Journal articles: 'The Algeria War (1954-1962)'

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Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.

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To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against France led it to lean progressively towards the "socialist" States instead of the "imperialistic" West, thereby foregoing its initial neutralism. This has profoundly affected the paths taken by independent Algeria.

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Peterson, Terrence G. "Think Global, Fight Local." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380204.

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For many within the French military, the war over Algeria’s independence that raged from 1954 to 1962 appeared global: not an isolated conflict, but one front in a broader subversive war waged by Communist revolutionaries. As historians have long noted, this perspective was inaccurate. For that reason, the social and cultural contexts that defined military practice during the early years of the conflict have not been fully explored. This article argues, however, that these global narratives mattered, and can help historians to trace both how global events shaped military thinking about Algeria and how the war helped forge more concrete transnational connections. As they honed their operational doctrines in Algeria, French military leaders looked abroad: not only to understand the war in Algeria, but to promote their own practices as a universal response to the social upheavals of the era.

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Gendron, Robin S. "Tempered Sympathy: Canada’s Reaction to the Independence Movement in Algeria, 1954-1962." Ottawa 1998 9, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030499ar.

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Abstract This article examines the reaction of the Canadian government to the Algerian war for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. It reveals that, while sympathetic to the ambitions of colonial peoples to determine their own national destinies, the Canadian government often judged colonial issues after the Second World War by the impact they had on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Canadian security interests and the Cold War. Given that the Algerian war threatened France's ability and willingness to contribute to NATO during this period the Canadian government felt compelled to support France's efforts to retain its North African colony both politically and militarily. Canadian officials wanted France's participation in NATO and were unwilling to antagonise France by opposing its Algerian policies. In this instance national security interests were of a higher priority for the Canadian government than support for the principle of national self-determination for colonial peoples.

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Entelis, John P., and Charles R. Shrader. "The First Helicopter War: Logistics and Mobility in Algeria, 1954-1962." International Journal of African Historical Studies 33, no. 2 (2000): 461. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220720.

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Tucker, Spencer C., and Charles R. Shrader. "The First Helicopter War: Logistics and Mobility in Algeria, 1954-1962." Journal of Military History 64, no. 2 (April 2000): 601. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120316.

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Hubbell, Amy L. "Discomforting bodies: French survivor testimony from the Algerian War." Contemporary French Civilization 45, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2020): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2020.21.

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From 2012 to 2016, three French women published autobiographies about surviving bombings as children during the Algerian War (1954-1962). Danielle Michel-Chich who survived the Milk Bar bombing in Algiers in 1956 published an open letter to Zohra Drif, the woman who placed the bomb in the restaurant (Lettre à Zohra D., 2012), and Pied-Noir artist Nicole Guiraud who survived the same event published her diary Algérie 1962: Journal de l’Apocalypse in 2013. Nicole Simon who survived a bombing at a concert in Mostaganem, Algeria published her autobiography, La Bombe: Mostaganem, j’avais quinze ans, in 2016. In these works, the women relate in different ways how they negotiated their injured bodies at home in Algeria as well as in a tense political climate in France during and after the war. In this article I analyze survivor autobiographies to elucidate how transformed bodies impact the individual who survived the trauma but also how and why these women alternately hide their wounds to accommodate the people around them or accept and respond to the stares upon their bodies. By engaging with disability studies, I examine how the discomfort of the transformed body, for both the victims and the people who see them, exemplifies the much larger tensions surrounding the painful memory of the Algerian War.

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Vendetti, Maria. "Testimonial texts of torture during the Algerian War: Paratexts and the obscene." French Cultural Studies 29, no. 2 (May 2018): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155818755605.

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The Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) was marked in metropolitan France by divisive debates over France’s presence in Algeria and over the issue of state-sponsored torture. Two testimonial texts written during the war, Henri Alleg’s La Question (1958) and Simone de Beauvoir and Gisèle Halimi’s Djamila Boupacha (1962), stand out as examples of writing about torture, due to the texts’ connections to the Parisian intellectual community, and their social, political and literary repercussions. Both texts underscore the obscenity of the act of torture and how that obscenity is recreated in torture testimonials that exist in and describe a liminal space that disturbs notions of what can be seen and heard. This article argues that the paratextual legitimisation that Alleg’s and Boupacha’s texts undergo brings the act of torture into public discourse, enabling them to become audible or readable despite the strong preference for denial and inattention.

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Iratni, Belkacem, and Mohand Salah Tahi. "The Aftermath of Algeria’s First Free Local Elections." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 466–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00406.x.

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THERE ARE SOME DATES AND EVENTS WHICH REMAIN engraved in the collective memory of a people. In Algeria these are: 1 November 1954, which sparked the eight-year long War of Liberation; 5 July 1962, which witnessed the end of French rule over the country after 130 years of colonial settlement; and 12 June 1990, which signalled the withering away of the monopoly of power exercised by the ruling party - the National Liberation Front (FLN) - following the holding of the first ever free and competitive local elections in the history of independent Algeria. No doubt, on 12 June 1990 the Constitution of 23 February 1989, which fundamentally transformed the political and social system of Algeria, achieved its most spectacular application. These elections aimed at the renewal of seats in the Councils of both APC: Assemblées Populaires Communales (constituencies), and APW: Assemblées Populaires de Wilayat (provinces). For the first time, Algerians were offered the freedom to choose their representatives from among lists of candidates sponsored by several newly-legalized parties alongside the FLN, and for the first time, the FLN tasted defeat.

