Relevant bibliographies by topics / The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 4 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)"

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Enas AL.Yasiry. "Post 2003’s War: US' Failure in Political and Economic Restructure of Iraq." Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 10, no. 5 (2020): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2020.10.5.1.

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The key purpose of this article is to understand the proclaimed purpose of the US invasion of Iraq and subsequently analyze Americans promises to build new infrastructure and develop a new economy of the country. By discussing the steps taken by the US government after the invasion of Iraq towards restructuring and reconstruction of the country, the author defined reasons for the American failure in restructuring of the state. The qualitative methods of research was employed to analyze the failure of the United States in the political and economic restructuring of Iraq. The data was collected from different sources including scientific journals, research papers and articles published by the different websites. This paper concludes that war cannot be summarized as a humanitarian intervention. Especially invasion of a country without UN’s Security Council’s approval itself creates doubt on the legitimacy of the political reforms and economic restructure of the invaded country. Author verified that beside the post 2003 complex political situation in Iraq, the American intervention brought the country’s economy back to the zero point.
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Bobkin, Nikolay. "The Iranian-American competition in Iraq: the political defeat of the United States." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015847-8.

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The article gives an assessment of Iran's policy in neighboring Iraq during the years of the American occupation. The author's scientific hypothesis is that after the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran, and not America, became the real beneficiary of the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. The Iranian leadership, interested in changing the Baathist regime in Baghdad, having received such a strategic gift, did everything to use the US military presence to its advantage. The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategy of expanding Iran's influence in Iraq and its impact on US policy. The article shows that the nature of Iran's influence in Iraq included all the elements of state power: diplomatic, informational, military and economic. It is concluded that Tehran managed to take advantage of the democratic reforms in Iraq, which were carried out under the control of Washington. Iran used its Shiite henchmen, which gave it a political advantage over the United States, which did not have such influential allied forces in Iraq. Despite the disparate balance of military forces with America, Iran managed to avoid the risk of war with the United States and move on to achieving its long-term goals in Iraq. In the future, Tehran plans to achieve the rejection of Baghdad from constructive relations with Washington.
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Burnham, Joy J., and Lisa M. Hooper. "The Influence of the War in Iraq on American Youth's Fears: Implications for Professional School Counselors." Professional School Counseling 11, no. 6 (2008): 2156759X0801100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2156759x0801100606.

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Before and after the initial invasion of Iraq in 2003, the fears of youth in grades 2-12 were examined using the American Fear Survey Schedule for Children and Adolescents (Burnham, 2005). In a pre-invasion and post-invasion comparison, results revealed significant age and gender differences between pre- and post-invasion samples. In addition, the post-invasion sample reported more war-related fears. Implications are discussed and potential resources for professional school counselors are presented.
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H. Saeed, Jabbar, and Amer Hassan Thabit. "The American Role in Rebuilding of State in 'Post invasion Iraq (2003)." Strategy International Journal of Middle East Research 2, no. 1 (2020): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29329/ijmer.2020.231.3.

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Kuznetsov, A. A. "THE SUNNI-SHI'ITE RIVALRY AND ITS INFLUENCE ON THE GEOPOLITICAL SITUATION OF THE MIDDLE EAST." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-146-155.

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The article "The Sunni-Shi'ite rivalry and its influence on the geopolitical situation of the Middle East" is dedicated to the sectarian conflicts in the Middle East region in last 30 years. Author considers the Islamic revolution of 1979 in Iran as the point of departure of this conflict. Author of the article makes a difference between the Shi'ite Islamic revolutionary doctrine of Khomeini and the Salafi Islamic fundamentalism of Saudi Arabia. Author realizes the analysis of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1980-1988. This analysis is emphasized on the regional geopolitical situation and positions of the outside actors (Saudi Arabia, USA, France, Germany). Then it is covered the American invasion of Iraq in 2003 and its geopolitical consequences. To the author's mind this aggression and further empowerment of the Shi'ite majority reduced to the civil war in Iraq and exacerbation of the sectarian conflict. Author of the article considers these events as a part of the geopolitical rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia to unfold in the areas of Iraq, Syria and Lebanon.
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Abdel-Razek, Omar, and Miriam Puttick. "Majorities and minorities in post-ISIS Iraq." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (2016): 565–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1244901.

