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Journal articles on the topic "The Algeria War (1954-1962). eng"
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Iratni, Belkacem, and Mohand Salah Tahi. "The Aftermath of Algeria’s First Free Local Elections." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 466–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00406.x.
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THERE ARE SOME DATES AND EVENTS WHICH REMAIN engraved in the collective memory of a people. In Algeria these are: 1 November 1954, which sparked the eight-year long War of Liberation; 5 July 1962, which witnessed the end of French rule over the country after 130 years of colonial settlement; and 12 June 1990, which signalled the withering away of the monopoly of power exercised by the ruling party - the National Liberation Front (FLN) - following the holding of the first ever free and competitive local elections in the history of independent Algeria. No doubt, on 12 June 1990 the Constitution of 23 February 1989, which fundamentally transformed the political and social system of Algeria, achieved its most spectacular application. These elections aimed at the renewal of seats in the Councils of both APC: Assemblées Populaires Communales (constituencies), and APW: Assemblées Populaires de Wilayat (provinces). For the first time, Algerians were offered the freedom to choose their representatives from among lists of candidates sponsored by several newly-legalized parties alongside the FLN, and for the first time, the FLN tasted defeat.
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Vinen, Richard C. "The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1994): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016514.
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ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.
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Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.
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To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against France led it to lean progressively towards the "socialist" States instead of the "imperialistic" West, thereby foregoing its initial neutralism. This has profoundly affected the paths taken by independent Algeria.
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Entelis, John P., and Charles R. Shrader. "The First Helicopter War: Logistics and Mobility in Algeria, 1954-1962." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220720.
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Tucker, Spencer C., and Charles R. Shrader. "The First Helicopter War: Logistics and Mobility in Algeria, 1954-1962." Journal of Military History 64, no. 2 (April 2000): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120316.
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Gendron, Robin S. "Tempered Sympathy: Canada’s Reaction to the Independence Movement in Algeria, 1954-1962." Ottawa 1998 9, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030499ar.
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Abstract This article examines the reaction of the Canadian government to the Algerian war for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. It reveals that, while sympathetic to the ambitions of colonial peoples to determine their own national destinies, the Canadian government often judged colonial issues after the Second World War by the impact they had on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Canadian security interests and the Cold War. Given that the Algerian war threatened France's ability and willingness to contribute to NATO during this period the Canadian government felt compelled to support France's efforts to retain its North African colony both politically and militarily. Canadian officials wanted France's participation in NATO and were unwilling to antagonise France by opposing its Algerian policies. In this instance national security interests were of a higher priority for the Canadian government than support for the principle of national self-determination for colonial peoples.
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Peterson, Terrence G. "Think Global, Fight Local." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380204.
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For many within the French military, the war over Algeria’s independence that raged from 1954 to 1962 appeared global: not an isolated conflict, but one front in a broader subversive war waged by Communist revolutionaries. As historians have long noted, this perspective was inaccurate. For that reason, the social and cultural contexts that defined military practice during the early years of the conflict have not been fully explored. This article argues, however, that these global narratives mattered, and can help historians to trace both how global events shaped military thinking about Algeria and how the war helped forge more concrete transnational connections. As they honed their operational doctrines in Algeria, French military leaders looked abroad: not only to understand the war in Algeria, but to promote their own practices as a universal response to the social upheavals of the era.
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Bonnot, Virginie, Silvia Krauth-Gruber, Ewa Drozda-Senkowska, and Diniz Lopes. "Emotional reactions to the French colonization in Algeria: The normative nature of collective guilt." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (September 21, 2016): 531–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416661653.