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سبيحي, عائشة. "التعليم في اهتمامات ثورة التحريرالجزائرية (1954 - 1962) = Education : A Priority of the Algerian War of Liberation 1954 -1962." مجلة الحكمة للدراسات التاريخية 7, no. 1 (June 2016): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0048496.

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Oberhollenzer, Moritz. "Winfried „Mustapha“ Müller und der algerische Unabhängigkeitsskrieg." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.607.

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Winfried „Mustapha“ Müller and the Algerian War of IndependenceThis paper is about the involvement of Winfried “Mustapha” Müller in the Algerian War of Independence from 1954 to 1962. It will focus on how his work for the FLN helped in the struggle for Algerian independence from the French motherland. In this context it incorporates a transnational perspective on how the war could be won not only by the fighters of the FLN, but also by people fuelling the international discussion talking about the war.

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Cooke, James J., and Philip Dine. "Images of the Algerian War: French Fiction and Film, 1954-1962." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 2 (1997): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221273.

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Cooper, Austin R. "“A Ray of Sunshine on French Tables”." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 49, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 241–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2019.49.3.241.

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The French citrus industry in Algeria grew rapidly in terms of land area and fruit production from the 1930s until Algerian Independence in 1962. This article contends that technical expertise regarding citrus cultivation played a role in colonial control of Algeria’s territory, population, and economy. The French regime enrolled Algerian fruit in biopolitical interventions on rural ways of life in Algeria and urban standards of living in France. Technical manuals written by state-affiliated agronomists articulated racial distinctions between French settlers and Algerian peasants through attention to labor practices in the groves. A complex legal, technological, and administrative infrastructure facilitated the circulation of citrus fruit across the Mediterranean and into metropolitan France. This nexus of scientific research, economic profit, and racial hierarchy met criticism during the Algerian War for Independence. In the aftermath, expert discussions about citrus production reflected uncertainties and tensions regarding Algeria’s future. Citrus’ place in scientific, technological, and economic changes in twentieth-century Algeria illuminates the politics of technical expertise under colonialism and during decolonization.

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Branche, Raphaëlle. "Torture of terrorists? Use of torture in a “war against terrorism”: justifications, methods and effects: the case of France in Algeria, 1954–1962." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 867 (September 2007): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s181638310700121x.

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AbstractDuring its war against the armed nationalist movement fighting for Algerian independence (1954–62), France made extensive use of torture, for which the main justification given was the terrorism employed by the National Liberation Front, even though such terrorist violence was neither the nationalists' main form of action nor the French army's true target. Research into the methods used and the aims pursued challenges that justification, shedding light on the way in which torture really operates in a war of this kind, even though the Algerian War has been presented as a model for many subsequent conflict situations.

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Cohen, William B. "The Algerian War and French Memory." Contemporary European History 9, no. 3 (November 2000): 489–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003118.

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Benjamin Stora, Imaginaires de guerre: Algérie-Vietnam en France et aux Etats Unis (Paris: Decouverte, 1997), 252pp., FF 125, ISBN 2-707-12667-5. Benjamin Stora, Le transfert d'une mémoire – de ‘l'Algérie française’ au racisme anti-Arabe (Paris: Découverte, 1999), 148pp., FF 75, ISBN 2-707-12968-2. Martin Evans, The Memory of Resistance: French Opposition to the Algerian War (Oxford: Berg, 1997), 250pp., ISBN 1-859-73927-x. Charles-Robert Agéron, ed., La guerre d'Algérie et les Algériens, 1954–1962 (Paris: Armand Colin 1997), 346pp., ISBN 2-200-01895-9. Jean-Jacques Jordi and Mohand Hamoumou, Les harkis, une mémoire enfouie (Paris: Autrement, 1999), 139pp., FF 120, ISBN 2-282-60866-1.

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Kirillova, L. V. "BUILDING THE NATION: SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS IN ALGERIA, 1962-1978." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 334–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-334-343.

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Since the middle of the 1950s, the Socialist countries led by the Soviet Union had made significant contribution to the economic advancement of the developing countries. Under the umbrella of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), Soviet aid programs extended on many African countries, including Algeria. Founded by the Soviet Bloc in 1949, the CMEA was a response to the Marshall Plan. Within the confines of the Cold War, this international governmental organization aimed to promote the socialist economic integration not only of its members but also the emerging nations beyond the Iron Curtain. In case of Algeria, the massive construction projects sponsored by the CMEA turned into the crucial platforms of the new nation building. Erection of industrial enterprises projected economic, political, social, and cultural development of Algeria. This article presents the construction works in Algeria as the crucial sites for spreading Soviet influence in North Africa. In addition, it demonstrates the role of youth from Algeria and the Soviet Bloc in the establishment of these country-wide projects and the formation of Algerian nationhood.