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The question of majorities and minorities has dominated the Iraqi political scene since the American-led invasion of 2003. As an occupying power, the US enshrined sectarianism in post-Saddam Iraq through divisive policies and structures that continue to pervade the political institution from top to bottom. As a result, what was considered a remedy for Iraq's political ills opened the gates for more sectarian division, the dispersion of religious minorities and power struggles between the main majority groups: Shia Arabs, Sunni Arabs and Kurds. How this deadlock will be resolved is the key question that Iraq is facing as it prepares for an imminent defeat of the so-called Islamic State (Da'sh or ISIS). This paper traces the development of the concepts of majorities and minorities in Iraq's recent history, analyzing the factors that led to the sectarian paralysis of today and exploring possibilities for a post-ISIS political solution that preserves the multi-ethnic, multi-religious character of the Iraqi nation-state.
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Montgomery, Bruce P. "Immortality in the Secret Police Files: The Iraq Memory Foundation and the Baath Party Archive." International Journal of Cultural Property 18, no. 3 (2011): 309–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s094073911100018x.

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AbstractShortly after the 2003 American invasion of Iraq, Kanan Makiya, a long time Iraqi dissident and professor of Middle East studies at Brandeis University, uncovered a major trove of documents belonging to Saddam Hussein's Baath Party and his security forces. The documents proved highly important in reflecting the inner workings of the Baath Party system in his final years in power. Soon after the discovery of the documents, the Iraq Memory Foundation (IMF), a private Washington, D.C.–based group founded by Makiya, took custody of the records, later depositing them with the Hoover Institution at Stanford University to provide a safe haven for them. The deal ignited immediate international controversy and charges of pillage from some Iraqi officials, archival organizations, scholars, and others who also demanded their immediate return to the Iraq National Library and Archive in Baghdad. On the surface, these charges of theft and plunder appear plausible enough, but on examination, a different and complicated narrative emerges in light of the conventions of war, U.S. law, and the Iraqi penal code, as well as the chain of events surrounding their taking and removal by nonstate actors in the Iraqi theatre of war and occupation.
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Carlson, Marvin. "9/11, Afghanistan, and Iraq: The Response of the New York Theatre." Theatre Survey 45, no. 1 (2004): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004055740400002x.

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Clearly the attacks of 11 September 2001 served as a defining moment in the contemporary American political, social, or cultural imagination, and led directly to the invasion of Afghanistan and the far more controversial invasion of Iraq. Both wars were brief, the modest forces of these countries quickly capitulating to the overwhelming military superiority of Western forces, headed by the United States. On 1 May 2003, President George Bush announced victory and the end of the war in Iraq. Although the much more difficult and complex problems of occupation and pacification clearly will continue for some time, 1 May may be taken to have marked an end of a major phase in the crisis that was initiated on 9/11.
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Salih, Elaff Ganim, Hardev Kaur, and Mohamad Fleih Hassan. "David Hare’s Stuff Happens a Dramatic Journey of American War on Iraq." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 67 (March 2016): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.67.57.

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The war launched by America and its allies against the country of Iraq on 2003 was a debatable and notorious war for the public opinion was shocked with the realization that the reasons for launching the war under the title ‘Iraq’s Mass Destruction Weapons’ were false. The tragic consequences of this war led many writers around the world to question the policy of the United States and its manipulation of facts to justify their narratives. The present study examines the American policy of invading Iraq in David Hare’s Stuff Happens. It investigates Hare’s technique of combining documentary realism with imaginative reconstruction of the arguments to dramatize the American Invasion of Iraq. Stuff Happens is a historical and political play written as a verbatim theatre. It depicts the backroom deals and political maneuvers of the Bush administration in justifying their campaign against the ‘Axis of Evil’ culminated by the war against Iraq. The verbatim theatre is the best way of showing the gap between ‘what is said and what is seen to be done’. Scenes of direct speeches by real characters are part of this theatre dramatized to present a new reading of a historical event. In addition, characterization is used by Hare’s to chronicle the American war on Iraq. The study follows a postcolonial framework. The study concludes that Hare’s Stuff Happens succeeded in shaking the public opinion with the truth that Bush’s administration has manipulated facts in order to achieve their colonial and imperial interests in Iraq, which led to more destruction and violence in this country.
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Kaczmarek, Piotr. "WOJNA W IRAKU W ŚWIETLE DOKTRYNY BUSHA." Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM, no. 13 (October 31, 2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/r.2016.1.4.

