as security for the repayment of a debt. In today’s world where the costs of a motor car can exceed that of a house, the increasing value of movable things makes it a popular and appropriate security object. Under the common law pledge, delivery of the movable property from the pledgor (debtor) to the pledgee (creditor) has to take place in order for the pledgee to acquire a real security right in the property. Delivery of the property is aimed at ensuring compliance with the publicity principle. The principle of publicity entails that the existence of a real security must be known to the public. With the aim to promote commerce, certain countries have taken the initiative in reforming their laws on pledge to allow the debtor to retain possession of the movable property that serves as security. Furthermore, technology has advanced to a level where national registration systems which can be accessed easily and at minimal costs can be established. The South African legislature enacted the Security by Means of Movable Property Act 57 of 1993 which makes provision for a pledge without possession. This Act deemed a duly registered notarial bond over specified movable property to have been delivered as if delivery has in fact taken place thereby substituted the common law delivery requirement with registration in the Deeds Office. On 30 May 2013, the Belgian House of Representatives adopted a Belgian Pledge Act which allows for a non-possessory pledge on movable property subject to registration in a newly created public register called the Electronic Pledge Register. This article therefore examines the efficacy of the registration system of special notarial bonds in South African law and whether this form of registration complies with the publicity principle looking at the developments of a computerised registration system taking place in Belgium.
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Editors, Policy Perspectives. "Commander Zeita Merchant, PhD." Policy Perspectives 25 (May 11, 2018): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18391.
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Commander Zeita Merchant, PhD, is currently the Commanding Officer of the Coast Guard Marine Safety Unit Chicago and has served on active duty in the Coast Guard for more than 20 years. She was previously Special Assistant to the Vice Commandant of the Coast Guard, and has also held the positions of Executive Officer of Marine Safety Unit Texas City, Supervisor, Port of Miami Field Office, and Chief of Port Operations at US Coast Guard Sector Miami. From 2010 to 2012, Commander Merchant served as a Congressional Fellow in the US House of Representatives. She graduated with honors from Tougaloo College with a Bachelor of Science in Biology, and received her Master of Quality Systems Management from the National Graduate School in 2003, her Master of Public Administration from the Trachtenberg School in 2010, and her Doctorate in Business Administration from the National Graduate School in 2011. Commander Merchant has been honored with many professional, academic, and community service awards throughout her career, including no less than eleven medals for her service in the Coast Guard, and is a recognized authority in the field of Marine Safety, Emergency, and Environmental Management.
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Monmonier, Mark. "Anatomy of a Cartographic Surrogate: the Portrayal of Complex Electoral Boundaries in the Congressional District Atlas." Cartographic Perspectives, no. 35 (March 1, 2000): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14714/cp35.837.
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Compiled and published by the Bureau of the Census, the Congressional District Atlas describes the boundaries of the nation’s 435 congressional districts. Since its inception in 1960, the atlas has grown in length from 103 to 1,272 pages. The most noteworthy increase, between the 1987 and 1993 editions, reflects judicial pressure to equalize district population within a state as well as Department of Justice efforts to maximize the number of minority-majority districts. Single-district states like Delaware and Wyoming still consume a single printed page, and because county boundaries are documented elsewhere, a singlepage map is usually adequate for states in which district boundaries do not split counties. By contrast, non-traditional borders winding through multiple counties require numerous large-scale maps efficiently formatted as telescopically nested insets. In the most recent edition, published in two volumes in 1993, Florida and Texas individually account for more pages than the entire first edition, and North Carolina’s 12th district, which the Supreme Court ridiculed in Shaw v. Reno, stretches across 30 separate pages. Because of this parsimonious portrayal of boundaries, the atlas affords a convenient state-level descriptor of geographic complexity: the ratio of map pages to seats in the House of Representatives. Cartographic and statistical analysis of this index reveals a concentration of complex boundaries in the Southeast and other areas in which the Voting Rights Act mandates preclearance by the Justice Department. Not surprisingly, the index is a near-perfect predictor of judicial challenges to race-based redistricting
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Susanto, Mei. "The Legislative Role in The Budgeting Process in Indonesia (Peran Badan Legislatif Dalam Proses Penganggaran Negara Di Indonesia)." Negara Hukum: Membangun Hukum untuk Keadilan dan Kesejahteraan 9, no. 2 (January 2, 2019): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jnh.v9i2.954.