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Thenault, Sylvie, and Martin Evans. "The Memory of Resistance: French Opposition to the Algerian War (1954-1962)." Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, no. 63 (July 1999): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770744.

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Bradby, David. "Genet, the Theatre and the Algerian War." Theatre Research International 19, no. 3 (1994): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300006635.

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In sharp contrast to the Americans' involvement in Vietnam, which has been endlessly dramatized in different forms, the realities of the Algerian war, which lasted from 1954 until 1962 and cost 100,000 dead or wounded, have been dealt with by very few French playwrights or film-makers. In fact Genet is the only one to have written a substantial work based on this subject matter while the war was taking place. The one other dramatist with whom he can be compared in this respect is the Algerian playwright Kateb Yacine, whose trilogy Le Cercle des représailles offers some intriguing similarities with Genet's three great plays written during the course of the war: Le Balcon, Les Nègres and Les Paravents.

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Shepard, Todd. "ALGERIAN NATIONALISM, ZIONISM, AND FRENCH LAÏCITÉ: A HISTORY OF ETHNORELIGIOUS NATIONALISMS AND DECOLONIZATION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 3 (July 30, 2013): 445–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000421.

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AbstractThe Algerian war resituated the meaning of “Muslims” and “Jews” in France in relation to religion and “origins” and this process reshaped French secular nationhood, with Algerian independence in mid-1962 crystallizing a complex and shifting debate that took shape in the interwar period and blossomed between 1945 and 1962. In its failed efforts to keep all Algerians French, the French government responded to both Algerian nationalism and, as is less known, Zionism, and did so with policies that took seriously, rather than rejected, the so-called ethnoreligious arguments that they embraced—and that, according to existing scholarship, have always been anathema to French laïcité. Most scholars on France continue to presume that its history is national or wholly “European.” Yet paying attention to this transnational confrontation, driven by claims from Algeria and Israel, emphasizes the crucial roles of North African and Mediterranean developments in the making of contemporary France.

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Fontaine, Darcie. "TREASON OR CHARITY? CHRISTIAN MISSIONS ON TRIAL AND THE DECOLONIZATION OF ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000840.

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AbstractThis article explores the role that Christianity played in the decolonization of Algeria and in particular how the complex relationship between Christianity and colonialism under French rule shaped the rhetoric and actions of Christians during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using the case of a 1957 trial in the military tribunal of Algiers in which twelve Europeans were charged with crimes ranging from distributing propaganda for the National Liberation Front to sheltering suspected communist and nationalist militants, I demonstrate how “Christian” rhetoric became one of the major means through which the conduct of the war and the defense of French Algeria were debated. While conservative defenders of French Algeria claimed that actions such as those of the Christians on trial led to the erasure of Christianity in North Africa, I argue that such actions and moral positions allowed for the continued presence of Christianity in Algeria after independence.

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Faruggia, Peter. "The Call of Conscience: French Protestant Responses to the Algerian War 1954-1962." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 31, no. 1 (March 2002): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980203100119.

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Loyal, Steven. "The French in Algeria, Algerians in France: Bourdieu, Colonialism, and Migration." Sociological Review 57, no. 3 (August 2009): 406–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.2009.01847.x.

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Bourdieu's early fieldwork which included field observation, statistical analysis, and the use of photography to capture, represent, and analyse Algerian society in its complexity, took place within the unusual context of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). A number of his photographs of Algerian life depict the physical dislocation of Algerian peasantry into shanty towns largely as the result of rapid socio-economic and cultural change introduced by French colonisation and war. Although this fieldwork was to fundamentally shape his subsequent oeuvre, substantive issues which arose out of this research including colonialism, racism, and migration, tended to disappear in his later writings. This paper will argue that Bourdieu's discussion of colonialism in his early work, together with arguments developed by his student and co-author, Abdelmalek Sayad, provide a basis for understanding contemporary processes of ethno-racial domination and migration.

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Hammerman, J. "Burning the Veil: The Algerian War and the 'Emancipation' of Muslim women, 1954-1962." French History 25, no. 4 (November 24, 2011): 531–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crr074.

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Shennan, Andrew. "Book Review: The Memory of Resistance. French Opposition to the Algerian War (1954-1962)." European History Quarterly 29, no. 2 (April 1999): 318–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149902900209.

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Nesbitt, Nick. "Experimenting Freedom." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 131, no. 1 (January 2016): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2016.131.1.125.

