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1
Howgego, Christopher. "The Monetization of Temperate Europe." Journal of Roman Studies 103 (March 18, 2013): 16–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435813000014.
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AbstractBy considering monetization across the Iron Age and Roman periods and across the whole of Temperate Europe some major developments become apparent. The spread of coinage in the Iron Age bears some relationship to the eventual extent of the Roman Empire. Coins stand in the archaeological record for systems of doing things, for ways people relate to each other and to things, and for ways of conceptualizing the world. They provide a useful way to approach the meeting of the worlds of the Iron Age and of Rome. Material forms of being Roman became increasingly important as a dimension of Roman identity. The commercialization implicit in Rome's ‘Cultural Revolution’ was underpinned by the extension of Roman-style monetization. In this light the monetization of Temperate Europe emerges as a process of considerable importance.
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Stein, Peter. "The tradition of Roman law in Europe." European Review 2, no. 4 (1994): 289–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001228.
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In antiquity, Roman law was a case-law system built up gradually through the creation and elaboration of specific remedies for particular fact-situations. The 6th century Byzantine emperor Justinian converted it into a collection of authoritative texts. They were rediscovered in the 12th century at Bologna and, since they provided arguments relevant to most problems of law and government, were studied in all European universities. Adapted by commentators, Roman law became a ius commune, which was ‘received’ to a greater or lesser degree into the national laws of modern European states.
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Lind, Lennart. "The Monetary Reforms of the Romans and the Finds of Roman Denarii in Eastern and Northern Europe." Current Swedish Archaeology 1, no. 1 (1993): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.1993.12.
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Monetary measures undertaken inside the Roman Empire might be responsible for the composition of finds of Roman coins made ontside the Empire. A possible link between the composition of the denarius finds in Barbarian Europe, on the one hand, and the monetary reforms of Nero (54—68) and Septimius Severus (193—211), on the other hand, has long been recognised. There is however a third Roman monetary reform which has put its imprint on the denorius finds in Central, Eastern and Northern Europe, the one of Domitian (81—96).
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Versiani dos Anjos, Carlos. "A Arcádia Romana e a Arcádia Ultramarina: diálogos literários entre a Itália e o Brasil na segunda metade do século XVIII / The Roman Arcadia and the Arcadia Ultramarina: Literary Dialogues between Italy and Brazil in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century." O Eixo e a Roda: Revista de Literatura Brasileira 28, no. 3 (2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2358-9787.28.3.83-114.
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Resumo: Este trabalho visa apresentar as relações literárias entre árcades brasileiros da segunda metade do século XVIII e a Arcádia Romana, a que alguns destes árcades eram filiados, ou a ela associados por intermédio da chamada Arcádia Ultramarina, academia criada no Brasil, na capitania de Minas Gerais, por Cláudio Manuel da Costa. O artigo analisa os primórdios da Arcádia Romana e seus teóricos precursores; o movimento dos poetas brasileiros na Europa e no Brasil, para a criação de uma colônia ultramarina daquela Academia; os esforços de Basílio da Gama, Seixas Brandão e Cláudio Manuel neste empreendimento; a participação do poeta Silva Alvarenga, também como crítico literário; e a recepção crítica sobre a existência e significado da Arcádia Ultramarina, nas suas relações com a Arcádia Romana, entre estudiosos contemporâneos da Itália e do Brasil.Palavras-chave: Arcádia Romana; Arcádia Ultramarina; século XVIII; Literatura Arcádica; História da Literatura.Abstract: We aim to present the literary relations between Brazilian arcadians in the second half of the eighteenth century and the Roman Arcadia, in which some of these arcadians were affiliated or associated to the so-called Arcadia Ultramarina, an academy created in Brazil, in the captaincy of Minas Gerais, by Cláudio Manuel da Costa. We analyze the beginning of the Roman Arcadia and its precursor theorists; the movement of Brazilian poets in Europe and Brazil, for the creation of an overseas colony of that Academy; the efforts of Basilio da Gama, Seixas Brandão and Cláudio Manuel in this venture; the participation of the poet Silva Alvarenga, also as a literary critic; and the critical reception on the existence and significance of the Arcadia Ultramarina in its relations with the Roman Arcadia among contemporary scholars from Italy and Brazil.Keywords: Roman Arcadia; Arcadia Ultramarina; XVIII Century; Arcadian Literature; History of Literature.
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Hingley, Richard. "Frontiers and Mobilities: The Frontiers of the Roman Empire and Europe." European Journal of Archaeology 21, no. 1 (2017): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2017.17.
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This article addresses questions relating to the ‘Frontiers of the Roman Empire World Heritage Site’ and seeks to introduce into this initiative some concepts derived from recent writings on contemporary mobilities and bordering, exploring the possibility of creating greater engagement between the two academic fields of ‘border studies’ and ‘Roman Frontier Studies’. By examining the relationship between the Roman Frontiers initiative and the European Union's stated aims of integration and the dissolution of borders, it argues in favour of crossing intellectual borders between the study of the present and the past to promote the value of the Roman frontiers as a means of reflecting on contemporary problems facing Europe. This article considers the potential roles of Roman Frontier Studies in this debate by emphasizing frontiers as places of encounter and transformation.
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Strano, Emanuele, Andrew Adamatzky, and Jeff Jones. "Physarum Itinerae." International Journal of Nanotechnology and Molecular Computation 3, no. 2 (2011): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jnmc.2011040103.