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Fifty years after the end of the Algerian war of independence, French colonization in Algeria (1830–1962) is still a very controversial topic when sporadically brought to the forefront of the public sphere. One way to better understand current intergroup relationships between French of French origin and French with Algerian origins is to investigate how the past influences the present. This study explores French students’ emotional reactions to this historical period, their ideological underpinnings and their relationship with the willingness to compensate for past misdeeds, and with prejudice. Results show that French students with French ascendants endorse a no-remorse norm when thinking about past colonization of Algeria and express very low levels of collective guilt and moral-outrage related emotions, especially those students with a right-wing political orientation and a national identification in the form of glorification of the country. These group-based emotions are significantly related to pro-social behavioral intentions (i.e. the willingness to compensate) and to prejudice toward the outgroup.
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Hubbell, Amy L. "Discomforting bodies: French survivor testimony from the Algerian War." Contemporary French Civilization 45, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2020): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2020.21.
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From 2012 to 2016, three French women published autobiographies about surviving bombings as children during the Algerian War (1954-1962). Danielle Michel-Chich who survived the Milk Bar bombing in Algiers in 1956 published an open letter to Zohra Drif, the woman who placed the bomb in the restaurant (Lettre à Zohra D., 2012), and Pied-Noir artist Nicole Guiraud who survived the same event published her diary Algérie 1962: Journal de l’Apocalypse in 2013. Nicole Simon who survived a bombing at a concert in Mostaganem, Algeria published her autobiography, La Bombe: Mostaganem, j’avais quinze ans, in 2016. In these works, the women relate in different ways how they negotiated their injured bodies at home in Algeria as well as in a tense political climate in France during and after the war. In this article I analyze survivor autobiographies to elucidate how transformed bodies impact the individual who survived the trauma but also how and why these women alternately hide their wounds to accommodate the people around them or accept and respond to the stares upon their bodies. By engaging with disability studies, I examine how the discomfort of the transformed body, for both the victims and the people who see them, exemplifies the much larger tensions surrounding the painful memory of the Algerian War.
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Branche, Raphaëlle. "Torture of terrorists? Use of torture in a “war against terrorism”: justifications, methods and effects: the case of France in Algeria, 1954–1962." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 867 (September 2007): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638310700121x.
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AbstractDuring its war against the armed nationalist movement fighting for Algerian independence (1954–62), France made extensive use of torture, for which the main justification given was the terrorism employed by the National Liberation Front, even though such terrorist violence was neither the nationalists' main form of action nor the French army's true target. Research into the methods used and the aims pursued challenges that justification, shedding light on the way in which torture really operates in a war of this kind, even though the Algerian War has been presented as a model for many subsequent conflict situations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The Algeria War (1954-1962). eng"
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Almeida, Rodrigo Davi. "As posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre e o Terceiro Mundo (1947-1979) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103131.
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Orientador: Carlos Eduardo Jordão MachadoBanca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio
Banca: Célia Reis Camargo
Banca: Miguel Vedda
Banca: Isabel Maria Frederico Rodrigues Loureiro
Resumo: Trata-se de uma investigação sobre as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo, entre 1947 e 1979. A investigação tem dois objetivos fundamentais: estabelecer as relações possíveis entre o contexto histórico - o mundo pós-guerra, as guerras de descolonização, a emergência dos países do Terceiro Mundo e o cenário político-intelectual francês - e a trajetória de Sartre; e analisar, por meio das fontes documentais, os problemas que o Terceiro Mundo - a Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), a Revolução Cubana (1959) e a Guerra do Vietnã (1946-1975) - colocam às posições políticas de Sartre
Abstract: This study investigates Jean-Paul Sartre‟s political positions and their relationship with the Third World, between 1947 and 1979. Generally speaking, this research aims to establish a possible link between the historical context - the postwar world, the descolonization wars, the rising of third world countries, the French political and intellectual setting - and Sartre‟s trajectory. More accurately, this investigation, above all, aims to analyse by means of documental sources, the problems that the Third World - The Algeria War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959) and the Vietnam War (1946-1975) - bring forward to Sartre‟s political positions
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Almeida, Rodrigo Davi [UNESP]. "As posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre e o Terceiro Mundo (1947-1979)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103131.