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Never having known Assia Djebar, i can only speak of the effect her writing has had on me, above all one of her first works, Les enfants du nouveau monde (Children of the New World), created as Algerian independence became a reality, inaugurating a postcolonial nation full of promise and contradiction. In this novel Djebar wrote of Algeria at a moment, 1961-62, when it was on the threshold of its becoming, the very moment of the invention of Algeria, when the coming laborious construction of Algeria, which continues today, was already visible. The moment when the unyielding violence of the struggle to invent this new country, nation, people, and culture might have ceased, in a site subject to a violence that had proceeded endlessly, terrifyingly, since 1954, since the massacre in Sétif in 1945, since the French invasion of 1830, since the fly-whisk incident and the blockade of Algiers in 1827. By 1961 Algeria had for centuries been defined and constructed by violence. In Les enfants du nouveau monde we encounter the trace of a moment when the participants in the Algerian revolution and war had been shaken to the core of their being by the terror of that struggle and risking of life, a moment when what Frantz Fanon called “le problème de l'homme” (374), the invention of a human being beyond the consuming circles of Eurocentric hegemony, was of the utmost urgency. A moment when Algerians were about to give form and reality to Algeria. Here Djebar wrote of this Algeria in a future perfect and perfect future of that moment, an Algeria that would no sooner be born than vanish, an Algeria that still, today, will have been.

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Hubbell, Amy L. "The Past is Present: Pied-Noir Returns to Algeria." Nottingham French Studies 51, no. 1 (March 2012): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2012.0007.

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While Algeria has long been a popular subject for travel writers, since its decolonization in 1962, the travelogues documenting journeys to Algeria have predominantly become returns and reunions with the homeland. Immediately after their exile from Algeria during and after the war for independence, the Pieds-Noirs, or former French citizens of Algeria, began returning to their homeland in their memories, literature, and recently, their films. Early return narratives were almost always filled with nostalgic descriptions of familiar places and sensations in an effort to bridge over the ruptures with the past. By transposing the colonial past onto the present, the travelogues effectively stop time in the homeland. However, more recent returns often demonstrate the instability of the past. Through a study of Marie Cardinal's Au pays de mes racines and Hélène Cixous's Si près, this article investigates how Algerian return narratives have begun to deconstruct themselves, and yet the past is ever present within them.

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Hardt, Lucas. "Zwei Algerienkriege im Saarland?" Digital Humanities und biographische Forschung 30, no. 1-2/2017 (April 29, 2019): 166–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/bios.v30i1-2.12.

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Der algerische Unabhängigkeitskrieg (1954-1962) war eine komplexe Konfliktkonstellation, die neben Frankreich und Algerien teilweise auch auf dem Gebiet der Bundesrepublik und insbesondere im Saarland ausgefochten wurde. Dies galt vor allem seit Beginn des Jahres 1958, als zahlreiche Algerier unter den Einwirkungen des Kolonialkrieges in die europäischen Nachbarländer Frankreichs flohen. Auf der Grundlage der Erfahrungsberichte von zwei algerischen Zeitzeugen widmet sich dieser Aufsatz den Migrations- bzw. Fluchterfahrungen der Betroffenen. Zudem werden unmittelbare Konfrontationen mit dem Kolonialkrieg im Saarland und die jeweiligen Alltagserfahrungen miteinander verglichen. Dabei wird neben einer hohen Diversität der Anreise- und Aufenthaltsbedingungen algerischer Migranten im Saarland auch verdeutlicht, dass die treibende Kraft der algerischen Rebellion, der FLN, bereits vor dem Krieg bestehende soziale Ungleichheiten um den Preis der politischen Unabhängigkeit von Frankreich perpetuierte.

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Bonnot, Virginie, Silvia Krauth-Gruber, Ewa Drozda-Senkowska, and Diniz Lopes. "Emotional reactions to the French colonization in Algeria: The normative nature of collective guilt." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (September 21, 2016): 531–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416661653.

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Fifty years after the end of the Algerian war of independence, French colonization in Algeria (1830–1962) is still a very controversial topic when sporadically brought to the forefront of the public sphere. One way to better understand current intergroup relationships between French of French origin and French with Algerian origins is to investigate how the past influences the present. This study explores French students’ emotional reactions to this historical period, their ideological underpinnings and their relationship with the willingness to compensate for past misdeeds, and with prejudice. Results show that French students with French ascendants endorse a no-remorse norm when thinking about past colonization of Algeria and express very low levels of collective guilt and moral-outrage related emotions, especially those students with a right-wing political orientation and a national identification in the form of glorification of the country. These group-based emotions are significantly related to pro-social behavioral intentions (i.e. the willingness to compensate) and to prejudice toward the outgroup.

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Vinen, Richard C. "The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970." Historical Journal 37, no. 2 (June 1994): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00016514.

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ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.

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Perret, Françoise, and François Bugnion. "Between insurgents and government: the International Committee of the Red Cross's action in the Algerian War (1954–1962)." International Review of the Red Cross 93, no. 883 (September 2011): 707–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383112000227.

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AbstractThe French government and an armed insurrectionary movement – the National Liberation Front (FLN) – confronted each other for over seven years in the Algerian War, which would become the archetype of wars of national liberation. It brought the new conditions of struggle in revolutionary warfare to a convulsive climax characterized by terrorist attacks, underground warfare, and repression. On the humanitarian front, the challenge of ensuring respect for humanitarian rules in asymmetric warfare was posed more bluntly than in any previous conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) faced the triple challenge of offering its services to a government facing an armed insurgency that it claimed to be able to bring under control through police action alone, of entering into contact with a liberation movement, and of conducting a humanitarian action in the context of an insurrectionary war.