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The Roman Empire is renowned for sharp logical design and outstanding building quality of its road system. Many roads built by Romans are still used in continental Europe and UK. The Roman roads were built for military transportations with efficiency in mind, as straight as possible. Thus the roads make an ideal test-bed for developing experimental laboratory techniques for evaluating man-made transport systems using living creatures. The authors imitate development of road networks in Iron Age Italy using slime mould Physarum polycephalum. The authors represent ten Roman cities with oat flakes, inoculate the slime mould in Roma, wait as mould spans all flakes-cities with its network of protoplasmic tubes, and analyse structures of the protoplasmic networks. The authors found that most Roman roads, a part of those linking Placentia to Bononia and Genua to Florenzia are represented in development of Physarum polycephalum. Transport networks developed by Romans and by slime mould show similarities of planar proximity graphs, and particular minimum spanning tree. Based on laboratory experiments the authors reconstructed a speculative sequence of road development in Iron Age Italy.
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Heath, Christopher. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe." Al-Masāq 31, no. 3 (2019): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2019.1662600.
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Ludwig, Walther. "Classical antiquity in contemporary Europe." European Review 2, no. 4 (1994): 282–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001216.
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As a consequence of the diminished role that Greek and Roman antiquity plays in secondary school education, the impact which Classical antiquity still has on our contemporary culture is underestimated in public opinion.
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Peacock, D. P. S. "The Passio Sanctorum Quattuor Coronatorum: a petrological approach." Antiquity 69, no. 263 (1995): 362–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00064760.
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James, N. "(Rome + Barbarians) = Europe?" Antiquity 82, no. 316 (2008): 493–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00097003.
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The exhibition, Rome and the Barbarians: the Birth of a New World, in Venice, meditates on Europe's cultural genealogy. Europe, it argues, is a concoction of disparate traditions conceived and developed by the will of admiring immigrants to the Roman world from the east and north. It raises a range of issues left latent in the gallery. How can we create an appropriate narrative for the first millennium AD, particularly with archaeological finds? How, for that matter, can Europe's tradition be defined; and what prompts the issue?
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Terpstra, Taco. "Roman technological progress in comparative context: The Roman Empire, Medieval Europe and Imperial China." Explorations in Economic History 75 (January 2020): 101300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2019.101300.
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HERMAN, DIDI. "The New Roman Empire: European Envisionings and American Premillennialists." Journal of American Studies 34, no. 1 (2000): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875899006258.
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A unified Europe – the economic and political powerhouse of the world – looms just over the horizon. All that is lacking is a strong personality to galvanise and unify the various factions on the continent. And that person is coming!Charles Dyer, World News and Bible Prophecy (1993, 206)The subject of Europe, its history, politics, and integration, is an important area of study across a range of academic disciplines and professional spheres. Theorists and policy-makers alike have made European developments, particularly the elements of union, a key area of inquiry. This article seeks to explore a somewhat neglected field of analysis – the influence of religion in shaping understandings of Europe. In contrast to much work on Europe, my focus here is on the European perspective of a particular group of outsiders: conservative, premillennial Protestants in the United States.
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Fadda, Salvatore. "Una nota su due urne e un’ara cineraria romana recentemente apparse sul mercato antiquario londinese." Anales de Arquelogía Cordobesa 29 (January 11, 2019): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/aac.v29i0.10107.
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ItalianoNel corso di un’asta di antichità della casa Bonham’s tenutasi a Londra il 30 novembre del 2016 sono riapparsi alcuni cinerari romani: due urne e un altare dei quali si ignorava la collocazione da quando furono alienati dalla collezione di Lowther Castle nel 1947. Gli oggetti, tutti di provenienza urbana, hanno viaggiato per l’Europa attraversando diverse collezioni private rimanendo perciò lontani dal grande pubblico e dalle indagini storico-artistiche. La conseguente estrema penuria di letteratura su questi manufatti ha reso opportuna la realizzazione di questa nota, con la quale si vuole ricostruire la provenienza degli oggetti, individuarne il momento della produzione sulla scorta delle loro caratteristiche stilistiche e formali cogliendo l’occasione per affrontare alcune tematiche specifiche dell’iconografia funeraria romana. EnglishDuring an auction of antiquities held by Bonham's in London on November 30, 2016, some Roman cineraries reappeared: two urns and an altar, which were believed lost after they were alienated from the Lowther Castle collection in 1947. The objects, all of urban origin, traveled across Europe through various private collections, thus far away from the public and historical-artistic investigations. The extreme shortage of literature on these three artifacts leaded to the writing of this note which objective is to reconstruct the provenance of the cineraries, to identify the time of production by analyzing their stylistic and formal features while facing some specific themes of Roman funerary iconography. EspañolDurante una subasta de antigüedades celebrada por Bonham's en Londres el 30 de noviembre de 2016, reaparecieron algunos cinerarios romanos: dos urnas y un altar lo que se creían perdidos después de haber sido alienados de la colección de Lowther Castle en 1947. Los objetos, todos de origen urbana, viajaron a través de Europa pasando por varias colecciones privadas, lejos de el público y de la investigación histórico-artística. La extrema escasez de literatura sobre estos tres artefactos condujo a la redacción de esta nota cuyo objetivo es reconstruir la procedencia de los cinerarios, identificar el tiempo de producción analizando sus rasgos estilísticos y formales mientras se enfrenta a algunos temas específicos de la iconografía funeraria romana. Palabras Clave: Urnas cinerarias, escultura romana, arte funerario, coleccionismo de antigüedades.Keywords: Cinerary urns, Roman sculpture, funerary art, collection of antiquities.