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In the budgeting process, generally accepted the executive has a role in drafting the state budget and then presenting it to the legislature. The legislative bodies have the right to discuss, debate, and even in some cases make amend, then give approval or rejection of the executive's state budget proposal. The right of the legislative bodies in practice will different, there are three forms: budget making, capacity to amend or reject the executive’s budget proposal and capacity to formulate a budget of its own; budget influencing, capacity to amend or reject the executive's budget proposal, but lacks the capacity to formulate and substitute budget of its own; budget approving, lacks the capacity to amend or reject the executive's budget proposal or to formulate a budget of its own. This article discusses the role of Indonesian legislative bodies namely the House of Representatives (DPR) and the Regional Representative Council (DPD) in the budgeting process. DPR has a strong role in discussing, amend and accepting or rejecting but weak in the capacity to arrange its own budget so-called budget influence, compared DPD which only gives a consideration so-called budget approving. This article suggests a strong and balanced repositioning of the DPR and DPD roles, thereby creating double checks, budget revisions, delays in constitutional important, public debate and resulting in a favorable budget for the people. In addition, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity and supporting resources for the DPR and DPD in order to be equivalent to the executive in budget discussions so as to become the legislative budget making.AbstrakSaat ini, hampir di seluruh sistem ketatanegaraan di berbagai negara, secara umum disepakati bahwa lembaga eksekutif memiliki peran fundamental dalam menyusun draf anggaran negara untuk kemudian dipresentasikan kepada lembaga legislatif. Lembaga legislatif kemudian memiliki hak untuk membahas, memperdebatkan, dan dalam beberapa kasus melakukan perubahan, untuk kemudian memberikan persetujuan atau penolakan terhadap proposal anggaran dari lembaga eksekutif. Hak lembaga legislatif tersebut, dalam praktiknya akan berbeda-beda. Secara umum terdapat tiga bentuk hak lembaga legislatif di antaranya: budget making, legislatif memiliki kapasitas untuk menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif serta memiliki kemampuan memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri; budget influencing, legislatif memiliki kapasitas menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif namun lemah dalam memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri; dan budget approving, legislatif tidak memiliki kapasitas menerima atau menolak proposal anggaran dari eksekutif termasuk memformulasikan anggaran secara sendiri. Artikel ini membahas peran lembaga legislatif Indonesia yaitu DPR dan DPD dalam proses penganggaran. DPR memiliki peran kuat yakni membahas, mengubah, dan menerima atau menolak namun lemah dalam kapasitas menyusun anggarannya sendiri sehingga disebut budget influencing, dibandingkan DPD yang hanya memberikan pertimbangan sehingga disebut budget approving. Artikel ini menyarankan agar ada reposisi peran DPR dan DPD yang lebih kuat dan berimbang, sehingga akan dapat menciptakan pengawasan ganda, revisi penganggaran yang diperlukan, penundaan anggaran yang memiliki kepentingan konstitusi, debat publik, dan menghasilkan anggaran yang berpihak pada rakyat. Selain itu, diperlukan penguatan kapasitas dan sumber daya pendukung bagi DPR dan DPD agar dapat setara dengan eksekutif dalam pembahasan anggaran sehingga mampu menjadi lembaga legislatif pembentuk anggaran (budget making).
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White, David R. "The Unlikely Election and Service of John Inscho Mitchell, U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania, 1881-1887." Commonwealth 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v15i2.467.
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John Inscho Mitchell was a little known progressive Pennsylvania politician who represented the State in the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate between 1877 and 1887. His reluctance to continue serving in Washington after four years in the House did not prevent the Pennsylvania legislature from appointing him to the U.S. Senate in 1881 as a compromise candidate on the thirty-fifth ballot.
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"Corequisite Courses for Developmental Students at a Large Research University." Journal of College Academic Support Programs 1.2, Volume 1, Issue 2 (October 1, 2018): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36896/1.2fa1.
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This article details the efforts that the Texas Success Initiative (TSI) oce at a large research university made toward pilot- ing, refining, and scaling corequisite courses for students who require developmental education. House Bill 2223, passed by the Texas Legislature in June of 2, requires public institutions to increase the percentage of developmental students enrolled in corequisite courses. In response, student outcome data, curricular examples, and suggestions for structuring corequisites are presented.
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Yatim, Rais. "Etika Legislatif untuk Wakil Rakyat." Journal of the Malaysian Parliament 1 (June 18, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.54313/journalmp.v1i.27.