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Yılancıoglu, S. Seza. "Unveiling the Individual Memory of War in the Work of Maïssa Bey." Human and Social Studies 4, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2015-0025.

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Abstract This paper is interested in the individual memory of wars in Maïssa Bey. The writer devoted her two books to the wars in Algeria - they were written to be adapted to the theatre: Entendez-vous dans les montagnes… (2002) and Pierre Sang Papier ou Cendre (2008). In Entendez-vous dans les montagnes..., the memory in question is that of the War of Independence against the colonization during the years 1956-1962, while Pierre Sang Papier ou Cendre addresses the French colonization that lasted 132 years, from 1830 to 1962. In other words, the first relies on individual and collective memories, while the second concerns especially the collective memory.

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Shamsuddin, Farrid. "Horne, Alistair, 2006. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954—1962. New York: New York Review of Books. xii + 608 pp. ISBN 9781590172186." Journal of Peace Research 46, no. 3 (May 2009): 456. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00223433090460030908.

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von Bülow, Mathilde. "Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62)." Journal of Social History 53, no. 2 (2019): 454–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz103.

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Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed.

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Rouche, Keren. "Projecting Algerian Judaism, Formulating a Political Identity: Zionism in Algeria during the War of Independence (1954–62)." Journal of North African Studies 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 185–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380601149461.

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BROWER, BENJAMIN CLAUDE. "4. PARTISANS AND POPULATIONS: THE PLACE OF CIVILIANS IN WAR, ALGERIA (1954-62)." History and Theory 56, no. 3 (September 2017): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hith.12027.

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Kirat, Mohamed. "Partiality and biases: The coverage of the Algerian Liberation War (1954-1962) by Al-Ahram and Le Monde." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 44, no. 3 (December 1989): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654928904400301.

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McDonnell, Hugh. "Complicity and memory in soldiers’ testimonies of the Algerian war of decolonisation in Esprit and Les Temps modernes." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (July 16, 2018): 952–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018784130.

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In the closing phase of the Algerian War in March 1962, Jean-Marie Domenach, director of the journal Esprit, upbraided his counterpart at Les Temps modernes, Jean-Paul Sartre, for failing to understand the greyness of most human actions and the pervasiveness of knots of complicity. Concern for the complexity of complicity was also apparent in Les Temps modernes circles, however, and it was precisely complicity, both in the form of violence of French troops and of the habituation or indifference of the broader French public, that editor Simone de Beauvoir termed a ‘tetanus of the imagination’. Strikingly, she suggested that a means of countering this affliction of getting used to the unconscionable were testimonies of soldiers returning from Algeria in both Les Temps modernes and Esprit. This article examines this mutual concern for the complexities of complicity and investigates its relationship to memory through the curious importance de Beauvoir placed on such testimonies in these two journals. The discussion looks at the mobilisation of the memory of the Second World War in these testimonies, including analogies with fascism and Nazism, and argues that, rather than merely fashionable hyperbole, they powerfully depicted a multifaceted crisis: in Algeria, of French youth, and of France itself. The second part of the article investigates the testimonies’ representation of military institutionalisation – including its detrimental effects on imagination and the facilitation of violence. These representations of systemic or institutional complicity are contextualised alongside scholarly claims that the Algerian war involved a renegotiation of the memory of Vichy France. I argue that the example of these testimonies calls for a qualification of such claims; though they prefigured later conceptions of a complicity memory trope, or ‘the grey zone’ of Vichy France, they did not override the dominant Second World War memory characterised by heroes and victims.

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Aissaoui, Rabah. "Fratricidal War: The Conflict between the Mouvement national algérien (MNA) and the Front de libération nationale (FLN) in France during the Algerian War (1954–1962)." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 39, no. 2 (August 2012): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2012.709701.

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Goscha, Christopher. "Wiring Decolonization: Turning Technology against the Colonizer during the Indochina War, 1945–1954." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 798–831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000424.

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AbstractTwentieth-century wars of decolonization were more than simple diplomatic and military affairs. This article examines how the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) relied upon technology to drive state-making and to make war during the struggle against the French (1945–1954). Wireless radios, in particular, provided embattled nationalists a means by which they could communicate orders and information across wide expanses of contested space in real time. Printing presses, newspapers, stationary, and stamps not only circulated information, but they also served as the bureaucratic markers of national sovereignty. Radios and telephones were essential to the DRV's ability to develop, field, and run a professional army engaged in modern—not guerilla—battles. The Vietnamese were victorious at Dien Bien Phu in 1954 in part because they successfully executed a highly complex battle via the airwaves. Neither the Front de libération nationale (FLN) fighting the French for Algeria nor the Republicans battling the Dutch for Indonesia ever used communications so intensely to drive state-making or take the fight to the colonizer on the battlefield. Scholars of Western states and warfare have long recognized the importance of information gathering for understanding such matters. This article argues that it is time to consider how postcolonial states gathered and used information, even in times of war.