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Blockmans, Wim, and Hilde De Weerdt. "The Diverging Legacies of Classical Empires in China and Europe." European Review 24, no. 2 (2016): 306–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798715000654.
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The memory of classical empires has been prominent in both Chinese and European history but it has had a different imprint in each culture. The Han territories were periodically reunified in part and were more consistently ruled as unified empires from the 13th century onwards. In medieval Western Europe the Carolingian and the Holy Roman empires boasted of being renewals of the glorious ancient models but they developed in a different environment, were no longer built on the Roman scale, and only borrowed selectively from the Roman repertoire. In this essay we examine how differences in power relationships, fiscal regimes, and territoriality help explain both the peripheral impact of the classical model in the European context and the enhanced prospects for it in Chinese history from the 12th century onwards.
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Jones, R. F. J. "A false start? The roman urbanization of Western Europe." World Archaeology 19, no. 1 (1987): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1987.9980023.
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Jørgensen, Lise Bender. "The question of prehistoric silks in Europe." Antiquity 87, no. 336 (2013): 581–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00049140.
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Textiles and clothing are among the most visible aspects of human social and symbolic behaviour and yet they have left all too few traces in the archaeological record and it is easy to overlook their importance. Luxury textiles such as silk can additionally provide evidence of long-distance contact, notably between Europe and China during the Han dynasty and the Roman empire. But can these connections be projected back in time to the prehistoric period? The late Irene Good proposed a number of identifications of silk in Iron Age Europe and was instrumental in bringing the issue to wider attention. Closer examination reported here, however, calls those identifications into question. Instead, the case is put that none of the claimed Iron Age silks can be confirmed, and that early traffic in silk textiles to Europe before the Roman period cannot be substantiated.
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Woodbridge, Jessie, Neil Roberts, and Ralph Fyfe. "Vegetation and Land-Use Change in Northern Europe During Late Antiquity: A Regional-Scale Pollen-Based Reconstruction." Late Antique Archaeology 11, no. 1 (2015): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-12340055.
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Abstract This chapter presents an overview of land cover and land use change in northern Europe, particularly during Late Antiquity (ca. 3rd–8th c. AD) based on fossil pollen preserved in sediments. We have transformed fossil pollen datasets from 462 sites into eight major land-cover classes using the pseudobiomisation method (PBM). Through using pollen-vegetation evidence, we show that north-central Europe, lying outside the Roman frontier (the so-called ‘Barbaricum’ region), remained predominantly forested until Medieval times, with the main clearance phase only starting from ca. AD 750. This stands in contrast to north-west Europe, both inside (France/England) and outside (Scotland/Ireland) the Roman imperial frontier; here a majority of forested land was already cleared prior to antiquity. The implications of this are that Roman expansion into the periphery of the empire largely took over existing intensive agrarian regions in the case of ‘Gaul’ (France) and ‘Britannia’ (England and Wales). Pre-existing land-use systems and levels of landscape openness may have played a role in directing the expansion of the Roman empire northwards into Gaul and Britannia, rather than eastwards into Germania. After the period of Roman occupation, partial reforestation is evident in some areas.
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Valenzuela-Lamas, Silvia, and Umberto Albarella. "Animal Husbandry across the Western Roman Empire: Changes and Continuities." European Journal of Archaeology 20, no. 3 (2017): 402–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eaa.2017.22.
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This special issue of theEuropean Journal of Archaeologydiscusses aspects of animal husbandry in a number of provinces of the Western Roman Empire. In this introduction, we describe the general characteristics of animal husbandry in pre-Roman and Roman times to assess any changes that may have occurred after the Roman conquest. The results suggest that the territoriality typifying the first millenniumbchad a significant impact on production, resulting in a decrease in cattle size and frequencies across Europe. Nevertheless, not all the regions reacted in the same way, and regional communities that focused their animal production on pigs implemented more sustainable husbandry practices over time. By bringing together studies carried out across Europe, this journal issue highlights the existence of cases of both change and continuity across the Empire, and the (uneven) impact of the market economy on animal husbandry and dietary practices in climatically different regions.
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TEMIN, PETER. "Financial Intermediation in the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Economic History 64, no. 3 (2004): 705–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050704002943.
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I evaluate the effectiveness of financial markets in the early Roman Empire in this article. I review the theory of financial intermediation to describe a hierarchy of financial sources and survey briefly the history of financial intermediation in eighteenth-century Western Europe to provide a standard against which to evaluate the Roman evidence. I then describe the nature of financial arrangements in the early Roman Empire in terms of this hierarchy. This exercise reveals the extent to which the Roman economy resembled more recent societies and sheds light on the prospects for economic growth in the Roman Empire.
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Temin, Peter. "The Economy of the Early Roman Empire." Journal of Economic Perspectives 20, no. 1 (2006): 133–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/089533006776526148.
