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Journal articles on the topic '(the) afrikaners'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Moon, Jihie. "Hybride zelf(re)presentatie in de dagboeken van Hennie Aucamp." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 54, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 44–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tvl.v.54i1.3.

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This article on Hennie Aucamp approaches his journals as ego-documents. The positional dilemma and identity crisis of Afrikaners in the new South Africa are portrayed in the triptych: Gekaapte tyd (Captured time, 1996), Allersiele (All Souls, 1997) and Skuinslig (Light at Dusk, 2003). Aucamp's journals constitute a hybrid composite that bridges the space between a personal reflection on daily life and that of a historical, social and cultural document. Through the complex process of disguise and revelation of the "I", Aucamp's diaries create a space that allows free contemplation and reflection both on the socio-cultural developments in the new South Africa and on the fate of Afrikaners and Afrikaans itself. It is from his feeling of displacement and expatriation as a white Afrikaner under the new system and his fear of the disappearance of Afrikaners and Afrikaans that Aucamp positions himself as a defender of Afrikaner culture. Moreover, Aucamp claims that this cultural legacy could be used as future-oriented survival strategy: the preservation of culture being simultaneously self-preservation. It is within this framework that he makes a subtle comparison between Afrikaans and Afrikaner culture and the culture of the San; his affinity for the lost culture of the San runs parallel with his defence of the world of Afrikaners. This has resulted in the writer's socio-cultural criticisms and commentaries in a certain sense becoming a personal performance in favour of the recreation of a lost Afrikaner language and culture. At the same time, they il- lustrate the writer's attempt to position himself strategically with regard to the future-oriented formation of identity not only of himself, but also of the reader. It is within this context that the increase in ego-documents written in modern-day South African and Afrikaner literature can also be seen as a struggle against loss and forgetting.

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2

Toit, Brian M. Du. "The Far Right in Current South African Politics." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 4 (December 1991): 627–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00005693.

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Afrikaner consciousness and identification have a tradition of very clear ethnic roots. Derived from a common ancestral stock that gives biological, historical, and linguistic characteristics to their identity, Afrikaners also share a Protestant religion tradition, with a major theme of Calvinistic predestination and being in South Africa due to divine providence. While opposing parties may vie for their support, the sentiment of favouring Afrikaners and whites – in that order – is shared by all.

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3

Katz, Elaine N. "The Underground Route to Mining: Afrikaners and the Witwatersrand Gold Mining Industry from 1902 to the 1907 Miners' Strike." Journal of African History 36, no. 3 (November 1995): 467–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034502.

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This paper challenges the conventional view that the 1907 miners' strike constituted a landmark in the history of Afrikaner employment in the Witwatersrand gold mining industry. According to this view, the participation of Afrikaners during the dispute, as first-time miners and strike-breakers, gained them a permanent and proportionally large niche in the industry, for the first time. In sharp contrast, this paper demonstrates that Afrikaners already constituted a substantial percentage of white underground workers, particularly as a discrete category of workmen, the miners, well before the strike had even begunThe Afrikaner miners lacked training and mining skills. Yet, like the overseas professional miners, most of whom were British-born, they were classed as skilled workmen, eligible for skilled wages. This anomaly occurred because the so-called skills of the overseas professional miners were fragmented by the labour practices peculiar to the Rand. The expertise of the foreign miner derived from his all-round capabilities and experience. These were exclusively defined to constitute his so-called skill, and hence his skilled wage. But on the Witwatersrand, the overseas professional miners were required to draw on only one of their numerous accomplishments in a ‘specialized’, but only semi-skilled, capacity. They were employed either as supervisors of Africans, who performed drilling tasks, or as specialist pit men doing a single pit task among many: pump minding, pipe fitting, timbering or plate laying. Such fragmentation of the foreign miners' a11-round skills facilitated the entry of lesser trained men as miners, notably the Afrikaners.To become a miner, more specifically a supervisor, the Afrikaner needed only a brief period of specific instruction, which he acquired in one of several ways: through mine-sponsored experiments with unskilled white labour, rather than black; through the informal assistance of qualified miners; and through management-sponsored learner schemes intended to provide a core of compliant Afrikaner miners who would break the monopoly of skills and collective strength of the overseas professional miners. Such training enabled the Afrikaner to earn the compulsory, but readily available, blasting certificate, the award of which was confined to whites. Although most Afrikaners possessed this certificate, the hallmark of a skilled miner, they could not earn the customary white skilled wage because they were obliged to work under a System of contracts and not on day's pay.The incompetent Afrikaner miners nevertheless obtained billets easily, partly because of the industry's growth, but mainly because the overseas pioneer miners were decimated by the preventable occupational mining disease, silicosis: the locally born simply filled their places. The Afrikaners, of course, were also vulnerable to silicosis; but it was only from 1911 onwards that this gradually developing disease claimed them in significant numbers too.The overseas miners shunned the Afrikaners not only for ethnic reasons but also for material ones: they feared that the local miners, who were inefficient and had not been trained in the lengthy apprenticeships traditional in the industry, would undercut skilled wage rates. Management also scorned them because of their incompetence. Despite their relatively large numbers – they comprised at least one-third of the miners – the Afrikaners, who were unsuccessful, isolated and spurned, made little impact on the socio-economic and cultural fabric of the industry's work-force, either at the time of the 1907 strike or during its immediate aftermath.