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Thénault, Sylvie. "Baya Hocine’s Papers." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 46, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2020.460207.

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In 1958, a search of the Barberousse Prison in Algiers led to the confiscation of the journal, notes, and correspondence of Baya Hocine, a 17-year-old female detainee who had been sentenced to death for an attack. Written in the intimate style of a personal diary, Hocine’s papers are a valuable source for the historiography of prisons during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962). The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the trajectory from prison to the French Archives, where they appear in typed form, as well as to shed light on the circumstances under which they were written. While they may be insufficient to reconstitute the actual conditions of life in the prison because they communicate private thoughts, they highlight the radical specificity of Barberousse in these wartime years as a place where people who had been sentenced to death were detained and executed and where death was omnipresent.

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MacMaster, Neil. "The Roots of Insurrection: The Role of the Algerian Village Assembly (Djemâa) in Peasant Resistance, 1863–1962." Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 2 (April 2013): 419–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751300008x.

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AbstractInterpretations of the origins of the Algerian war of independence have tended to emphasize either discontinuity—the radical dislocation of precolonial social and political structures following the French conquest—or the continuity of a culture of peasant resistance between 1871 and 1954. Little investigation has been carried out into the latter, or how, if at all, socio-political institutions enabled rural society to sustain an unbroken “tradition” of resistance over nearly a century of unprecedented crisis. Most debate has focused on the role of the tribe, a largely moribund institution, and this has obscured the importance of the village assembly, ordjemâa, a micro-level organization that historians have largely neglected. Thedjemâa, in both its official and covert forms, enabled village elders to regulate the internal affairs of the community, such as land disputes, as well as to present a unified face against external threats. This article shows how emerging nationalist movements starting in the 1920s penetrated isolated rural communities by adapting to the preexisting structure of thedjemâa, a tactic that was also followed after 1954 as independence fighters established a guerrilla support base among the mountain peasants. While Pierre Bourdieu and other scholars have emphasized the devastating impacts that economic individualism had on peasant communalism, this study employs thedjemâaas a case study of a “traditional” institution that proved flexible and enduring as rural society confronted settler land appropriations and a savage war of decolonization.

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Kuby, Emma. "From the torture chamber to the bedchamber: French soldiers, antiwar activists, and the discourse of sexual deviancy in the Algerian War (1954-1962)." Contemporary French Civilization 38, no. 2 (January 2013): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2013.7.

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Kalman, Samuel. "Unlawful Acts or Strategies of Resistance?" French Historical Studies 43, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-7920478.

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Abstract This article examines anticolonial crime in interwar French Algeria. Faced with European attempts at political, economic, and cultural hegemony, and battered by poverty, legal discrimination, and official/police intransigence, Algerians often used criminal acts in an effort to destabilize and undermine French authority. This article examines the case study of the Department of Constantine, where Arab/Kabyle inhabitants regularly engaged in anticolonial crime and violence, including the robbery of arms and explosives from government buildings and mines, train derailments, and football hooliganism. More seriously, certain “criminals” engaged in the murder of settlers and attacked or killed police officers and administrative officials. In both city and countryside the official response was brutal: the violation of suspects' rights, excessive force in lieu of arrests, vigilante killings of suspects, and the forced removal of the families of anyone deemed outside the law. In this way, administrators and law enforcement tried to restore European predominance, yet the increasing prevalence of anticolonial crime effectively helped pave the way for popular nationalist movements in the post-1945 era and the 1954–62 Algerian War of Independence. Cet article examine la criminalité anticoloniale dans l'Algérie de l'entre-deux-guerres. Face aux efforts européens pour construire l'hégémonie politique, économique et culturelle, et touchés grièvement par la misère, un code juridique discriminatoire et l'intransigeance des fonctionnaires et policiers, les Algériens ont exploité la criminalité violente pour déstabiliser et saper le pouvoir colonial. Plus précisément, cet article analyse l'exemple de Constantine, le département où les habitants arabes et kabyles s'impliquent régulièrement dans la criminalité anticoloniale, y compris le vol des armements et explosifs dans les immeubles gouvernementaux et les mines, le déraillement des trains et le hooliganisme. Plus grave, certains « criminels » se sont engagés dans l'homicide volontaire contre les colons, et dans des attentats contre les commissaires de police et les administrateurs. Que ce soit dans le milieu urbain ou à la campagne, les pouvoirs ont répondu brutalement, par la violation des droits des suspects, l'usage excessif de la force, l'assassinat des « coupables » et la relocalisation forcée des hors-la-loi et de leurs familles. De cette façon, les administrateurs et la police ont essayé de soutenir la domination européenne en Algérie. Néanmoins, la croissance de la criminalité anticoloniale a ouvert la voie aux mouvements nationalistes populaires après 1945 et pendant la guerre d'indépendance (1954–62).