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The article presents changes in American foreign policy after 11th 2001 and is concerned the George W. Bush’s Middle East policy. The goal of the text is presenting how the Bush doctrine leaded to war in Iraq. After the short introduction about US Middle East policy the text explains fundamental parts of doctrine and describes the most important G. W. Bush speeches and National Security Strategies from 2002 and 2006. This part is dedicated on war on terror, axis of evil and preventive war. The next part try to identify actual and the official and publically stated causes the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The article ends with the analysis the cost of Iraq war.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)"

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Bangs, Richard. "From the Philippines to Iraq Investigating Counterinsurgency Operations, Atrocity, and Race." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31294.

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This thesis asks two central questions: (1.) Is there a link between atrocities committed during American counterinsurgency campaigns and race? (2.) Is there continuity between the counterinsurgency techniques deployed in the Philippines and in Iraq in this respect? In an effort to answer these questions I propose to briefly outline the chapters which are to follow. In Chapter 1 I propose to tackle the question of race using the following questions as broad guides to my investigation: what is it? how do we understand it? how will it be operationalized? In other words, this first chapter serves both as a literature review and an outline of the theoretical framework to be adopted in the later sections of this thesis. It outlines the current state of the concept ‘race’ in the literature of various fields of politics with an eye to finding space for a critical approach. In the end, I settle on the elegant framework set forth by Roxanne Lynn Doty. In Chapter 2, carrying forward Doty’s operationalized concept of race, I undertake an analysis of the discourse and practice surrounding American Counterinsurgency Policy during the invasion of the Philippines from 1899-1903. First; I investigate the role that racialized discourse played in the domestic and international contexts surrounding the invasion of the Philippines. Second; I delve into the empirical historical record to attempt to sketch out how racism was deployed on the ground in the counterinsurgency in the Philippines and what relationship the acts of atrocity committed there had with racial discourse. Following the findings of Chapter 2 I attempt to investigate the extent to which these mechanisms existed in the counterinsurgency in Iraq in Chapter 3. The investigation of Iraq is structured similarly to that of the Philippines but, due to the absolute abundance of information on Iraq, it is broken into three sections. The first section examines the role of race in the 2 domestic politics of the United States before, during, and after September 11, 2001. The second section sketches out an emerging international logic concerning military intervention and development. The final section sketches out the empirical reality of how race was used in atrocity in Iraq.
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Hadhum, Haider S. "The media in transition : the rise of an 'independent' press in Post-Invasion Iraq and the American role in shaping the Iraqi press 2003-2005." Thesis, City University London, 2012. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/1730/.