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4

Britz, R. M. "Die begrip ‘Calvinisme’ in die Afrikaanse geskiedskrywing. ’n Oorsigtelike tipering." Verbum et Ecclesia 15, no. 2 (July 19, 1994): 196–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v15i2.1092.

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The term "Calvinism" in the Afrikaans historiography. A historical survey This article deals with the uses of the term "Calvinism/Calvinistic" in the Afrikaner school of historiography. A careful investigation shows that it was first used during the latter part of the 19th century as a designation of the "northern" Afrikaners. During the 20th century, however, the term received a broadened meaning and application. As an image it articulated the meaning of Afrikaner history. Since its use was not documented, the issue of Afrikaner Calvinism needs theological and historical scrutinising.

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5

Muller, S. J. "Imagining Afrikaners musically: Reflections on the ‘African music’ of Stefans Grové." Literator 21, no. 3 (April 26, 2000): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v21i3.504.

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For nearly two decades Stefans Grové has been composing music that absorbs the cultural “Other" of Africa in a manner that defies an easy classification of ‘‘indigenous’’ principles and “exotic” appropriation. His own conception of himself as an African who composes African music challenges the inhibition of “white” Afrikaner culture and revivifies Afrikaner culture as African culture. In so doing, Grové is consciously subverting the myth of a united Africa over against a monolithic "West” - and with it the legitimacy of an autochthonous echt African culture previously excluded by “whites" and Afrikaners. This article takes a closer look at the strategies and techniques involved in this fin de siècle musical imaginings of Afrikaner identity.

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6

Lloyd, Warren. "The potential of South Africa’s “Boers”." Journal of Enterprising Communities: People and Places in the Global Economy 13, no. 1/2 (May 31, 2019): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jec-09-2018-0057.

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Purpose Due to the limited research on minority entrepreneurs in Africa, this paper aims to investigate the specific motivation of the current-day Afrikaner community group in South Africa toward entrepreneurship, whether necessity- or opportunity-based, as they represent a valuable potential toward not just economic growth but a wealth of entrepreneurial cultural capital capable of partnering and sharing successfully with other ethnic community groups. Design/methodology/approach The empirical research was conducted by quantitative analysis where data were gathered from a random sample of 648 respondents of an online survey. The ten-item achievement motives scale (AMS-R) was used to measure the distinct hope of success (HS) and fear of failure (FF) motives in McClelland’s need for achievement (nAch). The survey was conducted by the writer as part of an alternative study, and the data were analysed using SPSS v23. Findings The research determined no significant differences between HS (opportunity motivation) between specified age groups, but for FF (necessity motivation), there were statistical differences. This then disproved the stated hypothesis that current and nascent Afrikaner entrepreneurs are indifferent between the two motives. Along with this, it was found that there exists an overall high HS motive in the Afrikaner community, suggesting a high propensity toward the desired opportunity motivated entrepreneurship. Research limitations/implications This research is limited to nAch motivation within the single minority group of Afrikaners in South Africa. Implications for future research could be further comparison to other groups, both minority immigrant and “home” cultural groups, and the value of this as it relates to economic growth and knowledge sharing contexts. Practical implications The overall high HS motivation seen in the results should be reassuring for policymakers, on the basis that opportunity motivation is a key driver of economic growth and the value as it relates to knowledge sharing from the Afrikaner group to poorer community groups. Social implications South Africa, with a large poor community, and one of the lowest entrepreneurial rates in the world, is desperately in need of economic growth that the potential of partnerships with Afrikaner entrepreneurs contain, both from economic growth and knowledge sharing contexts. The high-opportunity-motivated entrepreneurship seen in the Afrikaners community suggests that there exists the willingness for such partnerships. Originality/value This paper provides empirical confirmation of the high opportunity entrepreneurial motive in nascent Afrikaners and provides a positive motivation for developing policies to harness this opportunity through initiatives and partnerships linking Afrikaner and black communities.

