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Journal articles on the topic 'The Acheulean'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Chauhan, Parth R., and August G. Costa. "New perspectives on Acheulean and Acheulean-like adaptations." Quaternary International 480 (June 2018): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2018.05.003.

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2

de la Torre, Ignacio. "The origins of the Acheulean: past and present perspectives on a major transition in human evolution." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 371, no. 1698 (July 5, 2016): 20150245. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2015.0245.

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The emergence of the Acheulean from the earlier Oldowan constitutes a major transition in human evolution, the theme of this special issue. This paper discusses the evidence for the origins of the Acheulean, a cornerstone in the history of human technology, from two perspectives; firstly, a review of the history of investigations on Acheulean research is presented. This approach introduces the evolution of theories throughout the development of the discipline, and reviews the way in which cumulative knowledge led to the prevalent explanatory framework for the emergence of the Acheulean. The second part presents the current state of the art in Acheulean origins research, and reviews the hard evidence for the appearance of this technology in Africa around 1.7 Ma, and its significance for the evolutionary history of Homo erectus . This article is part of the themed issue ‘Major transitions in human evolution’.

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3

Masojć, Mirosław, Ju Yong Kim, Joanna Krupa-Kurzynowska, Young Kwan Sohn, Maciej Ehlert, Grzegorz Michalec, Marzena Cendrowska, et al. "The oldest Homo erectus buried lithic horizon from the Eastern Saharan Africa. EDAR 7 - an Acheulean assemblage with Kombewa method from the Eastern Desert, Sudan." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): e0248279. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0248279.

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Although essential for reconstructing hominin behaviour during the Early Palaeolithic, only a handful of Acheulean sites have been dated in the Eastern Sahara region. This is due to the scarcity of sites for this time period and the lack of datable material. However, recent excavations in the Atbara region (Sudan) have provided unique opportunities to analyse and date Acheulean stone tools. We report here on EDAR 7, part of a cluster of Acheulean and Middle Stone Age (MSA) sites that were recently discovered in the Eastern Desert Atbara River (EDAR) region, located in the Eastern Desert (Sudan) far from the Nile valley. At EDAR 7, a 3.5 metre sedimentary sequence was excavated, allowing an Acheulean assemblage to be investigated using a combination of sedimentology, stone tool studies and optically stimulated luminescence dating (OSL). The site has delivered a complete Acheulean knapping chaine opératoire, providing new information about the Saharan Acheulean. The EDAR 7 site is interpreted as a remnant of a campsite based on the co-occurrence of two reduction modes: one geared towards the production of Large Cutting Tools (LCTs), and the other based on the flaking of small debitage and production of flake tools. Particularly notable in the EDAR 7 assemblage is the abundance of cleavers, most of which display evidence of flake production. Implementation of giant Kombewa flakes was also observed. A geometric morphometric analysis of hand-axes was conducted to verify a possible Late Acheulean assemblage standardisation in the Nubian Sahara. In addition, the analysis of micro-traces and wear on the artefacts has provided information on the use history of the Acheulean stone tools. Sediment analyses and OSL dating show that the EDAR 7 sequence contains the oldest Acheulean encampment remains in the Eastern Sahara, dated to the MIS 11 or earlier. This confirms that Homo erectus occupied the EDAR region during Middle Pleistocene humid periods, and demonstrates that habitable corridors existed between the Ethiopian Highlands, the Nile and the Red Sea coast, allowing population dispersals across the continent and out of it.

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4

Deino, Alan L., Anna K. Behrensmeyer, Alison S. Brooks, John E. Yellen, Warren D. Sharp, and Richard Potts. "Chronology of the Acheulean to Middle Stone Age transition in eastern Africa." Science 360, no. 6384 (March 15, 2018): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aao2216.