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Many inhabitants of ancient Rome lived well. Tourists marvel at the temples, baths, roads and aqueducts that they built. Economists also want to understand the existence of a flourishing and apparently prosperous economy two millennia ago. Market institutions and a stable government appear to have been the combination that produced this remarkable result. This essay provides an economist's view of the Roman economy that emphasizes the role of markets. I focus on the early Roman Empire, from 27 BCE to around 200 CE. I begin with some indications suggesting that the standard of living in ancient Rome was similar to that of early modern period of seventeenth- and eighteenth- century Europe, an extraordinary achievement for any economy in the ancient world. I then argue that ancient Rome managed to achieve this high standard of living through the combined operation of moderately stable political conditions and markets for goods, labor and capital, which allowed specialization and efficiency. After surveying the labor and financial markets in turn, I return to the broad questions of how the Romans prospered and the economy appears to have grown.
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James, N. "Mediated diffusion in Iron Age Europe." Antiquity 84, no. 325 (2010): 880–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00100298.
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Diffusion of Mediterranean traits to central and north-western Europe during the middle Iron Age is a topic well rehearsed now by three generations of archaeologists. The stimulating recent exhibition Golasecca at the Musée d’Archéologie nationale in France, showed that – funds permitting – plenty of scope remains for research.Elaborately made imports, at for instance the Heuneburg, Vix or Hochdorf, have been interpreted as evidence for how aristocrats adopted Greek and Etruscan styles to reinforce their status and regional power between about 600 and 400 BC. Art historians revealed how their bronzesmiths responded selectively to templates from not only states to the south but also eastern nomads. Archaeologists worked out how goods were brought up the Rhône valley by the enterprising Greeks of Marseille or by the northerners themselves exploiting that colony. The ‘trade’ is thought to have encouraged development of social complexity. More recently, to demonstrate the recipients’ ‘agency’, attention has focused on potters’ responses, adoption of coinage and writing and ‘feasts’ for chiefs to show off ‘prestigious’ exotica to rivals, clients or tributaries. Similar models of trade, ‘appropriation’ and sociopolitical development have been developed for the Late Pre-Roman Iron Age and the Roman Iron Age.
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Salisbury, Chris. "An 8th-century Mercian bridge over the Trent at Cromwell, Nottinghamshire, England." Antiquity 69, no. 266 (1995): 1015–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00082557.
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Heavyweight civil engineering in Romanized Europe means Roman, one thinks naturally enough. A tree-ring date now identifies a timber-framed bridge pier, previously thought Roman, as dating to the first half of the 8th century AD — Mercian, and the earliest known Saxon bridge in Britain.
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Bursche, Aleksander. "Contacts between the Late Roman Empire and North-Central Europe." Antiquaries Journal 76 (March 1996): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500047417.
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The concept of Central Europe is understood here to cover the geographical centre of the European continent (i.e. the territory between the Elbe, Bug and Neman rivers, that is, eastern Germany, Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia and Lithuania), formerly treated in much of the English-speaking world as ‘Eastern Europe’. In the past six years, however, this area has been moving closer to the West. This paper shall concentrate on the region north of the Carpathian mountains, particularly the Vistula river-basin and Scandinavia (without Norway), in other words the territory round the Baltic Sea.
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Freeman, Philip W. M., and Peter S. Wells. "The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe." American Journal of Archaeology 104, no. 4 (2000): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507181.
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Shaw, Brent D., and Peter S. Wells. "The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe." Phoenix 54, no. 3/4 (2000): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089080.
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Muhlberger, Steven, and Peter S. Wells. "The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (2001): 1430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693079.
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Erasmo, Mario. "Spirits of the dead: Roman funerary commemoration in Western Europe." Mortality 13, no. 4 (2008): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576270802200689.
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Mrozewicz, Leszek. "Karl Christ i Rzym nieprzemijający…" Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 11 (January 1, 2015): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2015.11.13.
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Karl Christ belonged to the most eminent German historians of the ancient Rome of the latter half of the 20th century. He was particularly interested in the Roman Empire and its place in the European history. This was vividly reflected in his “Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit”, which had as many as six editions in Germany. The book conveys the conviction that the history of the Roman Empire constitutes a fundament of contemporary Europe, regardless of the assessment it received over the centuries, which was often very negative. Karl Christ believed that in our times, Roman Empire acquires a new meaning in view of the unification of Europe. Naturally enough, this engenders the question whether a similar process had taken place in the past, whether there is a model of unity and if so, whether it has a chance of being successful. It turns out that the Roman Empire, despite its weaknesses and drawbacks, can be the only point of reference, regardless of the ways in which Europe is “unified”. The observation is also applied in a broader perspective which extends beyond Europe. This is associated with the ongoing globalisation, which in its turn provokes questions about a similar phenomenon in the past, and almost automatically evokes the example of the Roman Empire. Therefore Christ decided to provide the reader with a comprehensive compendium of knowledge of the Roman Empire in a structural-dialectic approach, so as to facilitate the understanding of persistence of the ancient realm and its impact on European history, at the same time enabling one to arrive at its spiritual and cultural roots. Christ wished to acquaint the contemporary inhabitant of our continent with the dialectics of development of the Roman world, its structural evolution, internal social and cultural diffusion and finally the development of culture in all its manifestations. The historian believed that only in this fashion, i.e. not only through history of persons and events, based on sensational elements, can one appreciate the place of the Roman Empire in the developmental sequence of the European continent and its significance for the contemporary cultural shape of Europe. This is also reflected in Christ’s studies on the history of historiography, or the image of the history of ancient Rome and the specificity of the Roman Empire that had been created by various authors over the centuries. This is also where he undertook the effort to evaluate the positions assumed by German historians in the Nazi times and during the Communist era, in the German Democratic Republic. Nonetheless, the studies of history of historiography were only a means to an end, which was to promote the awareness of the importance of the Roman world, or Mediterranean civilisation as a whole, for the contemporary European culture as well as highlight its persisting influence. In Christ’s opinion, it is that “dialogue of a historian with history” which demonstrates to the fullest extent the dialectic bond between antiquity and the present day.słowa klucze
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Abulafia, David. "Islam in the History of Early Europe." Itinerario 20, no. 3 (1996): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003958.