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Trata-se de uma investigação sobre as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo, entre 1947 e 1979. A investigação tem dois objetivos fundamentais: estabelecer as relações possíveis entre o contexto histórico – o mundo pós-guerra, as guerras de descolonização, a emergência dos países do Terceiro Mundo e o cenário político-intelectual francês – e a trajetória de Sartre; e analisar, por meio das fontes documentais, os problemas que o Terceiro Mundo – a Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), a Revolução Cubana (1959) e a Guerra do Vietnã (1946-1975) – colocam às posições políticas de Sartre
This study investigates Jean-Paul Sartre‟s political positions and their relationship with the Third World, between 1947 and 1979. Generally speaking, this research aims to establish a possible link between the historical context – the postwar world, the descolonization wars, the rising of third world countries, the French political and intellectual setting – and Sartre‟s trajectory. More accurately, this investigation, above all, aims to analyse by means of documental sources, the problems that the Third World – The Algeria War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959) and the Vietnam War (1946-1975) – bring forward to Sartre‟s political positions
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Dine, Philip Douglas. "French literary images of the Algerian war : an ideological analysis." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3544.
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The Algerian war of 1954 to 1962 is generally acknowledged to have been the apogee of France's uniquely traumatic retreat from overseas empire. Yet, despite the war's rapid establishment as the focus for a vast body of literature in the broadest sense, the experience of those years is only now beginning to be acknowledged by the French nation in anything like a balanced way. The present study seeks to contribute to the continuing elucidation of this historical failure of assimilation by considering the specific role played by prose fiction in contemporary and subsequent perceptions of the relevant events. Previous research into this aspect of the Franco-Algerian relationship has tended either to approach it as a minor element in a larger conceptual whole or to attach insufficient importance to its fundamentally political nature. This thesis is conceived as an analysis of the images of the Algerian war communicated in a representative sample of French literature produced both during and after the conflict itself. The method adopted is an ideological one, with particular attention being given in each of the seven constituent chapters to the selected texts' depiction of one of the principal parties to the conflict, together with their attendant political mythologies. This reading is primarily informed by the Barthesian model of semiosis, which is drawn upon to explain the linguistic foundations of the systematic literary obfuscation of this period of colonial history. By analysing points of ideological tension in the fictional imaging of the war, we are able to identify and to evaluate examples of both artistic mystification and demystifying art. It is argued in conclusion that the former category of narrative has never ceased to predominate, thus enabling French public opinion to continue to avoid its ultimate responsibility for the war and its conduct.
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Eldridge, Claire. "The mobilisation and transmission of memories within the Pied-Noir and Harki communities, 1962-2007." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/903.
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Focusing on the legacies of the Algerian War of Independence (1954-62), this thesis challenges the perception that this was the ‘war without a name’ by exploring the ways in which memories have been preserved, mobilised, and transmitted by those who experienced the conflict, but who have generally operated under the radar of public consciousness. In particular, it examines the pieds-noirs, the former European settlers of Algeria, and the harkis, Algerians who fought for the French as auxiliaries during the war. Finding their lives in Algeria untenable upon independence, both populations migrated en masse to France where they have organised collectively as diaspora communities to challenge the hegemony of official narratives in order to legitimate their own interpretations of this contentious past. The purpose of such an investigation is to re-evaluate the conventional historical periodisation of a ‘forgotten’ war that made a dramatic return to public attention during the 1990s by revealing a continual presence of memory and commemorative activity within these communities. Through consultation of a wide range of sources, including extensive use of previously neglected audiovisual material, the historical recollections of these two communities are reconstructed in detail and examined from a comparative perspective. This thesis also seeks to analyse and historicize the present guerres de mémoire phenomenon whereby as the public profile of the war has risen in recent years, the different historical interpretations held by groups such as the pieds-noirs and harkis have increasingly come into open conflict, particularly over the issue of commemoration with each seeking to see their version of the past enshrined in official rituals and monuments. Finally, the thesis offers new historical context intended to contribute to enhancing understanding of the ongoing process by which France continues to ‘face up’ to its colonial past and deal with the complex contemporary legacies of this era.