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The origin of the Middle Stone Age (MSA) marks the transition from a highly persistent mode of stone toolmaking, the Acheulean, to a period of increasing technological innovation and cultural indicators associated with the evolution ofHomo sapiens. We used argon-40/argon-39 and uranium-series dating to calibrate the chronology of Acheulean and early MSA artifact–rich sedimentary deposits in the Olorgesailie basin, southern Kenya rift. We determined the age of late Acheulean tool assemblages from 615,000 to 499,000 years ago, after which a large technological and faunal transition occurred, with a definitive MSA lacking Acheulean elements beginning most likely by ~320,000 years ago, but at least by 305,000 years ago. These results establish the oldest repository of MSA artifacts in eastern Africa.

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5

Shipton, Ceri, Chris Clarkson, and Rommy Cobden. "Were Acheulean Bifaces Deliberately Made Symmetrical? Archaeological and Experimental Evidence." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 29, no. 1 (July 5, 2018): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095977431800032x.

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Acheulean bifaces dominate the archaeological record for 1.5 million years. The meaning behind the often symmetrical forms of these tools is the topic of considerable debate, with explanations ranging from effectiveness as a cutting tool to sexual display. Some, however, question whether the symmetry seen in many Acheulean bifaces is intentional at all, with suggestions that it is merely the result of a bias in hominin perception or an inevitable consequence of bifacial flaking. In this paper we address the issue of intention in biface symmetry. First, we use transmission chain experiments designed to track symmetry trends in the replication of biface outlines. Secondly, we use archaeological data to assess the symmetry of Acheulean bifaces from British, East African and Indian assemblages in relation to reduction intensity; the degree of bifaciality; and the symmetry of four Middle Palaeolithic bifacial core assemblages. Thirdly, we look at specific examples of the reduction sequences that produced symmetrical Acheulean cleavers at the sites of Olorgesailie CL1-1, Isinya, Chirki, Morgaon and Bhimbetka. All three lines of evidence support the notion that symmetry was a deliberately imposed property of Acheulean bifaces and not an epiphenomenon of hominin visual perception or bifacial technology.

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6

Hodgson, Derek, and John Mc Nabb. "More on Acheulean Tools." Current Anthropology 46, no. 4 (August 2005): 647–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/432749.

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7

Cole, James. "Examining the Presence of Symmetry within Acheulean Handaxes: A Case Study in the British Palaeolithic." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25, no. 4 (October 15, 2015): 713–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774315000141.

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This paper examines the relationship between the presence of symmetry and the Acheulean biface within a predominantly British Lower Palaeolithic context. There has been a long-standing notion within Palaeolithic studies that Acheulean handaxes are symmetrical and become increasingly so as time progress as a reflection of increasing hominin cognitive and behavioural complexity. Specifically, the presence of symmetry within Acheulean handaxes is often seen as one of the first examples of material culture being used to mediate social relationships. However, this notion has never been satisfactorily tested against a large data set. This paper seeks to address the issue by conducting an analysis of some 2680 bifaces across a chronological and geographical span. The results from the sample presented here are that symmetrical bifaces do not appear to have a particularly strong presence in any assemblage and do not appear to increase as time progress. These results have significant implications for modern researchers assessing the cognitive and behavioural complexities of Acheulean hominins.

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8

Key, Alastair J. M., and Christopher J. Dunmore. "Manual restrictions on Palaeolithic technological behaviours." PeerJ 6 (August 16, 2018): e5399. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.5399.