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Virtually every account of European history after the fall of the Roman Empire identifies ‘Europe’ with Christian civilisation, echoing, consciously or otherwise, the universalist claims of the Byzantine emperors, the popes and the western Roman emperors. Yet it is also the case that Islam possessed a European presence from the eighth century onwards, first of all in Spain and the Mediterranean islands, and later, from the mid-fourteenth century, in the Balkans, where the Turks were able rapidly to establish an empire which directly threatened Hungary and Austria. The lands ruled by Islam on the European land mass have tended to be treated by historians as European only in geographical identity, but in human terms part of a victorious and alien ‘oriental’ civilisation, of which they were provincial dependencies, and from which medieval Spanish Christians or modern Greeks and Slavs had to liberate themselves. Yet this view is fallacious for several reasons. In the first place, there is a valid question about our use of the term ‘civilisation’, which Fred Halliday has expressed as follows:‘Civilisations’ are like nations, traditions, communities – terms that claim a reality and authority which is itself open to question, and appeal to a tradition that turns out, on closer inspection, to be a contemporary creation.
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Green, Miranda J. "Crossing the Boundaries: Triple Horns and Emblematic Transference." European Journal of Archaeology 1, no. 2 (1998): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.1998.1.2.219.
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This paper explores one aspect of the way in which cult-iconography of the later Iron Age and Roman periods in non-Classical Europe broke the rules of mimetic (life-copying) representation, with, reference to a particular motif: the triple horn. The presence of three-horned images within the iconographic repertoire of western Europe during this period clearly illustrates two aspects of such rule-breaking. On the one hand, the image of the triple-horned bull – well-known in the archaeological record, particularly of Roman Gaul – exemplifies a recurrent Gallo-Roman and Romano-British tradition in which realism was suppressed in favour of emphasis to the power of three. On the other hand, the triple-horned emblem is not confined to the adornment of bulls but may, on occasion, be transferred to ‘inappropriate’ images, both of animals which are naturally hornless and of humans. Such emblematic transference, with its consequence of dissonance and contradiction in the visual message, on the one hand, and the presence of symbolism associated with boundaries and transition, on the other, suggests the manipulation of motifs in order to endow certain images with a particular symbolic energy, born of paradox, the deliberate introduction of disorder or chaos and the expression of liminality. The precise meaning conveyed by such iconographic ‘anarchy’ is impossible to grasp fully but – at the least – appears to convey an expression of ‘otherness’ in which order imposed by empirical observation of earthly ‘reality’ is deemed irrelevant to other states of being and to the supernatural world.
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Lutz, Brenda J., and James M. Lutz. "Political Violence in the Republic of Rome: Nothing New under the Sun." Government and Opposition 41, no. 4 (2006): 491–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00201.x.
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AbstractAt various times the Roman Republic faced outbreaks of domestic political violence, including riots and intimidation, assassinations and conspiracies to overthrow the government. Violence was particularly noticeable in the Early Republic and the Late Republic. These activities were quite similar to the terrorism and violence used by mobs and groups during the French Revolution and the tactics of fascists and leftists in Europe in the 1920s or 1930s. More accurately, the actions of mobs and others during the French Revolution and leftists and fascists in Europe were very similar to the techniques used in the Roman political system in the last five centuries BCE.
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Kostic, Slavisa. "Russian Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches on European integration." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 155-156 (2016): 245–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1656245k.
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This article analyzes the attitudes of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church on Europe and European integration, through the activities such as the writings of Bishop of Vienna - now Metropolitan of Volokams - Hilarion Alfeyev and cardinal Joseph Ratzinger-Pope Benedict XVI. Furthermore, it perceives their reflection on moral pluralism, the role of Christianity in foundation of modern Europe and in process of European integration as well as their attempt in establishing the creative answer to militant secularism. The culmination of the cooperation between the two churches was the joint Catholic-Orthodox forum in Trent in 2008 and joint declaration of prolonging family values in European Union.
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Wood, Ian. "The fall of the Roman Empire and the nations of Europe." European Review 7, no. 1 (1999): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003744.
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Many of the nations of Europe have at some time traced their origins to barbarian tribes that settled inside the Roman Empire in the 5th and 6th centuries. In the course of the 19th and 20th centuries the Early Middle Ages were, as a result, manipulated to racist ends. Not surprisingly, scholars who have worked on the period since 1945 have been concerned to undermine earlier interpretations. In this they have been helped by increasing archaeological evidence and by changes in methodology. The current interpretation of the period is one that emphasizes variety – an emphasis which itself reflects present concerns in Europe.