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Bousselham, Malika. "L'identité culturelle algérienne, de la colonisation à l'indépendance. Entre réalités historiques et exigences politiques." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30072.
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« Nous ne savons plus si nous sommes Arabes, Berbères ou Français », déclara le président de la république algérien Abdelaziz Bouteflika.Cette étude sera consacrée à éclaircir plusieurs points concernant l’identité culturelle algérienne avant et après l’indépendance. Le but n’est pas de relater l’histoire de l’Algérie, travail qui a déjà été effectué par d’imminents historiens français et algériens ; le but est surtout de démontrer qu’une histoire aussi riche, aussi variée, aussi complexe, aussi prestigieuse, ne peut être effacée, confisquée, au détriment d’une histoire soi-disant représentative de l’unité nationale, une histoire étroite, mutilée et appauvrie, telle qu’elle est conçue actuellement en Algérie. Il ne s’agit pas non plus de dénigrer les éléments reconnus officiellement de l’identité culturelle algérienne, à savoir l’islam et la langue arabe, vu qu’ils font réellement partie du paysage ethnoculturel du pays, mais plutôt de démontrer que d’autres éléments, plus inconnus ont contribué à faire de l’Algérie ce qu’elle est aujourd’hui. Il est temps de lever le voile, de comprendre et de savoir que l’Algérie est une terre qui a existé pendant des millénaires, sur laquelle sont nées et se sont développées des civilisations, qu’elle en a accueilli d’autres, et qu’en dépit de farouches résistances, s’en est imprégnée de manière telle que sa mutation a été pratiquement perpétuelle tout au long de ces millénaires. En fait, celui qui veut connaître l’Algérie doit étudier plusieurs siècles avant l’Algérie et cinquante années d’Algérie algérienne“We don’t know if we are Arabs, Berbers or French” announced Abdelaziz Bouteflika president of Algerian republic.This study will be devoted to resolve some points about Algerian cultural identity. It is not in order to recall the history of Algerian but it is in order to demonstrate that Algeria has a very rich history; varied and prestigious. Certainly, Arabic and Islam are part of Algerian cultural identity; given that other elements unknown: The country has its own cultural and history dating back thousands of years before Islam. Many civilizations literally centuries are borne in Algeria and developed in such a way that it is very Important to know and to study.This responsibility must also be seen as an opportunity to contribute and belong to a larger community sharing overarching identity with a variety to meal components
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Besnaci-Lancou, Fatima. "Les missions du Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d'Algérie et ses suites (1955-1963) en Algérie, au Maroc et en Tunisie." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040229.
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Cette thèse porte sur les missions du Comité international de la Croix Rouge (CICR) pendant la guerre d’Algérie et ses suites. Le CICR intervient, d’une part, dans le cadre de guerres opposant des États et, d’autre part, en cas de conflit armé non international afin de tenter d’assurer le respect des règles humanitaires. Au cours des « évènements » algériens, les arrestations massives de membres et militants du Front de libération nationale (FLN) finissent par saturer les prisons et contribuent à la création de centres d’assignation. Par ailleurs, dès l’indépendance de l’Algérie, des milliers de supplétifs de l’armée française sont internés dans des camps, puis incarcérés pour nombre d’entre eux. L’objectif de ce travail doctoral est l’étude des principales initiatives entreprises par le CICR afin de faire appliquer quelques règles du droit humanitaire aux personnes concernées, pendant les sept années et demi de guérilla et après l’indépendance algérienne. Il est essentiellement question de prisons et de camps d’internement où les délégués contrôlent les conditions matérielles, le traitement et la discipline appliqués aux nationalistes et, plus tard, aux Européens pro-Algérie française arrêtés à partir du début de l’année 1961 ainsi qu’aux anciens supplétifs, de février à août 1963. Il s’agit également d’actions mises en place par le CICR afin d’accéder aux prisonniers français aux mains du FLN. Ce travail aborde également, dans une moindre mesure, diverses actions d’aide humanitaire en direction des populations réfugiées au Maroc ou en Tunisie et des personnes