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7

Gibbs, Pat. "Empire, Dissidence and Disease. The Impact of the First World War on the Molteno District of the Eastern Cape, 1914–1919." Britain and the World 13, no. 2 (September 2020): 126–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2020.0347.

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This article explores the social impact of the First World War on the remote farming area of the Molteno District in the North Eastern Cape of South Africa from 1914 to 1919. It deals with the impact of the war on ideologies, political transition, race and health. Since its inception in 1874 as a coal mining town, Molteno had been dominated by British merchants, public servants and professional men who, given a variety of social, political, economic and cultural networks linking the colonies to the Empire, identified strongly with Britain. Similarly, many Afrikaner farmers in the region had also felt an affinity with the Empire, having experienced the material benefits of the spread of capitalism, communication networks and banking, the development of sheep farming and the discovery of diamonds. Contrary to much of the literature, the article suggests that many Afrikaners were alienated by the war rather than influenced by Hertzog's new Afrikaner Nationalist Party which in the end may have merely provided a home for alienated Afrikaners. It also attempts to examine the experience of blacks in the region who supported Britain's cause in the war contributing labour and even finance. Finally the so-called Spanish ‘Flu, which was cruelly brought home by demobbed soldiers, is analysed as an effect of the war.

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8

Viljoen, H. "What Oom Gert does not tell: Silences and resonances of C. Louis Leipoldt’s ‘Oom Gert vertel’." Literator 20, no. 3 (April 26, 1999): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.496.

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This paper is an attempt to reconstruct the resonance of “Oom Gert vertel” at the time it was written. The story that Oom Gert tells is reread for its silences and unsaid things. Oom Gert’s reticence about his own story, his silence about the politics of the time and his partial view of the devastating effects of martial law are explored against the backdrop of Leipoldt's reports on the trials of Cape rebels in the treason court for the pro-Boer newspaper The South African News and of other reconstructions of the period. From this reading Oom Gert emerges as representing the complexities of the loyalty of Cape Afrikaners. It is postulated that the unsaid historical background, which would have resonated powerfully for Cape Afrikaners of that time, was written out of the poem so that it could fit better into the circumstances of its first publication. Appropriating the poem for Afrikaner nationalism is a misreading.

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9

Shin, Wonchul. "From Demonic Faith to Redemptive Faith: The Ambiguity of Faith in the Intersection of Religion and State Violence." Religions 11, no. 6 (May 26, 2020): 268. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11060268.

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This paper aims to examine the ambiguity of faith in the intersection of religion and state violence. I pay attention to the state-operated system of apartheid in South Africa and critically analyze the Afrikaner community’s faith that motivated and justified vicious state violence against people of color. I name this faith demonic faith and present two key features of demonic faith in the South African case: idolatrous absolutization and destructive dehumanization. I also examine how the Afrikaners’ demonic faith came to its existence through the complex dynamics of their existential anxieties, desires, and distorted ways to fulfill the desires. I then argue for the ineffaceable possibility of redemptive faith, and theoretically construct how two features of redemptive faith, consisting of courage and empathy, could have empowered the Afrikaners to break the shackles of demonic idolatry and destruction. Redemptive faith is tragically paired with demonic faith, but truth serves as a key criterion to guide us in this tragic ambiguity of faith.