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The causes of technological innovation in the Palaeolithic archaeological record are central to understanding Plio-Pleistocene hominin behaviour and temporal trends in artefact variation. Palaeolithic archaeologists frequently investigate the Oldowan-Acheulean transition and technological developments during the subsequent million years of the Acheulean technocomplex. Here, we approach the question of why innovative stone tool production techniques occur in the Lower Palaeolithic archaeological record from an experimental biomechanical and evolutionary perspective. Nine experienced flintknappers reproduced Oldowan flake tools, ‘early Acheulean’ handaxes, and ‘late Acheulean’ handaxes while pressure data were collected from their non-dominant (core-holding) hands. For each flake removal or platform preparation event performed, the percussor used, the stage of reduction, the core securing technique utilised, and the relative success of flake removals were recorded. Results indicate that more heavily reduced, intensively shaped handaxes with greater volumetric controls do not necessarily require significantly greater manual pressure than Oldowan flake tools or earlier ‘rougher’ handaxe forms. Platform preparation events do, however, require significantly greater pressure relative to either soft or hard hammer flake detachments. No significant relationships were identified between flaking success and pressure variation. Our results suggest that the preparation of flake platforms, a technological behaviour associated with the production of late Acheulean handaxes, could plausibly have been restricted prior to the emergence of more forceful precision-manipulative capabilities than those required for earlier lithic technologies.

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9

Daura, Joan, Montserrat Sanz, Juan Luis Arsuaga, Dirk L. Hoffmann, Rolf M. Quam, María Cruz Ortega, Elena Santos, et al. "New Middle Pleistocene hominin cranium from Gruta da Aroeira (Portugal)." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114, no. 13 (March 13, 2017): 3397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1619040114.

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The Middle Pleistocene is a crucial time period for studying human evolution in Europe, because it marks the appearance of both fossil hominins ancestral to the later Neandertals and the Acheulean technology. Nevertheless, European sites containing well-dated human remains associated with an Acheulean toolkit remain scarce. The earliest European hominin crania associated with Acheulean handaxes are at the sites of Arago, Atapuerca Sima de los Huesos (SH), and Swanscombe, dating to 400–500 ka (Marine Isotope Stage 11–12). The Atapuerca (SH) fossils and the Swanscombe cranium belong to the Neandertal clade, whereas the Arago hominins have been attributed to an incipient stage of Neandertal evolution, toHomo heidelbergensis, or to a subspecies ofHomo erectus. A recently discovered cranium (Aroeira 3) from the Gruta da Aroeira (Almonda karst system, Portugal) dating to 390–436 ka provides important evidence on the earliest European Acheulean-bearing hominins. This cranium is represented by most of the right half of a calvarium (with the exception of the missing occipital bone) and a fragmentary right maxilla preserving part of the nasal floor and two fragmentary molars. The combination of traits in the Aroeira 3 cranium augments the previously documented diversity in the European Middle Pleistocene fossil record.

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10

Shipton, C. B. K., M. D. Petraglia, and K. Paddayya. "Stone tool experiments and reduction methods at the Acheulean site of Isampur Quarry, India." Antiquity 83, no. 321 (September 1, 2009): 769–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00098987.

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What better way to understand how to make a handaxe or cleaver than getting into an Acheulean quarry and doing it yourself. The authors experimented at Isampur Quarry in India, finding that handaxes were best produced by reducing a slab to shape, while cleavers were best made by striking large flakes. There was a good correspondence with the ancient implements, and the authors deduced that Acheulean hominins were learning and transmitting standardised manufacturing methods to each other.

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11

Finkel, Meir, and Ran Barkai. "The Acheulean Handaxe Technological Persistence: A Case of Preferred Cultural Conservatism?" Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 84 (March 26, 2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ppr.2018.2.

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One of the unsolved ‘paradoxes’ in prehistoric archaeology is that of the gap between the considerable advances in human biological and cultural evolution during the Lower Palaeolithic period, and the over one million years of ‘stagnation’ of the Acheulean handaxe. Most of the research on this topic has focused on innovation – why it was delayed or failed to take place – while overlooking the fact that innovation had occurred in many other fields during the same period. We suggest that practical, social, and adaptive mechanisms were in force in certain areas of human behaviour and led to enhanced innovation, while conservatism was preferred in handaxe technology and use. In this study we emphasise the dependency of Acheulean groups on calories obtained from large mammals, and especially megafauna, as well as the central role of handaxes in processing large carcasses. It is our contention that the handaxe’s role in Acheulean adaptation was pivotal and it thus became fixed in human society, probably through the psychological bias towards majority imitation, which subsequently became a social norm or tradition. In brief, we suggest that the technological persistence of the Acheulean handaxe played an adaptive role that was based on a preferred cultural conservatism and led to the successful survival of Lower Palaeolithic populations over hundreds of thousands of years in the Old World.