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This paper recommends that members of the legislature consisting of the House of Representatives and the Senate, as well as Members of the State Legislative Assembly (ADUN), be swaddled by a Legislative Ethics. This matter should be made compulsory considering that negative influence has begun to take root among the Honourable Members. If this trend goes unchecked, the Parliament and the State Legislative Assembly (DUN) will soon emerge as institutions eclipse in values and virtues or will be seen as institutions with eroding values and virtues. The future integrity of the nation must be assured. This can be achieved if the character and conduct of the Malaysian legislature are being guided in a positive manner.
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Anwar, Nurul Izzah, and Nurul Jannah Mohd Jailani. "Strengthening Malaysian Parliamentary Democracy Through Private Member’s Bills." Journal of the Malaysian Parliament 1 (June 18, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.54313/journalmp.v1i.30.
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At present, the ability of the Malaysian Legislature – specifically the House of Representatives (Dewan Rakyat) – to effectively check and balance the powers of the Executive is impeded by the lack of a formal mechanism enabling the deliberation and debate of Private Member’s Bills. The Government or the Executive branch remains the primary agenda-setter in Parliamentary sittings, thus undermining the full extent of legislative independence and representative debate taking place in the August House. Drawing on local and international examples, this article argues in favour of allocating space to Private Member’s Bills within the parliamentary agenda and consequently returning legislators their rights and agencies towards strengthening Malaysia’s parliamentary democracy.
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Khoiriyah, Nuril. "A Long Road to a Gender Equality in the House of Representatives in Indonesia." KnE Social Sciences, July 29, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18502/kss.v4i10.7391.
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The issue of gender equality in Indonesia has been widely discussed, especially by the younger generations who are starting to become aware of the disadvantages of male domination. However, these discussions in the government sphere are only a ploy to gain a reputation for favouring women’s rights. Thus despite the 30% quota for the parliamentary elections, the number of women in the legislative assembly never reached the target. The construction theory in the field of International Relations considers the discourse on gender equality to be closely related to the formation of social facts that occur in the community. The anachronistic idea that women’s roles should solely comprise cooking fulfilling their husband sexual desires is unfortunately still entrenched in Indonesian culture. Using qualitative-deductive research methods, this study demonstrates that the Patriarchal system as a cultural heritage from ancient times is still adopted today. This is proven by the small number of women sitting in the power of the legislative body.
Keywords: Gender, Legislature, Politic, women’s rights
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Lauermann, Robin. "Viewing Representative Behavior through the Lens of Social and Political Identity." Commonwealth 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2009). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v15i2.470.
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Much scholarly attention has been paid to the representative activities of members of the national legislature. Equally important to representative democracy, however, are the perceptions and evaluations of these members by their constituents. Using the 2000 American National Election Studies survey, this article assesses the impact of social and political identity in the formation of constituency perceptions of members of the U.S. House of Representatives. Demographic characteristics and political predispositions affect the relevance of the four measures of legislator responsiveness--policy, casework, district service, and symbolic responsiveness--to each constituent's evaluation. Ethnicity, age, gender, and education affect the degree of importance of each measure to constituents; women, minorities, and older citizens are more concerned with symbolic actions on the part of their representatives. Furthermore, the descriptive composition of a representative's constituency has an influence not only with respect to policy choices the member may make, but also with regard to understanding how particular behaviors are successful in establishing a relationship between the representative and those represented.
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O'Connor, Robert E. "Party and Political Recruitment." Commonwealth 4, no. 1 (October 24, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.15367/com.v4i1.579.
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In comparison with other states, Pennsylvania has elected few women to its legislature. This research explores the role of party in determining access to the Pennsylvania House; this focus emerged after research eliminated other explanations (e.g., voter apathy, difficulty in raising money) for the paucity of women. All 37 freshman House members of the class of 1983 were interviewed to explore how they reached Harrisburg. In learning what factors accounted for their success, this study seeks to identify obstacles to the recruitment of women. Four distinct patterns of recruitment emerged, based upon party activities and prior political office. In each of these patterns, parties have a crucial role. One factor limiting female recruitment is that their political participation has been more focused toward non-partisan activities and groups concerned with specific issues rather than with parties. Political women who devote their energies to issues instead of party reduce their likelihood of becoming state representatives.
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"Serbia and America: Hon. Ted Poe of Texas House of Representatives Tuesday, February 27, 2018." Serbian Studies: Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies 30, no. 1-2 (2019): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ser.2019.0004.