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10

Müller, Retief. "AFRIKANER REFORMED MISSIONARY ENTHUSIASTS AND THE VOORTREKKERS: WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO DINGAANSDAG/GELOFTEDAG AND ALSO THE 1938 EEUFEES." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 3 (May 12, 2016): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/445.

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The missionary discourse in Afrikaner Reformed Christianity has been controversial, because it is implicated in the development of early apartheid policies, which were subsequently implemented by National Party governments. This article does not directly concern itself with apartheid, however, but rather with the ideological backdrop against which this policy developed, i.e. Afrikaner nationalism. Afrikaner nationalism was deeply informed by a mythological reconstruction of the Voortrekkers as ideal Afrikaners. For this reason, the 1938 ox-wagon centenary Trek was a formative occasion in Afrikaner, and consequently South African history. What role did the Afrikaner missionary/evangelical discourse play within these celebrations and within commemorations of the Voortrekkers and Geloftedag more generally? With a particular focus on the early to middle twentieth century, this article demonstrates that missionary and evangelical co-optation of this discourse was indeed pronounced, at the centre of the political situation, but also containing an element of surprise and the potential for unexpected outcomes in at least a couple of cases.

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11

van Zyl, Johan. "Afrikaners en Andere." South African Theatre Journal 11, no. 1 (January 1997): 215–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10137548.1997.9688205.

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12

Lau, Brigitte. "Conflict and Power in Nineteenth-Century Namibia." Journal of African History 27, no. 1 (March 1986): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700029182.

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In explaining how one Oorlam group, the Afrikaners, lost their hegemony in Namaland in the 1860s, this article examines the impact on this region of Oorlam migrations, trade with the Cape and the advent of Christian missionaries. The kinship-based social organization of Nama pastoralists was largely replaced by the ‘commando’ organization, introduced by the Oorlams. By the 1850s, production throughout Namaland was geared less to subsistence than to the demands of Cape traders for cattle, skins and ivory. Raiding and hunting, with imported guns and horses, supplanted local traditions of good husbandry. While foreign traders made large profits, commando groups were locked into a cycle of predatory and competitive expansion. By the early 1860s, such conflict had polarised; the Afrikaners and their allies (including Herero client-chiefs) confronted several Nama/Oorlam chiefs and an army raised by a Cape trader, Andersson. The ensuing battles were not, as has been claimed, a Herero ‘war of liberation’; instead, they marked the replacement of Afrikaner by European hegemony; the country was freer than ever before to be controlled by agents of merchant capital and colonialism.

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13

Strauss, Piet. "Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk en die Afrikanervolk kerkordelik verwoord." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2016.v2n2.a21.

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The Dutch Reformed Church and the Afrikaner – in its church orderThe Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) and the Afrikaner people had close ties in the 1960’s. This was intensified by the apartheid system in South Africa. The policy of apartheid was supported by the DRC, most of the Afrikaners and the National Party in government. In 1962 the DRC determined in its church order that it will protect and build the Christian-Protestant character of the Afrikaner people. This group was singled out by a church that was to be for believers of all nations. It also gave the DRC an active part in the development of this group. The documents Church and Society-1986 and Church and Society-1990 changed all this. The close links between the DRC and Afrikaans cultural institutions ended and the DRC declared that it caters to any believer. The church order article about the Afrikaner was omitted.

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Angove, C. "The inescapable bond with a predetermined heritage: a phenomenon illustrated by representative characters from three Athol Fugard plays." Literator 8, no. 3 (May 7, 1987): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v8i3.866.

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This article has been gleaned from an MA dissertation on Fugard’s portrayal of the Afrikaner. In determining which characters in the English-dominated Fugard plays can safely be categorized as Afrikaners, one is confronted with the dilemma of the Coloured Afrikaner, who shares the language and culture of the Afrikaner, yet is excluded from any real sense of Afrikaner identity. In this article the White and Coloured Afrikaner characters in three Fugard plays are analysed and discussed in accordance with their perception of their bondage to their cultura. I try to illustrate how each character’s decisions and interpersonal relationships are, to a large extent, the result of the witting or unwitting adherence to a cultural identity. The characters discussed are: Morris, the Coloured brother in The Blood Knof; Frieda and Errol in Statements after an Arrest under the Immorality Act; and Piet, Gladys and Steve in A Lesson from Aloes. “Man is bound to space and time ... a fact that one should never overemphasize or underestimate.” - (J.H. Coetzee)

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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.