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Grzywaczewski, Józef. "Ku chrześcijańskim korzeniom Europy. Znaczenie nawrócenia cesarza Konstantyna dla Kościoła, dla Cesarstwa Rzymskiego, dla Europy." Vox Patrum 61 (January 5, 2014): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3607.
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The article is consecrated to Constantine’s conversion and to its consequences for the Church, for the Roman Empire and for Europe. There is a general opinion that, even if his attachment to Christianity was not very mature, he worked for the Christian religion during all his life. He has taken many decisions on behalf of the Church; he protected her against the Donatists in Africa. His position towards the Arian heresy was not very clear. He did not pay attention to the dogmatic formulas, but especially to those solutions which guaranteed peace among people. Surely, the emperor once introduced into the Church, remained there as her protector and head. The society was accustomed the emperor’s position as pontifex maximus. Bishops did not protested against his involving into ecclesiastic matters because he worked on their behalf. The effect of Constantine’s attitude was: the Christianization of the Roman Empire and the connection of the Church to the State. In later centuries such an alliance of the altar with the throne was boring for the Church. It is said that every privilege has to be paid. The Roman Empire was collapsed in the end of the fifth century, but its heritage remained in Europe. Charlemagne, cooperating with Pope Leon III, tried to restore the Roman Empire as a Christian State, but he failed to do it. Surely, by his support for schools and studies, he contributed to the European culture. The idea of the Sacrum Imperium Romanum appeared again in the times of Otto I, and especially of Otto III. Such an idea was not possible to be put into practice. The Roman Empire has never been restored, but many of its elements were assimilated by the Church and by medieval Europe. There are to be noticed in all European countries in our time.
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Sakalauskas, Darius. "PINIGAI VĖLYVŲJŲ VIDURAMŽIŲ VIDURIO EUROPOJE." Lietuvos istorijos studijos 39, no. 39 (2017): 152. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lis.2017.39.10769.
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Bartosiewicz, László, and Janez Dirjec. "Camels in antiquity: Roman Period finds from Slovenia." Antiquity 75, no. 288 (2001): 279–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060919.
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Camels were not native to Europe during the Holocene and were evidently imported by conquering peoples. The discovery of camel bones at two sites in Slovenia is an important contribution to understanding the distribution and function of these animals during the Roman Imperial Period.
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Sullivan, Vickie. "Alexander the Great as “Lord of Asia” and Rome as His Successor in Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 515–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000569.
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AbstractAlexander the Great and his legacy suffuse The Prince, a fact that has received little attention. Machiavelli uses Alexander to illustrate the form of rule in which one is lord and all others are slaves. In recounting the Roman Republic's conquest of Greece, Machiavelli treats Alexander's vanquished successors. Alexander's legacy enters Rome itself, igniting in Romans the desire to subject the world to sole preeminence. According to Machiavelli, Caesar imitated Alexander, and Caesar overturned the republic, initiating the rule of one in Rome. Caesar had his own Roman successors, the emperors who ruled under his name. Rome succeeded in imposing the rule of one on Europe. That form of rule exists in Machiavelli's times with the states of the Turk and the Sultan as well as with the papacy in a limited respect. Something of the old Rome and its Alexandrian aspirations persists in Christian Rome.
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De Cecco, Marcello. "Monetary Theory and Roman History." Journal of Economic History 45, no. 4 (1985): 809–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700035105.
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In the study of Roman money Theodore Mommsen remains 135 years after his work a towering figure, more pragmatic than theoretical in his economics, yet still sound. He saw the politics in monetary history, and especially its connection with the strength of the state. His view is more penetrating than MV = PT, fashionable in twentieth-century scholarship on Rome. And it is better economics than offered by the Polanyi School as the alternative line of analysis. The Polanyists infer an absence of a Roman monetary system from the failure of some part to be as sophisticated as the best. On the contrary, the Roman monetary system does not look so different from that of Europe since Mommsen wrote, uneven in its use of monetary devices, but sensibly so.
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Bruno, Btirki. "Europe: Meeting of the Secretaries of the Roman Catholic Liturgical Commissions." Studia Liturgica 20, no. 2 (1990): 239–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003932079002000208.
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Elton, Hugh. "The Barbarians Speak: How the Conquered Peoples Shaped Roman Europe (review)." Journal of World History 12, no. 2 (2001): 470–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2001.0030.
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Martin, Toby F. "Casting the Net Wider: Network Approaches to Artefact Variation in Post-Roman Europe." Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 27, no. 4 (2020): 861–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10816-019-09441-x.
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Abstract This paper explores the stylistic variability of fifth- and sixth-century brooches in Europe using network visualisations, suggesting an alternative means of study, which for more than a century has been dominated by typology. It is suggested that network methods and related theories offer alternative conceptual models that encourage original ways of exploring material that has otherwise become canonical. Foremost is the proposal that objects of personal adornment like brooches were a means of competitive display through which individuals mediated social relationships within and beyond their immediate communities, and in so doing formed surprisingly far-flung networks. The potential sizes of these networks varied according to their location in Europe, with particularly large distances of up to 1000 km achieved in Scandinavia and continental Europe. In addition, an overall tendency toward the serial reproduction of particular forms in the mid-sixth century has broader consequences for how we understand the changing nature of social networks in post-Roman Europe.