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Prakoso, Abdul Rahman. "Pengaruh Kekuatan Sosial Dan Politik Dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Perundang-Undangan di Indonesia." Jurnal Al-Hakim: Jurnal Ilmiah Mahasiswa, Studi Syariah, Hukum dan Filantropi 4, no. 2 (November 6, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.22515/jurnalalhakim.v4i2.5939.
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The formation of laws and regulations in Indonesia is regulated in Law Number 12 of 2011 which was updated by Law Number 15 of 2019. One of the legal products made by the legislature is Law Number 3 of 2022 concerning the State Capital. The process of ratifying the Draft Law on the State Capital was only carried out 40 days after the DPR formed a Special Committee for the Draft IKN Law on December 7 2021. Community participation was not involved much in the drafting of this law. The political configuration in Indonesia is run democratically through people's representatives to express criticism of the government. Political influence underlies the speedy passage of Law Number 3 of 2022 concerning the State Capital. The majority of factions in the Indonesian House of Representatives approved and accepted with a note to ratify the IKN Law. Social considerations to pass the Law on the State Capital because the urgency of the Jakarta area is too heavy as the center of government, business center, trade center, financial center and service center.
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"An Analytical Study of Lower House in Pakistan: Legislation During Civilian and Military Rule." FWU Journal of Social Sciences, June 15, 2021, 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51709/19951272/summer-2/8.
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A legislature is one of the strongest pillars of a state where legislation is made with the consent of the two-thirds majority of the House. The legislative body of Pakistan comprised President, National Assembly, and Senate. The National Assembly forms on the basis of General Elections in which people elect their representatives to make laws for them. In Pakistan’s chequered political history, this institution remained unable to establish credibility in society. Since the promulgation of the Constitution of 1973, the Lower House has been dissolved seven times by either military or civilian rulers, and it also remained non-existent until ten years. As per the Constitution, it was dissolved only once in 1977 on the advice of the Prime Minister to the President. General elections were also held during military regimes, and the House had been formed under it, but there was a difference between the legislation passed during civilian and military-led eras. The paper examines the role of the Lower House in the Constitution of 1973. It deals with its mandate and responsibilities. It analyses the legislation passed from this House during military and civilian rule periods, including the amendment bills that affected the governance system in Pakistan. It identifies issues and challenges the lower House has to face in regard to its smooth functioning. The paper suggests recommendations to improve the sanctity and credibility of this House that leads to strengthening democracy in Pakistan. Thepaper adopts analytical, qualitative, and deductive approaches to carry on this research work
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Sholihah, Lilis, and Naufal Ashiil Al Farisi. "FENOMENA WAKIL PEREMPUAN (Di Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Kabupaten Garut Periode 2019-2024)." Jurnal Politik Pemerintahan Dharma Praja, December 31, 2020, 118–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33701/jppdp.v11i2.160.
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Deputy garut district council members of the period but only the 2019-2024 is 50 and 9 members legislative women or only 18 % woman to members of the legislature has yet to reach hope 30 % representation of women in garut district council 2019-2024 period. This show representation of women in parliament is still low. While, the act of political parties and election gave opportunities for women to participate in politics and into. legislative institutions. Research conducted has the find out how women are represented in the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 and the inhibiting factors that influence and the efforts made to increase women's representation in the Regional Representative Council of Garut. The theory used is electoral representation theory according to Piktin with four dimensions, namely representative, represented, the substance of representation and context. The method used in the research is a qualitative research method by describing descriptive data and inductive approaches. Supporting data collection methods in research through observation, interviews, and documentation. Data analysis technique used is by reduction of data, display data, and reflecting g conclusion. The research results showed that the representation of women in the the Regional House of Representatives of Garut in the period 2019-2024 was still low. This is caused by internal factors, namely the confidence of women, social relations, double burden and political costs and external factors, namely patriarchal culture and political constraints. In this research we initialize to the government and political parties to do sosialisai the importance of of the representation of women in legislative and suggesting prospective members legoslatif women for developed a good relationship with the community, accommodated and expectations of women in parliament this with to be demonstrated by birth to legal products, programs and policies that are pro against women and as well as improvement system regeneration women.
Keywords: Representation of women, regional house of representatives.
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Pirmansyah, Miki. "Eksistensi Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Dalam Sistem Bikameral di Indonesia." JURNAL CITA HUKUM 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/jch.v1i1.1461.