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FURLONG, PATRICK. "Apartheid, Afrikaner Nationalism and the Radical Right: Historical Revisionism in Hermann Giliomee'sThe Afrikaners." South African Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (November 2003): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582470308671455.

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Brits, J. P. "An Afrikaner History For All Times? Hermann Giliomee'sThe Afrikaners: Biography of a People." Kleio 36, no. 1 (January 2004): 47–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00232080485380031.

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Toit, André Du. "Puritans in Africa? Afrikaner “Calvinism” and Kuyperian Neo-Calvinism in Late Nineteenth-Century South Africa." Comparative Studies in Society and History 27, no. 2 (April 1985): 209–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500011336.

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Accounts of South African history and politics have been much influenced by what might be termed the Calvinist paradigm of Afrikaner history. As a model for the historical understanding of modern Afrikaner nationalism and of the ideology of apartheid it has proved persuasive to historians and social scientists alike. In outline, it amounts to the view that the “seventeenth-century Calvinism” which the Afrikaner founding fathers derived from their countries of origin became fixed in the isolated frontier conditions of trekboer society and survived for generations in the form of a kind of “primitive Calvinism”; that in the first part of the nineteenth century, this gave rise to a nascent chosen people ideology among early Afrikaners, which provided much of the motivation for, as well as the self-understanding of, that central event in Afrikaner history, the Great Trek, while simultaneously serving to legitimate the conquest and subordination of indigenous peoples; and that, mediated in this way, an authentic tradition of Afrikaner Calvinism thus constitutes the root source of modern Afrikaner nationalism and the ideology of apartheid. In fact, very little of this purported historical explanation will stand up to rigorous critical scrutiny: in vain will one look for hard evidence, either in the primary sources of early Afrikaner political thinking or in the contemporary secondary literature, of a set of popular beliefs that might be recognised as “primitive Calvinism” or as an ideology of a chosen people with a national mission.

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19

Ingham, Kenneth. "The Afrikaners of South Africa." International Affairs 68, no. 1 (January 1992): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620557.

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SCHELLACK, WERNER. "The Afrikaners' Nazi Links Revisited." South African Historical Journal 27, no. 1 (November 1992): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479208671743.

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Twala, Chitja. "The Afrikaner reaction to the singing of liberation songs in South Africa: The case of Julius Malema’s ‘Dubul’ ibhunu’ (Kill the Boer, Kill the Farmer) song." Acta Ethnographica Hungarica 59, S (May 20, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/022.2013.002.

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The article traces the impact and relevance of the singing of the liberation songs by members of the African National Congress (ANC) and the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) in South Africa’s new and fragile democratic dispensation. The study also highlights the reaction of the Afrikaner section of South Africa’s population, which claims that the singing of liberation songs, particularly ‘Dubul’ ibhunu’ promotes racism and hatred. Essentially, this challenge to the song by the Afrikaners was triggered by the singing of it in public by the then ANCYL President Julius Malema. The failure by Malema to refrain from singing this song led to taking the matter to the courts in order to ascertain the relevance of such songs in a democratic South Africa.

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Huigen, Siegfried. "Opkomst en teloorgang van de Afrikaners." Internationale Neerlandistiek 58, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 231–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/in2020.3.004.huig.

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Gerhart, Gail M., and Herman Giliomee. "The Afrikaners: Biography of a People." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 6 (2003): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033815.

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Ray, John J. "Anxiety and Racism Among Urban Afrikaners." Journal of Social Psychology 129, no. 1 (February 1989): 135–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00224545.1989.9711714.

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Stultz, Newell, and Hermann Giliomee. "The Afrikaners: Biography of a People." International Journal of African Historical Studies 36, no. 3 (2003): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3559443.

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Beck, Roger B. "The Afrikaners: Biography of a People." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 3 (January 2004): 114–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528695.