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Marzec, Łukasz. "ARTUR DUCK, DE USU ET AUTHORITATE JURIS CIVILIS ROMANORUM - PODRZĘDNA ROZPRAWA CZY DZIEŁO ŚWIATOWEJ ROMANISTYKI?" Zeszyty Prawnicze 6, no. 1 (2017): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2006.6.1.09.
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Artur Duck, De Usu et Authoritate Juris Civilis Romanorum - Mediocre or Brilliant Work?SummaryDe Usu et Authoritate Juris Civilis Romanorum in Dominiis Principum Christianorum, the work by Artur Duck was published in London in 1653. Duck, one o f the leading civil lawyers, a royalist, high commissioner, Master in Chancery, King’s Advocate and a chancellor of three dioceses wrote his book in exile in Oxford during the English Civil War. In his work he analysed the position and influence o f Roman Law in fourteen countries of 17th-century Europe. Apart from England, Scotland and Ireland, he researched the German Empire, France, Italy, Sicily and Naples, Poland, Hungary, Bohemia, Spain, Portugal, Denmark and Sweden. Although Duck was an Englishman, he admired Roman Law and believed it could unify and consolidate the legal systems of Christian Europe. His work shows deep knowledge of how the legal systems o f 17th-century Europe were organized and influenced by Roman Law. What seems to be of a special significance is the section of his book considering the role o f Roman law in England, where Duck was involved in judicial activity for several years as a judge and advocate. Although his work remained forgotten for centuries, contemporary science is attempting to restore it to its proper position. So far, Duck’s work has not been scientifically analysed but there is no doubt that it deserves a detailed study.
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de Weerd, Maarten D. "Moulding methods in Roman period bouts in the North of Europe." Archaeonautica 14, no. 1 (1998): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/nauti.1998.1186.
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Wadden, Patrick. "Columbanus and the Peoples of Post-Roman Europe, ed. Alexander O’Hara." English Historical Review 135, no. 572 (2019): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez388.
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McWebb, Christine. "The Afterlife of the Roman de la rose." Dalhousie French Studies, no. 117 (March 29, 2021): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1076088ar.
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Mobility in learned circles was a reality in the Europe of the Middle Ages, and it is only when we consider the reception of well-known works, such as the thirteenth-century Roman de la rose, in the countries where they circulated in the local language that we are able to gain a more complete understanding of their impact on literary and cultural currents even after the authors had passed away. Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun’s conjoined Roman de la rose (1236, 1269-78) is without a doubt one of the foundational works of French medieval literature with over 360 extant manuscripts. Focusing on two non-French adaptations of this work that appeared within a century of the date of its composition, I show that these translations, or more accurately rewritings, enabled its survival and contributed to its sustained popularity in medieval Europe. The adaptations that are the subject of this analysis are Il Fiore, a thirteenth-century translation and adaptation into Italian often attributed to Dante, and the Romaunt of the Rose, commonly attributed to Geoffrey Chaucer. I conclude that through the medieval practice of interpretatio, the authors of the Fiore, and the Romaunt of the Rose adapt the original text to reflect their own contemporary cultural realities.
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Jońca, Maciej. "O „prawniczych” znaczeniach terminu culpa w Kodeksie Teodozjusza." Vox Patrum 62 (September 4, 2014): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3584.
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The Latin term culpa on the legal ground is usually associated with responsibility for torts. Many of the contemporary works link this legal construction with Roman law, which till now is praised for its concision and clarity. Yet not all Roman sources present the clear dogmatic view on this point. Being permeated with rhetoric the Theodosian Code offers various meanings of this term, which considerably differ from the ideas elaborated by the classical Roman law. Nevertheless the code played substantial role in the process of development of law in the Medieval Europe.
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Soria Molina, David. "Migraciones, deportaciones, colonización y geopolítica durante las guerras dácicas de Trajano (101-106 d.C.)." Revista de Estudios en Seguridad Internacional 6, no. 2 (2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18847/1.12.1.
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The Trajanic Dacian Wars (101-106 AD) implied multiple expansionist population movements by all contestants, that affected the development and result of the conflict, conditioning many of the implied powers’ decisions. In the same way, the intensity and scale of a conflagration that spreaded throughout Danubian and Pontic Europe, finished with heavy population losses as a direct and indirect consequence of armed clashes. Finally, the consolidation of Roman power in Dacia after its conquest and its particularities supposed the deportation and intentional displacement of native population groups, migrations to zones free from Roman occupation and other sociopolitical and demographical problems solved by the Roman Empire through a planned colonization and the varied diplomatic agreements signed on 119 AD. In this essay we are going to deal, through literary, epigraphic, numismatic, archaeological and iconographical fonts, with this demographical processes, the actualities derived from them and its consequences in the framework of Trajan’s Dacian Wars, processes that conditioned the region’s geopolitics and, therefore, the future composition of Eastern Europe.
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Janković, Marko A. "The Concept of Romanization and its Role in the Constitution of the Classical Archaeologies of the Western Balkans." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 8, no. 3 (2016): 747. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v8i3.6.