déplacées puis reléguées par l’armée française dans des camps de regroupementThis thesis examines the missions of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) during the Algerian War and its aftermath. The ICRC intervenes both in wars between states and in non-international armed conflicts, in an attempt to ensure the respect of humanitarian rules. During the “events” in Algeria, mass arrests of members and militants of the FLN (Algerian National Liberation Front) led to overcrowding in the prisons and was a factor in the establishment of internment camps. Immediately after independence, thousands of Muslim auxiliaries in the French army were interned in camps; many were subsequently imprisoned. This study looks at the main initiatives taken by the ICRC to ensure that the rules of humanitarian law were applied to the people involved during the seven and a half year of guerrilla warfare and after Algeria’s independence. It focuses on prisons and internment camps in which its delegates inspected material conditions and the treatment and discipline applied to nationalists and, later, to Europeans known to be pro French Algeria, who were arrested from the beginning of 1961, and former auxiliaries, interned between February and August 1963. It also examines initiatives taken by the ICRC to gain access to French prisoners in the hands of the FLN and, to a lesser degree, various humanitarian actions to help refugees in Morocco and Tunisia as well as people forcibly displaced by the French army and grouped together in camps
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Llorens, Natasha Marie. "Specters of Liberation, Children of Violence: Experimental Film in Algeria 1965-1979." Thesis, 2021. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-8w0n-j526.
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In this dissertation, I map the experimental margin of Algerian cinema between 1965 and 1979 against the paradigmatic film about Algeria, Gillo Pontecorvo and Yacef Saadi’s The Battle of Algiers (1965). I focus on the period immediately following the successful conclusion of an eight-year war waged by the Algerian National Liberation Front against France. It is known as the “Golden Age” of Algerian cinema, a span of nearly fifteen years after the film industry was nationalized when culture was generously financed by newly exploited petrochemical resources in the Sahara.
This mapping has two aims, the first of which is straightforward: I read four films made in Algeria by Algerian filmmakers closely in light of their socio-political contexts and I argue that together they represent a significant and overlooked minor history in Algerian film. The films are Tahia Ya Didou! by Mohamed Zinet (1969), Omar Gatlato by Merzack Allouache (1976), La Nouba des Femmes du Mont Chenoua by Assia Djebar (1976), and Nahla by Farouk Beloufa (1979). They are significant formally and in terms of their critical reception at the time and since the late 1960s and early 1970s among Algerian filmmakers, but they are crucially significant as ambivalent testimony about life after the colonial period and about the traumatic effect of the long and violent struggle for liberation.
Second, I read these films against the Battle of Algiers in its socio-political context. I argue that the aspects of the War of Liberation that fall out of this canonical portrait of decolonial resistance are precisely those taken up by the experimental margin I examine elsewhere in the dissertation. My reading of Pontecorvo and Saadi’s classic film is critical not only in terms of its representation of violence perpetrated by the French but also in the aspects of Algerian history it occludes, namely the history of women. If the margin provides a space for testimony for the trauma of the war, the Battle of Algiers reifies a Fanonian understanding of revolutionary violence, an understanding that is constitutively exclusive of women’s role in the war.
I read extensively with Karima Lazali on the clinical situation of Algerians post-war. I draw on archival materials from Algeria and France including production notes and documentation of contemporary reception, especially by Algerians. On contextual questions, I read Algerian sociologists, politicians, filmmakers, and film critics as much as possible. My commitment to de-centering especially a French perspective on Algeria allows the rich semiotic exchange between filmmakers, artists, architects, and political activists to emerge and to challenge the hegemonic perspective that Algerian culture post-war was entirely dominated by its authoritarian government.