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12

Toth, Nicholas, and Kathy Schick. "Why did the Acheulean happen? Experimental studies into the manufacture and function of Acheulean artifacts." L'Anthropologie 123, no. 4-5 (November 2019): 724–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anthro.2017.10.008.

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13

Rossano, Matt J. "Cognitive Fluidity and Acheulean Over-imitation." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 27, no. 3 (April 4, 2017): 495–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774317000208.

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This paper analyses recently discussed evidence of over-imitation in Acheulean biface construction. First, it evaluates the argument for over-imitation using the available archaeological and cognitive science evidence. Next, it applies the four major theories of over-imitation, (1) Copy and Correct (C&C), (2) Automatic Causal Encoding (ACE), (3) social affiliation and (4) normative theory, as potential explanations for Acheulean over-imitation. ACE theory is the most likely explanation for early biface over-imitation (before 500,000 years bp), with social affiliation becoming increasingly likely after that. Normative over-imitation probably did not occur until around 300,000 years bp, when both the necessary hominin cognitive capacities and social conditions were present. An important conclusion emerging from this analysis is that over-imitation requires an integration of social and technical intelligence. Thus, the origins of cognitive fluidity may date back to as early as a million years ago, well before material evidence of fluidity is present.

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14

Tuffreau, Alain, and Agnès Lamotte. "Oldest Acheulean Settlements in Northern France." Quaternary International 223-224 (September 2010): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2010.02.012.

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15

Asfaw, Berhane, Yonas Beyene, Gen Suwa, Robert C. Walter, Tim D. White, Giday WoldeGabriel, and Tesfaye Yemane. "The earliest Acheulean from Konso-Gardula." Nature 360, no. 6406 (December 31, 1992): 732–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/360732a0.

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16

Lycett, Stephen J., and John A. J. Gowlett. "On questions surrounding the Acheulean ‘tradition’." World Archaeology 40, no. 3 (September 2008): 295–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438240802260970.

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17

Gowlett, J. A. J. "New dates for the Acheulean age." Nature 329, no. 6136 (September 1987): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/329200a0.

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18

Haslam, Michael, Richard G. Roberts, Ceri Shipton, J. N. Pal, Jacqueline L. Fenwick, Peter Ditchfield, Nicole Boivin, A. K. Dubey, M. C. Gupta, and Michael Petraglia. "Late Acheulean hominins at the Marine Isotope Stage 6/5e transition in north-central India." Quaternary Research 75, no. 3 (May 2011): 670–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yqres.2011.02.001.

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AbstractSingle-grain optically stimulated luminescence dating was applied to Late Quaternary sediments at two sites in the Middle Son Valley, Madhya Pradesh, India. Designated Bamburi 1 and Patpara, these sites contain Late Acheulean stone tool assemblages, which we associate with non-modern hominins. Age determinations of 140–120 ka place the formation of these sites at around the Marine Oxygen Isotope Stage 6–5 transition, placing them among the youngest Acheulean sites in the world. We present here the geochronology and sedimentological setting of these sites, and consider potential implications of Late Pleistocene archaic habitation in north-central India for the initial dispersal of modern humans across South Asia.

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19

Belitzky, Shmuel. "The Structure and Morphotectonics of the Gesher Benot Ya'aqov Area, Northern Dead Sea Rift, Israel." Quaternary Research 58, no. 3 (November 2002): 372–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/qres.2002.2347.