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Artero, Sylvaine, Jacques Touchon, Anne-Marie Dupuy, Alain Malafosse, and Karen Ritchie. "War exposure, 5-HTTLPR genotype and lifetime risk of depression." British Journal of Psychiatry 199, no. 1 (July 2011): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.bp.110.087924.

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BackgroundIn 1962 approximately 1.5 million French people living in Algeria were repatriated to France in very poor and often life-threatening conditions. These people constitute a cohort for the study of the long-term impact of gene–environment interaction on depression.AimsTo examine the interaction between a highly stressful life event and subsequent depression, and its modulation by a length polymorphism of the serotonin transporter gene (5–HTTLPR).MethodA community sample of people aged 65 years and over residing in the Montpellier region of the south of France was randomly recruited from electoral rolls. Genotyping was performed on 248 repatriated persons and 632 controls. Current and lifetime major and minor depressive disorders were assessed according to DSM-IV criteria.ResultsA significant relationship was observed between exposure to repatriation and subsequent depression (P<0.002), but there was no significant effect of gene alone (P = 0.62). After controlling for age, gender, education, disability, recent life events and cognitive function, the gene–environment interaction (repatriation×5-HTTLPR) was globally significant (P<0.002; OR = 3.21, 95% CI 2.48–5.12). Individuals carrying the two short (s) alleles of 5-HTTLPR were observed to be at higher risk (P<0.005; OR = 2.34, 95% CI 1.24–4.32), particularly when repatriation occurred before age 35 years (P<0.002; OR = 2.91, 95% CI 1.44–5.88), but this did not reach significance in those who were older at the time of the event (P = 0.067).ConclusionsThe association between depression and war repatriation was significantly modulated by 5-HTTLPR genotype but this appeared to occur only in people who were younger at the time of exposure.

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Glitz, Henry. "Charlie Hebdo and the Future of Free Speech." Pitt Political Review 11, no. 2 (October 13, 2017): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ppr.2015.54.

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The Charlie Hebdo attack and its aftermath was the most significant France had experienced since a 1962 train bombing — related to the war in Algeria — outside Paris. Moreover, it seems altogether foreign and incomprehensible to the relatively liberal standards of our society that the motivation for such atrocious violence was vengeance for the mere act, conflated into a crime, of drawing a cartoon. While it may seem natural to most Westerners, the response to the Jan. 7 attacks looks almost absurd when approached from a different point of view. Rénald Luzier, the figure behind the cartoon that seemed to spur controversy, himself highlights the irony of Western leaders — who more often than not look at satirists like those employed at Charlie Hebdo as “agitators” — declaring the slain satirists “white knights defending free speech”. The definitive characteristic transformed a weekly burlesque, whose parent publication described itself as a “stupid and vicious magazine”, into a hero of modernity. This reflects, quite simply, a feeling throughout the Western world that intrinsic rights are under attack.

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Malkin, Stanislav Gennad’evich, and Dmitriy Aleksandrovich Nesterov. "Colonial experience and the theory of counter-guerrilla warfare in the USA: a symposium of RAND, April 16-20, 1962 as a historic source." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2017): 184–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201764215.

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This paper analyzes the materials of the symposium held by the RAND Corporation from 16 to 20 April 1962. Its purpose was to generalize the experience of past combat conflicts, which could contribute to an effective fight against insurgents in future conflicts. Twelve military officers of the armies of the United States, Britain, France and Australia participated in this symposium. All of them took part in counter-guerrilla operations around the world - Algeria, China, Greece, Kenya, Laos, Malaya, Oman, South Vietnam and the Philippines. Their rich experience formed the basis of this symposium. The goals and objectives of the symposium, the features of the materials and the biographies of the participants are consecrated in details in the paper. The questions discussed at the meeting are discussed in details. They are characteristics and examples of guerrilla warfare; primary objectives of counterinsurgency and some effective organizational and operational approaches; tactics and techniques of counter-guerrilla warfare; principles and techniques of political action; psychological warfare and civil actions; intelligence and counterintelligence: problems and techniques of intelligence-gathering, and the importance of communications; British campaign in Kenya; selection of personnel for counterinsurgency; special role of the advisor; winning the Counterguerrilla War. The conclusion of the paper shows a special significance of the materials of this symposium for the study of military thought during the Cold War, and especially the influence of the colonial experience of European empires on US foreign policy.

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Schalk, David L. "The Memory of Resistance: French Opposition to the Algerian War, 1954–1962. By Martin Evans. Berg French Studies. Edited by, John E. Flower. Oxford: Berg, 1997. Pp. xvi+250. $50.00 (cloth); $19.50 (paper)." Journal of Modern History 72, no. 1 (March 2000): 235–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/315961.

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Shakhov, Anatoliy Sergeyevich. "Algeria: Birth of Cinema." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 5, no. 2 (May 15, 2013): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik5288-94.

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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the origin of Algerian cinema which has long been neglected by Russian researchers. Using Arab-language sources the author shows that the national film industry emerged in the context of the revolutionary situation of 1954-1962 and tells about the European filmmakers who contributed to its formation and development.