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"Car il y a beaucoup d’appelés, mais peu d’élus: Military Conscription in French Literary Representations of the Algerian War." Thesis, 2020. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-kte1-c447.
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This dissertation offers readings of novels by Pierre Guyotat, Georges Perec, Patrick Modiano and other lesser-known French authors of the twentieth and twenty-first century, analyzing the representation of the “appelés d’Algérie,” the last citizens of France to be mobilized in a wartime draft. Dating back to the Third Republic, military service played a key role in turning both metropolitan and colonial populations into Frenchmen, though clearly not under the same conditions or in the same way. A historically informed account of military service’s role in citizenship formation can provide a useful analytic frame for clarifying literary engagements with contemporary French “identity-talk,” i.e. political and discursive deployments of identity and identity politics, as well as debates around laïcité, universalist assimilationism, and “communautarisme.”
In early literary responses to the Algerian War, the character of the conscript serves to criticize the rising tide of consumerism and Americanization in postwar France. In novels by Daniel Anselme and René-Nicolas Ehni, draftees participate in a homosocial republicanism in which “fraternité” trumps both atomized individualism and the normative heterosexual couple, a locus of consumption. In novels by Perec and Modiano, resistance to conscription enables a critique of universalist citizenship, as the figure of the insubordinate or ambivalent conscript provides an opportunity to reckon with Jewish identity and French anti-Semitism. My analysis addresses the unequal and uneven distribution of political rights based on “identity” factors as well as the asymmetrical deployment of the term “communautarisme.” Certain of Guyotat’s texts are perceived to respond politically and aesthetically to the Algerian War, even though they refuse the conventions of realism, verisimilitude, and even representation. Using Foucault to read Guyotat, my analysis of his work provides an opportunity to address twentieth-century French debates concerning engaged and autonomous art, as well as the relationship of radical politics to radical form.
I turn in my last chapter to recent novels by the prize-wining French novelists Alexis Jenni, Laurent Mauvignier, Jérôme Ferrari, and Alice Ferney. Set in part during the Algerian War, these novels draw explicit parallels between colonial violence and race-based violence in France today. These rhetorical parallels can obscure historical contingency and complexity, such as the evolving construction of the concept of “race.” Likewise, these novels contrast a virile, homogenous military and an effeminate, fractured republic and can be read as parables for the rise of the Front National in contemporary France. My analysis shows how these works can both participate in and critique particular racialized and gendered views of the French republic.
Books on the topic "The Algeria War (1954-1962). eng"
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A savage war ofpeace: Algeria, 1954-1962. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Penguin Books, 1987.
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Horne, Alistair. A savage war of peace: Algeria, 1954-1962. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Penguin Books, 1987.
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Shrader, Charles R. The first helicopter war: Logistics and mobility in Algeria, 1954-1962. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999.
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Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion., ed. The call of conscience: French Protestant responses to the Algerian War, 1954-1962. Waterloo, Ont: Published for the Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion = Corporation canadienne des sciences religieuses by Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1998.
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Everett-Heath, John. Helicopters in combat: The first fifty years. London: Arms and Armour, 1992.
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Horne, Alistair. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954-1962. Blackstone Audio Inc., 2008.
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Horne, Alistair. A Savage War Of Peace: Algeria 1954 - 1962. Books on Tape, Inc., 2000.
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Asseraf, Arthur. "Epilogue." In Electric News in Colonial Algeria, 183–96. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844044.003.0006.
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The epilogue extends the story to the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) and beyond to the role of news in independent Algeria and post-1962 France. It summarizes the findings of the previous chapters and ties them together by reconsidering the writings of Frantz Fanon on radio and the development of television in the last years of colonial rule. While nationalists hoped that independence would bring uniformity between the media and the people, no such thing happened. This should lead us to consider whether news under colonialism was particularly exceptional, and when, if ever, the news stopped being electric. It ends by considering what might be a new relationship between the historian and the news.
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Veugelers, John W. P. "The Unmaking of the Colony." In Empire's Legacy, 29–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190875664.003.0003.