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AbstractGeological, geomorphological, and morphotectonic studies at the Gesher Benot Ya'aqov Acheulean site, Northern Jordan Valley, provide: 1) a unique opportunity to establish the ecological background of hominid behavior during the early stages of widespread human occupation; 2) crucial data for understanding the paleo-environment and the various processes that affected the area near the Gesher Benot Ya'aqov site; and 3) a basis for further comprehensive research in the region.Quaternary tectonic activity near the Acheulean archeological site has produced a complex local setting that controls the surrounding landscape. Tectonic activity formed the Benot Ya'aqov embayment, which attracted hominids and a variety of other fauna. Sediments of the Benot Ya'akov formation deposited in the embayment facilitated excellent preservation of the remnants of Acheulean hominid activities and of abundant floral and faunal remains. The formation was subsequently affected by faulting and folding. Local uplift ended the deposition of lacustrine sediments in the embayment of Hula Valley Basin and caused erosion and vertical incision of the Jordan River that resulted in the capture of the Rosh Pinna River and the exposure of the Benot Ya'akov formation. These deposits are found in different structural positions along the north–south oriented morphotectonic embayment. The outcrops contain numerous archeological sites, giving the study area an unusually high potential for future hominid discoveries.

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20

Shipton, Ceri. "Imitation and Shared Intentionality in the Acheulean." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 20, no. 2 (June 2010): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774310000235.

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Imitation and shared intentionality are traits essential to the socio-cultural adaptation of Homo sapiens. Non-human apes display some capacity for imitation and shared intentionality, but are deficient in comparison to Homo sapiens. The Acheulean archaeological record provides evidence that imitation and shared intentionality were part of the behavioural repertoire of the hominins manufacturing that industry. The palaeoneurological record suggests some early Homo specimens possessed the neural architecture associated with modern human imitation. From this evidence it is suggested that a propensity for imitation and shared intentionality evolved soon after 2 million years ago.

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21

Ohel, Milla Y. "The Acheulean Handaxe: A Maintainable Multifunctional Tool." Lithic Technology 16, no. 2-3 (December 1987): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01977261.1987.11720884.

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22

Schmid, Peter. "Nadaouiyeh – A Homo erectus in Acheulean context." L'Anthropologie 119, no. 5 (November 2015): 694–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anthro.2015.10.011.

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23

Högberg, Anders, Peter Gärdenfors, and Lars Larsson. "Knowing, Learning and Teaching—How Homo Became Docens." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 25, no. 4 (September 18, 2015): 847–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774315000402.

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This article discusses the relation between knowing, learning and teaching in relation to early Palaeolithic technologies. We begin by distinguishing between three kinds of knowledge: knowing how, knowing what and knowing that. We discuss the relation between these types of knowledge and different forms of learning and long-term memory systems. On the basis of this analysis, we present three types of teaching: (1) helping and correcting; (2) showing; and (3) explaining. We then use this theoretical framework to suggest what kinds of teaching are required for the pre-Oldowan, the Oldowan, the early Acheulean and the late Acheulean stone-knapping technologies. As a general introductory overview to this special section, the text concludes with a brief presentation of the papers included.

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24

Potts, Richard, Anna K. Behrensmeyer, J. Tyler Faith, Christian A. Tryon, Alison S. Brooks, John E. Yellen, Alan L. Deino, et al. "Environmental dynamics during the onset of the Middle Stone Age in eastern Africa." Science 360, no. 6384 (March 15, 2018): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.aao2200.

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Development of the African Middle Stone Age (MSA) before 300,000 years ago raises the question of how environmental change influenced the evolution of behaviors characteristic of earlyHomo sapiens. We used temporally well-constrained sedimentological and paleoenvironmental data to investigate environmental dynamics before and after the appearance of the early MSA in the Olorgesailie basin, Kenya. In contrast to the Acheulean archeological record in the same basin, MSA sites are associated with a markedly different faunal community, more pronounced erosion-deposition cycles, tectonic activity, and enhanced wet-dry variability. Aspects of Acheulean technology in this region imply that, as early as 615,000 years ago, greater stone material selectivity and wider resource procurement coincided with an increased pace of land-lake fluctuation, potentially anticipating the adaptability of MSA hominins.