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Almeida, Rodrigo Davi. "Jean-Paul Sartre e o Terceiro Mundo (1947-1979)." Latin American Journal of Development 3, no. 5 (September 1, 2021): 2789–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.46814/lajdv3n5-002.

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O artigo estuda as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo entre 1947 e 1979. Além disso, e a partir delas, enseja reflexões e/ou debates sobre o papel do intelectual na sociedade à luz do conhecimento histórico. As posições políticas de Sartre sobre o Terceiro Mundo constituem, portanto, o objeto deste trabalho cujo problema é a liberdade. Sob o “impacto da História”, isto é, no curso dos acontecimentos do Terceiro Mundo – da Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), da Revolução Cubana (1959-1961) e da Revolução Vietnamita (1946-1976) – Sartre elabora uma nova concepção de liberdade que contradiz sua concepção existencialista anterior. Se a liberdade na concepção existencialista tem uma base teórico-filosófica, situada no plano da ontologia, ou seja, abstrata e individual, sua nova concepção de liberdade tem uma base político-econômica, situada no plano da história, logo, concreta e coletiva. Em outras palavras, Sartre redefine a sua concepção de liberdade à luz de determinados problemas colocados pela emergência do Terceiro Mundo no cenário político mundial. Sob a ótica do marxismo e do método dialético, Sartre procura redefini-la em seus aspectos econômico (como independência), social (como justiça e igualdade), político (como soberania) e cultural (como humanização, em oposição à tortura e ao racismo). O referencial teórico-metodológico provém do marxismo, particularmente, suas contribuições acerca das relações entre indivíduo, sociedade e história. Os principais textos utilizados são os de Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand e Perry Anderson. Esse referencial nos permite pensar a trajetória de Sartre como uma unidade contraditória e as suas posições políticas sobre o Terceiro Mundo tendo em vista o seu fundamento histórico-social. Sartre radicaliza suas ideias e passa a defender o socialismo; intervém contra as guerras coloniais com a assinatura de manifestos, petições, passeatas e comícios populares; divulga as conquistas revolucionárias argelina, cubana e vietnamita ao público mundial, sobretudo, por meio da revista Les Temps Modernes; propõe a criação de um tribunal internacional para julgar os crimes de guerra norte-americanos contra a população vietnamita. Nessa esteira, devemos entender a afirmação de Sartre o “homem é possível” que contradiz a sua máxima ontológica o “homem é uma paixão inútil”. Enfim, para Sartre, o “problema humano” – a liberdade – somente pode ser resolvido em termos de produção e de relações sociais de produção de tipo socialista. The article studies the political positions of Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) related to the Third World between 1947 and 1979. In addition, and based on them, it encourages reflections and/or debates about the role of the intellectual in society in the light of historical knowledge. Sartre's political positions on the Third World constitute, therefore, the object of this work whose problem is freedom. Under the "impact of history," that is, in the course of Third World events - from the Algerian War (1954-1962), the Cuban Revolution (1959-1961), and the Vietnamese Revolution (1946-1976) - Sartre elaborates a new conception of freedom that contradicts his previous existentialist conception. If freedom in the existentialist conception has a theoretical-philosophical basis, situated on the level of ontology, that is, abstract and individual, his new conception of freedom has a political-economic basis, situated on the level of history, therefore, concrete and collective. In other words, Sartre redefines his conception of freedom in light of certain problems posed by the emergence of the Third World on the world political scene. From the standpoint of Marxism and the dialectical method, Sartre seeks to redefine freedom in its economic (as independence), social (as justice and equality), political (as sovereignty), and cultural (as humanization, in opposition to torture and racism) aspects. The theoretical and methodological framework comes from Marxism, particularly its contributions on the relationship between the individual, society, and history. The main texts used are those by Michael Löwy, Jean Chesneaux, István Mészáros, Eric Hobsbawm, Gérard Chaliand, and Perry Anderson. This reference allows us to think of Sartre's trajectory as a contradictory unit and his political positions on the Third World in view of its social-historical foundation. Sartre radicalizes his ideas and starts to defend socialism; he intervenes against colonial wars by signing manifestos, petitions, marches, and popular rallies; he publicizes the Algerian, Cuban, and Vietnamese revolutionary conquests to the world public, especially through the magazine Les Temps Modernes; he proposes the creation of an international tribunal to judge American war crimes against the Vietnamese population. In this vein, we must understand Sartre's statement that "man is possible" which contradicts his ontological maxim that "man is a useless passion. Finally, for Sartre, the "human problem" - freedom - can only be solved in terms of production and social relations of production of a socialist type.

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Cooke, James J., and Alexander Harrison. "Challenging de Gaulle: The O.A.S. and the Counterrevolution in Algeria, 1954-1962." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 1 (1990): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220011.

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Gortzak, Yoav. "Using Indigenous Forces in Counterinsurgency Operations: The French in Algeria, 1954–1962." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 2 (April 2009): 307–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390902743415.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The Algeria War (1954-1962)'

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