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POLZER, TARA. "The Afrikaners: Biography of a People." Nations and Nationalism 12, no. 1 (January 26, 2006): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2006.00235_14.x.

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Brink, P. A., L. T. Steyn, G. A. Coetzee, and D. R. Van der Westhuyzen. "Familial hypercholesterolemia in South African Afrikaners." Human Genetics 77, no. 1 (September 1987): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00284709.

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Kotlerman, Ber. "SOUTH AFRICAN WRITINGS OF MORRIS HOFFMAN: BETWEEN YIDDISH AND HEBREW." Journal for Semitics 23, no. 2 (November 21, 2017): 569–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1013-8471/3506.

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Morris Hoffman (1885-1940), who was born in a Latvian township and emigrated to South Africa in 1906, was a brilliant example of the Eastern European Jewish maskil writing with equal fluency in both Yiddish and Hebrew. He published poetry and prose in South African Yiddish and Hebrew periodicals. His long Yiddish poem under the title Afrikaner epopeyen (African epics) was considered to be the best Yiddish poetry written in South Africa. In 1939, a selection of his Yiddish stories under the title Unter afrikaner zun (Under the African sun) was prepared for publishing in De Aar, Cape Province (which is now in the Northern Cape Province), and published after his death in 1951 in Johannesburg. The Hebrew version of the stories was published in Israel in 1949 under the title Taá¸¥at shmey afrikah (Under the skies of Africa). The article deals with certain differences between the versions using the example of one of the bilingual stories. The comparison between the versions illuminates Hoffmanâ€™s reflections on the relations between Jews and Afrikaners with a rather new perspective which underlines their religious background

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Hall, D. "Extended Intermarker Linkage Disequilibrium in the Afrikaners." Genome Research 12, no. 6 (June 1, 2002): 956–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1101/gr.136202.

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Grebe, H. P. "Afrikaners in Angola 1928-1975 (Nicol Stassen)." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 47, no. 2 (October 9, 2017): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v47i2.3100.

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Teppo, Annika. "Church rules? The lines ofordentlikheidamong Stellenbosch Afrikaners." Anthropology Southern Africa 38, no. 3-4 (October 2, 2015): 314–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23323256.2015.1106921.

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Huynh, Tu T. "“We Are Not a Docile People”: Chinese Resistance and Exclusion in the Re-Imagining of Whiteness in South Africa, 1903–1910." Journal Of Chinese Overseas 8, no. 2 (2012): 137–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17932548-12341235.

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Abstract This article offers a corrective to the way in which the history of reconstruction and the construction of whiteness in the early decade of the 1900s in South Africa has been understood. In the aftermath of the Anglo-Boer War in 1902, South Africa on the whole and, in particular, the Transvaal Colony not only experienced economic instability, but also a crisis in the black-white racial hierarchy. This article shows that even though the presence of indentured laborers from North China was a threat to the livelihood of English workingmen and Afrikaner farmers, their presence helped to strengthen a racial division of labor and regime that privileged white men. The restrictions attached to the recruitment of indentured Chinese labor to work in the gold mining industry in the Transvaal clearly defined who would be regarded as the cheap and unskilled laborers. Additionally, the means of control resorted to by the industry and colonial government in response to their disturbances and riots, desertions, breaking into white peoples’ homes, and murdering of Afrikaner farmers treated non-white peoples as pariah, subject to control and exclusion. The sense of control and authority resorted to by the Dutch- and English-speaking peoples against this backdrop engendered a kind of racial coalescence among Afrikaners and English as whites.

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van der Westhuizen, Christi. "(Un)sung Heroines." Matatu 50, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 258–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002004.

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Abstract In the South African War (1899–1902), Boer women emerged as more heroic than their men folk. When Boer leaders succumbed to a truce, much discursive work ensued to domesticate Boer women anew in the face of their recalcitrance in accepting a peace deal with the British. But attempts to re-feminise Boer women and elevate Boer men to their ‘rightful’ position as patriarchs faltered in the topsy-turvy after the war. The figure of the volksmoeder, or mother of the nation, provided a nodal category that combined feminine care for the family and the volk, or fledgling Afrikaner nation, but the heroic narrative was increasingly displaced by the symbol of self-sacrificial, silent and passive motherhood, thereby obscuring women’s political activism. Today, a re-remembering of volksmoeder heroism, combined with feminist politics based on the democratic-era Constitution, opens up possibilities of Afrikaners breaking out of their white exclusivism to join the nascent democratic South African nation.