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25

McNabb, John, and Peter Beaumont. "Excavations in the Acheulean Levels at the Earlier Stone Age Site of Canteen Koppie, Northern Province, South Africa." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 78 (2012): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00027109.

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The fluvial gravels of the river Vaal in South Africa have long been known as a source for Earlier Stone Age (ESA) artefacts. Most were discovered through the open cast mining for diamonds that has left very littlein situfluvial sediment remaining today. The site of Canteen Koppie is an internationally famous location with a reputation for prolific Acheulean artefacts, especially handaxes and the enigmatic prepared core and Levallois-like technology known as Victoria West. Our understanding of this site, and most other Vaal locations, is almost solely based on highly selected artefact collections. Here, we report on the first controlled excavations ever to be conducted at Canteen Koppie. The deposits are likely to date to the Early and Middle Pleistocene, and our excavations sample the full depth of the stratigraphic sequence. The lower units, first identified in these excavations, add a considerable time depth to the Acheulean occupation of the site, making this the longest chrono-stratigraphic sequence in South Africa to our knowledge. Given the current international interest in the origins of Levallois/prepared core technology (PCT), its occurrence in Unit 2b Upper, and its presence alongside Victoria West technology in Unit 2a has significant implications for debates on the role of Victoria West in the origins of PCT. From the Canteen Koppie evidence, Levallois and Victoria West are clearly rooted in the Acheulean.

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26

Gowlett, J. A. J. "Variability in an early hominin percussive tradition: the Acheulean versus cultural variation in modern chimpanzee artefacts." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 370, no. 1682 (November 19, 2015): 20140358. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2014.0358.

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Percussion makes a vital link between the activities of early human ancestors and other animals in tool-use and tool-making. Far more of the early human actions are preserved as archaeology, since the percussion was largely used for making hard tools of stone, rather than for direct access to food. Both primate tools and early hominin tools, however, offer a means to exploring variability in material culture, a strong focus of interest in recent primate studies. This paper charts such variability in the Acheulean, the longest-lasting tool tradition, extant form about 1.7 to about 0.1 Ma, and well known for its characteristic handaxes. The paper concentrates on the African record, although the Acheulean was also known in Europe and Asia. It uses principal components and discriminant analysis to examine the measurements from 66 assemblages (whole toolkits), and from 18 sets of handaxes. Its review of evidence confirms that there is deep-seated pattern in the variation, with variability within a site complex often matching or exceeding that between sites far distant in space and time. Current techniques of study allow comparisons of handaxes far more easily than for other components, stressing a need to develop common practice in measurement and analysis. The data suggest, however, that a higher proportion of traits recurs widely in Acheulean toolkits than in the chimpanzee record.

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White, Mark J., and Danielle C. Schreve. "Island Britain – Peninsula Britain: Palaeogeography, Colonisation, and the Lower Palaeolithic Settlement of the British Isles." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 66 (2000): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00001742.

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Britain's geographical status has fluctuated between an island and a peninsula of Europe several times over the past 500 kya, as sea-levels rose and fell in response to global climate change. In this paper, we outline the currently available lithological and biological evidence for these fluctuations and use it to help construct an heuristic biogeographical framework of human colonisation, settlement, and abandonment, proposing mechanisms that are coupled with both regional palaeogeographical evolution and global climatic change. When used as a means of interpreting the archaeological record, the implications of this framework suggests not only that large-scale socio-culturally relevant patterns may indeed exist in the lithic record, but that these may possibly be understood as part of the ebb and flow of different regional populations, measured against the backdrop of changing climates and landscapes. It is suggested that the Clactonian and Acheulean may represent separate pulses of colonisation, possibly by different European populations, following abandonment during the height of glacial periods: the Clactonian reflecting an early recolonisation event during climatic amelioration, the Acheulean representing a second wave during the main interglacial. This phenomenon is recurrent, being observable during the first two post-Anglian inter glacials. Other patterns in the lithic record are argued to reflect specific endemic technological developments among insular hominid populations during periods of isolation from mainland Europe. These represent some of the few patterns in the British Acheulean that cannot be interpreted more parsimoniously in terms of raw materials.