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This chapter covers the years between the start of World War II and the end of the Algerian War (1939–1962). The German defeat of France, wartime privations, infighting between Petainists and Gaullists, and the Allied invasion of North Africa diminished the image of the colonizer. The French repressed Algerian nationalism, but this only bought time. During the Algerian War, the Europeans set aside old left-right differences in uniting politically. Their relations with the Muslim population became not only more poisoned but also overlaid with fresh fears, resentments, and stereotypes. Algerian independence transformed the settlers into losers of decolonization and the Fifth Republic.
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El Shakry, Hoda. "The Polyphonic Hermeneutics of Assia Djebar’s L’amour, la fantasia." In The Literary Qur'an, 100–116. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823286362.003.0005.
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Chapter 4 examines Assia Djebar’s (1936–2015) celebrated 1985 novel L’amour, la fantasia [translated as Fantasia: An Algerian Cavalcade]. The work is a palimpsest of texts that weaves together: French archival records and eyewitness accounts of the occupation of Algeria in the 1830s, oral histories recorded in Algerian dialect and Tamazight by women involved in the war of independence from 1954 through 1962, as well as Djebar’s personal memories and reflections. The chapter argues that Djebar models a practice of ethical reading [ijtihād] in her re-narration of official histories and archives—colonial, national, as well as Islamic. It resituates L’amour, la fantasia, outside of the postcolonial, feminist, and Francophone critical paradigms that dominate the copious scholarship on her work. However, rather than reading gender and language as external to Qurʾanic intertextuality, the chapter emphasizes how they inform and shape Djebar’s narrative ethics—largely through the novel’s insistence on orality and embodiment.
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Sorkin, David. "Maghreb and Mashreq." In Jewish Emancipation, 320–33. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691164946.003.0026.
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This chapter examines how the effective end of Jewish life in the Maghreb and Mashreq constituted not only the demise of a distinctive diaspora and a major demographic shift but also the collapse of a political status. For over a millennium, Jews had lived under Islam as an inferior yet protected minority. Equal citizenship in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did not prove as durable. Most Algerian Jews emigrated with the “repatriate exodus” following independence (1962). The majority of Tunisia's Jews left in the eleven years between independence (1956) and the aftermath of the 1967 Six Day War. Morocco had had the largest Jewish community in the Arab world; Jews fled in four waves: 1948–56, 1961–64 with free emigration, 1967, and 1973. Meanwhile, most of Egypt's Jews departed after either the 1948 war (1949–52) or Nasser's nationalist revolution (1956). The majority of Iraq's Jews emigrated in the period 1948–51; many Jews left Turkey in the period 1948–55 and after 1967, yet a substantial number remained. The twentieth century's challenges to the region, especially the rise of exclusionary nationalism during decolonization and afterward as well as its collision with Jewish nationalism, put on full display not just a minority's vulnerability but also the abiding fragility of equal rights.
Reports on the topic "The Algeria War (1954-1962). eng"
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Flici, Farid, and Nacer-Eddine Hammouda. Mortality evolution in Algeria: What can we learn about data quality? Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/populationyearbook2021.res1.3.
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Mortality in Algeria has declined significantly since the country declared its independence in 1962. This trend has been accompanied by improvements in data quality and changes in estimation methodology, both of which are scarcely documented, and may distort the natural evolution of mortality as reported in official statistics. In this paper, our aim is to detect these methodological and data quality changes by means of the visual inspection of mortality surfaces, which represent the evolution of mortality rates, mortality improvement rates and the male-female mortality ratio over age and time. Data quality problems are clearly visible during the 1977–1982 period. The quality of mortality data has improved after 1983, and even further since the population census of 1998, which coincided with the end of the civil war. Additional inexplicable patterns have also been detected, such as a changing mortality age pattern during the period before 1983, and a changing pattern of excess female mortality at reproductive ages, which suddenly appears in 1983 and disappears in 1992.