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Holtzhausen, Cornelius A. "SOKKIE DANCING IN PRETORIA: POPULAR AFRIKAANS MUSIC, DANCE, AND IDENTITY." African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21504/amj.v11i2.2312.

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Afrikaans protest music influenced by rock has received a substantial degree of academic attention in recent years. While significant, the emphasis on Afrikaans protest music has left Afrikaans pop music largely unexamined. As this genre enjoys wide popularity amongst Afrikaners, this article considers this lacuna in academic inquiry. Afrikaans pop music is widely consumed in South Africa and is a major part of its music industry. In this article, I bring into focus how a strand of music, that might seem to avoid meaningful dialogue through superficial lyrics, forms part of an Afrikaner subculture and a strategy to preserve identity, norms, and values. In particular, I argue for a wider contextual understanding of music and the limitations of lyrical analysis to produce meaningful insight into music’s role in enabling participants to negotiate identity and place. Drawing on fieldwork conducted at Presley’s, a night club in Pretoria, I elucidate this process through the dialogue between Afrikaans music and sokkie dance.

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Marlin-Curiel, Stephanie. "Rave New World: Trance-Mission, Trance-Nationalism, and Trance-scendence in the “New” South Africa." TDR/The Drama Review 45, no. 3 (September 2001): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/10542040152587178.

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In the “new South Africa” some young Afrikaners are using raves to explore ways for finding a constructive place for themselves, their language, and their culture. This is the winning entry in TDR's 2000 Student Essay Contest.

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Kotze, M. J., E. Langenhoven, J. A. Kriek, C. J. J. Oosthuizen, and A. E. Retief. "DNA screening of hyperlipidemic Afrikaners for familial hypercholesterolemia." Clinical Genetics 42, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1399-0004.1992.tb03135.x.

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Leslie, Michael. "BITTER MONUMENTS: Afrikaners and the New South Africa." Black Scholar 24, no. 3 (June 1994): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1994.11413151.

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Fourie, A. M., G. A. Coetzee, W. Gevers, and D. R. van der Westhuyzen. "Two mutant low-density-lipoprotein receptors in Afrikaners slowly processed to surface forms exhibiting rapid degradation or functional heterogeneity." Biochemical Journal 255, no. 2 (October 15, 1988): 411–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1042/bj2550411.

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Two distinct mutant low-density-lipoprotein receptors in South African Afrikaners exhibit retarded posttranslational processing to mature forms. One mutation gives rise to cell-surface receptors that are subject to abnormally rapid degradation, whereas the other is associated with a functionally heterogeneous surface population degraded at a normal rate.

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Kowalski, Mariusz. "Poles in the Dutch Cape Colony 1652-1814." Werkwinkel 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 65–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2015-0005.

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Abstract The contribution of Poles to the colonisation and development of the Dutch Cape Colony is not commonly known. Yet, Poles have been appearing in this colony since its very inception (1652). During the entire period considered here the presence of Poles was the result of the strong economic ties between Poland and the Netherlands. At the end of this period there was an increase in their share, in connection with the presence of numerous alien military units on the territory of the Colony, because of Poles having served in these units. Numerous newcomers from Poland settled in South Africa for good, established families, and their progeny made up part of the local society. The evidence of this phenomenon is provided by the present-day Afrikaner families of, for instance, Drotsky, Kitshoff, Kolesky, Latsky, Masuriek, Troskie, Zowitsky, and others. A quite superficial estimation implies that the settlers coming from Poland could make up a bit over 1% of the ancestors of the present-day Afrikaners. Poles would also participate in the pioneering undertakings within the far-off fringes of the Colony, including the robbery-and-trade expedition of 1702.

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Sapire, Hilary. "The Prince and Afrikaners: The Royal Visit of 1925." Royal Studies Journal 5, no. 1 (June 9, 2018): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/rsj.142.