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28

Stout, Dietrich, Jan Apel, Julia Commander, and Mark Roberts. "Late Acheulean technology and cognition at Boxgrove, UK." Journal of Archaeological Science 41 (January 2014): 576–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2013.10.001.

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29

De Sá-Saraiva, Rodrigo, and Ana Isabel De Sá-Saraiva. "On the Acheulean origin of mind and language." Theoria et Historia Scientiarum 9 (December 19, 2012): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/v10235-011-0008-z.

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30

Moncel, Marie-hélène, and Danielle Schreve. "The Acheulean in Europe: Origins, evolution and dispersal." Quaternary International 411 (August 2016): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.08.039.

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31

Asfaw, Berhane, Yonas Beyene, Gen Suwa, Robert C. Walker, Tim D. White, Giday WoldeGabriel, and Tesfaye Yemane. "Erratum to: The earliest Acheulean from Konso-Gardula." Nature 362, no. 6415 (March 1993): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/362091a0.

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32

Gowlett, J. A. J. "A case of Developed Oldowan in the Acheulean?" World Archaeology 20, no. 1 (June 1988): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00438243.1988.9980053.

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33

Hodgson, Derek. "The symmetry of Acheulean handaxes and cognitive evolution." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 2 (June 2015): 204–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2015.02.002.

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34

Gowlett, J. A. J., and R. H. Crompton. "Kariandusi: Acheulean morphology and the question of allometry." African Archaeological Review 12, no. 1 (December 1994): 3–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01953037.

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Torre, Ignacio de la, Rafael Mora, and Jorge Martínez-Moreno. "The early Acheulean in Peninj (Lake Natron, Tanzania)." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27, no. 2 (June 2008): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2007.12.001.

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Rigaud, Solange, Francesco d'Errico, Marian Vanhaeren, and Christian Neumann. "Critical reassessment of putative Acheulean Porosphaera globularis beads." Journal of Archaeological Science 36, no. 1 (January 2009): 25–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2008.07.001.

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Amirkhanov, H. A. "Evolution of the Lithic Industry in Central Dagestan During the Early Pleistocene: The Rising Occurrence of Flake Blanks." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 49, no. 1 (April 16, 2021): 3–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2021.49.1.003-008.

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Abstract:

Archaeological data from stratified Early Pleistocene sites in Central Dagestan are arranged in a direct stratigraphic sequence, making it possible to reconstruct the changes in lithic industry over a span of 1.2 mln years, from ~2.0 to 0.8 Ma BP, and to separate the principal stages in the Early Paleolithic culture of the Caucasus. This study examines blanks found at sites of the Ainikab-Mukhkay group, such as Ainikab-1, and Mukhkay-1, -2, and -2a. Occurrences of large flake blanks (>10 cm) at the Oldowan and the Oldowan to Acheulean transitional stage are provided. Such blanks appear at the beginning of the Jaramillo paleomagnetic episode (~1.07 Ma BP). By the end of the Early Pleistocene, their share attains 25.77 % of the total number of blanks for morphologically distinct tools. They are absent in Oldowan deposits (~2 Ma BP). The totality of statistical data justifies the separation of the transitional Oldowan to Acheulean stage in the region, dating to 1.0–0.8 Ma BP.

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Kotov, V. G., and M. M. Rumyantsev. "PALEOLITHIC SITE-WORKSHOP OF AKBULATOVO-3 IN THE MOUNTAIN PART OF THE BELAYA RIVER (BASHKORTOSTAN)." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 1(52) (2021): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-1-15-34.