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The traditional concept of Romanization has heavily influenced the methodology of research of the Roman monuments in Europe. The basic principles of the concept have been laid out by Theodor Mommsen, the German historian and an expert in epigraphy, who was the first to define the relationships between the Roman "civilization" and the local populations in his book The History of Rome. Mommsen presents a process in which two different political, economic and technological communities meet, and the inferior one is inevitably assimilated. Through the adoption of language, script, customs and material culture, the local communities become more Roman, i.e. they are romanized. This paradigm framework has fundamentally changed the way in which the researchers approach the Roman past. This was the first time that the material culture was explained inside archaeology as the discipline associated to history. The introduction of the concept of Romanization enabled the scholars to analyze the material culture in the context of everyday activities, regardless of their artistic value. Although this concept is a largely simplified view of the past, it has marked the Roman archaeology throughout the 20th century. At the moment when Mommsen's ideas are accepted and elaborated in Western Europe, the discipline of archaeology is formed in the Balkans, the first researchers are trained and the first modern archaeological researches are launched. The paper analyses the influence of his ideas upon the formation of Classical archaeology in Croatia and Serbia, two significantly different political contexts.
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Garofalo, Luigi. "POJĘCIA I ŻYWOTNOŚĆ RZYMSKIEGO PRAWA KARNEGO." Zeszyty Prawnicze 3, no. 1 (2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2003.3.1.01.
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THE NOTIONS AND VITALITY OF THE ROMAN CRIMINAL LAWSummary In the recent studies one tends to revaluate the influence of the Roman criminal law on the later penal doctrine, as well as the achievements of the Roman criminal law itself, rejecting the previous theories presenting it as significantly inferior. It is noticed in this study that the medieval jurists idolized the Roman law, adopted it to the new circumstances, and obviously made mistakes interpreting it. And thus the influence of the Roman jurisprudence on the penal doctrine of the ius commune Europe was thoroughly substantial. Notwithstanding the popular opinion also many of the Enlightenment jurists (as, for instance, Gaetano Filangieri and Francesco Mario Pagano) not only knew but also benefited from the Roman criminal law legacy. The doctrine of crime of the successive period was less inspired by the Roman criminal law, which however did not totally lose its significance. It still had some indirect influence, as the nineteenth century codifiers did not stop using the notions of criminal law shaped-up by the mediaeval jurists overwhelmingly impressed by the Roman law.The main part of the study presents a brief overview of the Roman criminal law, especially of the principal rules constituting today the general part of criminal law, principles which could be directly or indirectly found in the experience of the Roman prudentes. It is pointed out that the only Roman lawyer who tried classifying Roman criminal law was Claudius Saturninus (D. 48,19,16). His classification is later discussed in the article as well as some of the crimina (public law crimes), observing that the Romans never separated the Roman criminal law from ius. On this occasion it is underlined that one of the rules often ascribed to the Romans, nullum crimen, nulla poena sine praevia lege poenali, not only was not their own invention but it was clearly contrary to the criminal law practice in their times (the principle itself being probably formulated only by a German lawyer, Feuerbach). The Romans tried describing the subjective and objective element of the crime as well as presenting various defences available to the culprits (e.g., age, necessity, self-defence, mistake, etc).In the last part o f the paper the possible influence of the Roman criminal law constructions on the Middle Ages is pondered over. The often wrong interpretations of the ancient sources led to some embarrassment and paradoxes. This explains Baldus’ famous statement allowing the judge to construe the (Roman) statute according to the principles of the ius commune, which would in turn revive the statute and save it from an inevitable decay. The mediaeval lawyers studied and analysed the figures of deliberate misconduct and unintentional negligence (anyway without further effects in clarifying vague issue o f the subjective element of the crime). Some of the defences, like the most important figure of self-defence, known and elaborated in the Roman law came to the teachings and studies of the doctores in their original shape and significance, sometimes even stimulating further development of the penal doctrine. The mediaeval ius commune jurists adopted Roman considerations applying different responsibility regarding the doer’s age as well as Roman systématisations of the crimes subordinated to various legal principles. And therefore the doctores, following the Roman example, drew a line between public and private crimes, these which were officially prosecuted and those which were brought to court on a basis of a private motion. The jurists distinguished between lay-public and ecclesiastical crimes, between ordinary and peculiar offences, dishonourable and regular wrong-doings. Similarly the mediaeval lawyers took over the Roman considerations about attempt and iter criminis as well as concurrence of crimes and offenders.In conclusion the paper, wishing for a future development of the studies on the subject, summarises that the theoretical solutions and considerations in the Roman criminal law wrought out above by the classical jurisprudence outlived their times and became the source of the doctrinal inspirations in the coming centuries.
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Garcia Portilla, Jason. "“Ye Shall Know Them by Their Fruits”: Prosperity and Institutional Religion in Europe and the Americas." Religions 10, no. 6 (2019): 362. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10060362.
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Low competitiveness is a common denominator of historically Roman Catholic countries. In contrast, historically Protestant countries generally perform better in education, social progress, and competitiveness. Jesus Christ described the true and false prophets coming on his behalf, as follows: “Ye shall know them by their fruits”. Inspired by this parable, this paper explores the relations between religious systems (‘prophets’) and social prosperity (‘fruits’). It asks how Protestantism influences prosperity as compared to Roman Catholicism in Europe and the Americas. Most empirical studies have hitherto disregarded the institutional influence of religion. Taking the work of Max Weber as their starting point, they have instead emphasised the cultural linkage between religious adherents and prosperity. This paper tests various correlational models and draws on a comprehensive conceptual framework to understand the institutional influence of religion on prosperity in Europe and the Americas. It argues that the uneven contributions of Roman Catholicism and Protestantism to prosperity are grounded in their different historical and institutional foundations and in the theologies that are pervasive in their countries of influence.