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Botha, Martin, and Samuel Lelièvre. "Promised Land ou des Afrikaners face à eux-mêmes." Cahiers d'études africaines 44, no. 173-174 (January 1, 2004): 441–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.4689.

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Giliomee, Hermann. "Afrikaners and the Making of a Radical Survival Plan." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 112–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020799.

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The debate over modern South Africa has been dominated by the question whether continuities between apartheid and segregation existed. Much of apartheid was a tightening or an elaboration of segregation, but there were also features that made it unique. The one was the systematic classification in statutory groups of the entire population, including people of racially mixed origins, which resembles the rule of the Cape by the VOC or Dutch East Company that distinguished among legal status groups. The other distinctive feature of apartheid was its concern with the rehabilitation of subordinate communities up to the point where they could become nations. Using the terminology of German romantic nationalism and mission doctrine rather than that of British indirect rule, apartheid substituted culture and ultimately nation for race.

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Teppo, Annika. "Moral Radicals: Afrikaners and their Grassroots Ecumenism After Apartheid." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 2 (January 10, 2018): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1420010.

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Marx, Christoph. "‘The Afrikaners’: Disposal of history or a new beginning?" Politikon 32, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340500101832.

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Hyslop, Jonathan. "The White Poor at the End of Apartheid: The Collapse of the Myth of Afrikaner Community." Itinerario 27, no. 3-4 (November 2003): 226–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300020842.

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In 1983, a year which some might view as the high watermark of apartheid, a strange thing happened in Roodepoort, a town in the West Rand mining area, near Johannesburg. A Mrs van Rensburg, visiting a local, all-white school, realised that some of the children were starving. She gave them food. When she returned the next day, the childrens’ parents were sitting on the pavement in front of the school, waiting for a meal. Van Rensburg's husband, Leon, took on the task of feeding the parents and children on a regular basis. He was a man of extreme right wing sympathies and was to become active on the West Rand as a follower of Eugene Terreblanche's neo-Fascist Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging (AWB). By 1985, the AWB had initiated a nation-wide Volkshulpskema (People's Help Scheme). By 1988 the scheme was providing 14,000 meals a day for white children. On the West Rand, where Leon van Rensburg became organiser for the scheme, 2,000 children a day were being fed. The scheme was explicitly aimed at fostering racial solidarity. Leon van Rensburg told a journalist: These people need not be members of the AWB. They are Afrikaners. We help any white person, in spite of their political beliefs.’

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Theron, P. F. (Flip). "From Moral Authority to Insignificant Minority: The Precarious State of the Dutch Reformed Church in a Post-Apartheid South Africa." Journal of Reformed Theology 2, no. 3 (2008): 228–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973108x333722.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the transformation of the 'dearly beloved church' of the Afrikaners from a formerly mighty social institution in the 'old' South Africa to just another minority group in the 'new.' It argues that the Reformed tradition needs a 'political theology' in which the church's message of the cross is not compromised in search of social glory and political power.

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Goguel, Anne-Marie. "Le retour à l'Afrique de la tribu blanche des Afrikaners." Autres Temps. Les cahiers du christianisme social 25, no. 1 (1990): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/chris.1990.2561.

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Marcks, Carmen. "Die Büste eines Afrikaners aus der Sammlung Piranesi in Stockholm." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 1 (November 2008): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-01-13.

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A portrait bust of an African placed among the antiquities in the Royal Museum at Stockholm once belonged to the Roman artist Giovanni Battista Piranesi. It was brought to Sweden at the end of the 18th century at the instance of King Gustav III. The head is a work of the middle or second half of the 16th century. It belongs to a specific, local, Roman form of Mannerist portraits, which have in common a remarkable affinity to antique imperial portrait busts. While the head is an eclectic work combining an idealized countenance—a contemporary peculiarity of portrait art—with antique usages of portrayal, the bust itself seems to be a work that stands directly in the tradition of cinquecentesque Venetian busts. Obviously head and bust were not originally created as an ensemble.

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Baker, S. G., A. Rabson, R. Shires, B. I. Joffe, and H. C. Seftel. "HLA antigens in South African Afrikaners with heterozygous familial hypercholesterolaemia." Journal of Medical Genetics 22, no. 4 (August 1, 1985): 320–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jmg.22.4.320-a.

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