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The discovery of the pre-Mousterian monument, dating back to the Middle Pleistocene era, in the mountain-forest zone of the Southern Urals is of great interest both for archaeology, in particular, considering the problem of time and ways of setting on the territory, and for geology, taking into account the dating of the terraces of river valleys in the mountainous part of the region. The site-workshop Akbulatovo-3 is confined to the cover deposits of the III floodplain terrace of the Belaya river, 15 m above the modern level of the river, including pebble and clastic material from quartzite in the deposits of brownish-brown loam of periglacial type of the late Risian time. The collection of items from quartzite (447 items) is represented by a variety of cores: cuboid, orthogonal, sub-cone, and biplatformed. The tools were made both by bifacial processing and on flakes, less often on amorphous plate-like chips. Among them, there are “Acheulean” forms – choppers, peaks, simple scrapers, and “Upper Paleolithic” ones – scrapers, burins, punctures, carvers, and chisel tools. Such a combination of archaic types of tools and cores with “progressive” forms of tools and cores, characteristic of the Moustier and Upper Paleolithic gives grounds to attribute the complex to the end of the Acheulean era or to the beginning of the Moustier. A similar monument, combining the Acheulean types of tools and cores with the Mousterian and Upper Paleolithic ones, was discovered on Lake Turogoyak in the Chelyabinsk region – the site Naves (Island of Vera 6a) at the porphyrite exits. This allows the authors to attribute them to a single technological tradition, called the “Akbulatov type of industry”.

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Svoboda, Jiří. "At the edge: Acheulean in the middle of Europe." Anthropologie 56, no. 3 (2018): 163–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26720/anthro.17.09.19.1.

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Zhang, Pu, Weiwen Huang, and Wei Wang. "Acheulean handaxes from Fengshudao, Bose sites of South China." Quaternary International 223-224 (September 2010): 440–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2009.07.009.

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Santonja, Manuel, and Alfredo Pérez-González. "Mid-Pleistocene Acheulean industrial complex in the Iberian Peninsula." Quaternary International 223-224 (September 2010): 154–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2010.02.010.

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Jennings, Richard P., Ceri Shipton, Paul Breeze, Patrick Cuthbertson, Marco Antonio Bernal, W. M. C. Oshan Wedage, Nick A. Drake, et al. "Multi-scale Acheulean landscape survey in the Arabian Desert." Quaternary International 382 (September 2015): 58–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.01.028.

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Rossoni-Notter, Elena, Olivier Notter, Suzanne Simone, and Patrick Simon. "Acheulean technical behaviors in Aldène cave (Cesseras, Hérault, France)." Quaternary International 409 (July 2016): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.11.016.

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Todd, Lawrence, Michelle Glantz, and John Kappelman. "Chilga Kernet: an Acheulean landscape on Ethiopia's western plateau." Antiquity 76, no. 293 (September 2002): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0009089x.

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Petraglia, M. D. (Michael D. ). "Acheulean Culture in Peninsular India: An Ecological Perspective (review)." Asian Perspectives 43, no. 2 (2004): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/asi.2004.0025.

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Vakula, Matej. "Looking for an Acheulean hand-axe in messy knowledge." Technoetic Arts 16, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/tear.16.3.285_1.

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Cannell, Alan. "PROBOSCIDEAN RESOURCES AND THE ENGINEERING OF ACHEULEAN LITHIC TECHNOLOGY." Lithic Technology 39, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0197726113z.00000000031.

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Rossoni-Notter, Elena, Olivier Notter, Suzanne Simone, and Patrick Simon. "Acheulean in Monaco: Observatoire cave and its singular occupations." Quaternary International 411 (August 2016): 212–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.01.073.

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Wynn, Thomas, and Forrest Tierson. "Regional Comparison of the Shapes of Later Acheulean Handaxes." American Anthropologist 92, no. 1 (March 1990): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1990.92.1.02a00050.

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Samson, David R. "Stones of Contention: The Acheulean Handaxe Lethal Projectile Controversy." Lithic Technology 31, no. 2 (September 2006): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01977261.2006.11721035.

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