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Abstract: The DPD existence of Bicameral System in Indonesia. Bicameral system of representation is a term consisting of two chambers, in Indonesia known as the House of Representatives and the DPD aims to achieve good governance as well as the achievement of checks and balances between state institutions, especially in the legislature, which is one of the most important elements in the implementation of the State. This institution has the main function in the setting and monitoring budgets. Thus, there are two rooms in the legislature is expected to achieve two controls in each policy issued, so it will tend to have a positive impact for the progress of the State and will ultimately achieved good governance as the ultimate goal of a state. Abstrak: Eksistensi Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Dalam Sistem Bikameral Di Indonesia. Bikameral merupakan istilah sistem perwakilan yang terdiri dari dua kamar (cembers),di Indonesia dikenal dengan istilah DPR RI dan DPD RI yang bertujuan untuk mencapai pemerintahan yang baik (good gavernment) serta tercapainya check and balances antara lembaga negara khususnya di lembaga legislatif, yang merupakan salah satu unsur terpenting dalam penyelenggaraan Negara. Lembaga ini mempunyai fungsi utama dalam pengaturan, anggaran, dan pengawasaan. Dengan demikian, adanya dua kamar dalam lembaga legislatif diharapkan tercapainya dua kontrol dalam setiap kebijakan yang dikeluarkan, sehingga akan cenderung berdampak positif bagi kemajuan negara dan pada akhirnya akan tercapai pemerintahan yang baik sebagai tujuan akhir dari sebuah negara DOI: 10.15408/jch.v1i1.1461
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Hamidah Abdurrachman, Ratna Riyanti, and Rahmad Agung Nugraha. "Kuota Perempuan di DPRD Jawa Tengah pada Pemilu 2014 dan Pemilu 2019." Perspektif Hukum, May 20, 2019, 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.30649/ph.v19i1.163.
Full textAbstract:
Gender equality in Indonesian legislature has not yet reached its expected state. Despite numerous agreements, conventions, and affirmative actions that were taken so far to promote the agenda, the fact of the matter is that female politicians are still quite rare in Indonesian legislatures, compared to their male counterparts. Among some of the deciding factors that hinder women’s participation in politics, gender gap and transactional relationship in the election system are deemed to be the main ones. This article wants to address this problem by analysing the regulation of Indonesian general election and the way it affects female representation in regional Indonesian legislatures. Using a normative approach, this article will discuss secondary data through qualitative analysis. We have examined the number of female politicians in five regional House of Representatives in Central Java based on the election result of 2014 and 2019. Our findings showed that women's participation in those legislatures has not yet reached the 30% quota expected by the regulation. Based on this finding, we propose two necessary steps to attain the 30% quota goal. The need of a political warrant in practical level for female politicians beyond political party legitimacy and number-ordering of their candidacies.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Japan – U.S. Relations under the Abe Doctrine: Shifting Policy in East Asia Regional Stability." Journal of International Studies, January 12, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jis.13.2017.7984.
Full textAbstract:
Reelection of Shinzo Abe as Prime Minister provides a favorable climate for both Donald Trump’s first presidential visit to Japan and an improvement of Chinese-Japanese-U.S. bilateral relations. In the 22 October 2017 ballot, Abe’s dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner Komeito, secured a two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, the lower house of Japan’s bicameral legislature. The coalition already holds a supermajority, required for amending the constitution, in the upper house. It justified Abe for calling the national elections a year earlier than needed to secure a public mandate for addressing the growing North Korean threat and to validate popular support for deepening national economic reforms, which have had recent success in boosting Japan’s growth rate and the stock market. Still the outcome gave Abe a mandate for his policies. However, his stewardship was unclear as several other factors contributed to LDP’s overwhelming victory. At the structural level, Japan’s first past the post-electoral system tends to amplify electoral wins in comparison to proportional representation systems. Abe’s foreign and security policies highly charged with ideological revisionism contain the potential to shift Japan onto a new international trajectory in East Asia. Its degree of articulation and energy makes for a doctrine capable of displacing the Yoshida Doctrine that has been Japan’s dominant grand strategy in the post-war period. Abe will remain pragmatic and not challenge the status quo. However, Abe has already begun to introduce radical policies that appear to transform national security, US-Japan alliance ties and relations with China and East Asia. The Abe Doctrine is dynamic but high risk. Abe’s revisionism contains fundamental contradictions that may ultimately limit national effectiveness.