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This thesis covers the situation of the Iraqi press landscape after the toppling of Saddam’s regime on the 9th of April 2003. In particular, it attempts to disclose American interventions in the work of the Iraqi press in the period 2003-2006. It examines three main aspects of these interventions, as briefly summarized below: press legislation; planning and construction of new press entities; and attempts to influence pro-American press coverage following the invasion. Within a few weeks of the fall of Saddam’s regime, Iraq witnessed the launch of many newspapers, after many decades of government oppression and censorship. The phenomenal mushrooming of Iraqi local newspapers was used by the U.S government as an indication of success in democratizing a country in which the local press had suffered from the oppression of different military governments, and finally of Saddam Hussein and his notorious son Uday. However, this thesis shows that the flood of newspapers caused anarchy in the press market. As a result there was confusion among many readers about the credibility of the new press, because of the lack of professionalism in its coverage. - The existing, laws active in Iraq restricted the freedom of the press, and there was a need to establish a new legal framework for the media. The U.S Army’s first reforms abolished several articles of the press laws. This study shows, however, that these reforms had questionable practical effect. The reforms abolished laws relating to the Ba’ath regime and Saddam Hussein, which were in fact already redundant, given the collapse of the regime. Meanwhile other articles in the Iraqi penal code, prescribing measures to punish newspapers, journalists or editors, were left intact when they should have been changed or cancelled. In addition, the Coalition Provisional Authority added an article that gave the head of the CPA the right to close or to punish any media entity if they violated certain conditions. - The thesis shows that the Americans’ early plans to shape the Iraqi press were mostly motivated by the need to create a press friendly to the American occupation, and to confront anti American messages or campaigns. The Department of Defense handled the early plans to “build” such media entities, but the Pentagon was not successful, as the main contractor was oriented more towards information control, and lacked experience in building media organizations. As a result of this the U.S plans for the Iraqi media in general stumbled, and did not make the expected progress. - American intervention in the Iraqi press was not limited to attempts to create an official “friendly” press, but extended into persistent efforts to influence the local “independent” press. This thesis uses evidence based on original interviews with leading figures from the Iraqi press to build up a detailed picture of these attempts. Different American military units or institutions used different procedures to pass messages that were directed to helping polish the image of the American soldiers, and at the same time demonize their “enemies”. One of these procedures was to create friendly “independent” newspapers, covering certain events that would show the U.S Army as helping to establish new public services. The other favoured procedure was to bribe local journalists to cover such events and publish them in existing newspapers, or to pay newspapers to publish articles written by American soldiers and then translated into Arabic.
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Yost, Jonathan David. "Fixing What Has Been Broken: The United States' Actions in the Aftermath of the Looting of the Iraq National Museum during the 2003 Invasion." W&M ScholarWorks, 2013. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626709.

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McCoy, Daniel D. "‘Our Responsibility and Privilege to Fight Freedom’s Fight’: Neoconservatism, the Project for the New American Century, and the Making of the Invasion of Iraq in 2003." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2177.

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The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was a neoconservative Washington, D.C. foreign policy think tank, comprised of seasoned foreign policy stalwarts who had served multiple presidential administrations as well as outside-the-beltway defense contractors, that was founded in 1997 by William Kristol, editor of the conservative political magazine The Weekly Standard, and Robert Kagan, a foreign policy analyst and political commentator currently at the Brookings Institution. The PNAC would shut down its operations in 2006. Using The Weekly Standard as its mouthpiece, the PNAC helped foment support for the removal of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein beginning in 1998, citing Iraq’s noncooperation with UN weapons inspections. The PNAC became further emboldened in its urgency and rhetoric to quell the geopolitical risk posed by Hussein after the 9/11 terror attacks. The only justifiable response the George W. Bush Administration could play in thwarting Hussein, the PNAC argued, involved a military action. Keywords: The Project for the New American Century; Iraq War; Saddam Hussein; The Weekly Standard; The Vulcans; weapons of mass destruction
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Francisco, Adálio Pereira Vicente. "O lóbi de Israel e a Política Externa Americana para o Médio Oriente: o caso da invasão ao Iraque em 2003." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Socias e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14660.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política<br>A presente pesquisa pretende apresentar uma abordagem explicativa da invasão ao Iraque de 2003 perpetrada pelos Estados Unidos em coligação com a Inglaterra. Para tal, recorre à perspectiva dos grupos de pressão, cuja análise está centrada na invasão ao Iraque e o lóbi de Israel nos Estados Unidos. Quais as estratégias e recursos utilizados pelo lóbi de Israel com vista a influenciar a política externa americana, particularmente no que toca a guerra do Iraque em 2003? Foi utilizada uma metodologia qualitativa de estudo de caso, primando pela análise histórica, sequência de eventos, documentos e discursos. Foram ainda utilizados vários indicadores para analisar o lóbi de Israel, tais como organizações cívicas, think thanks, correntes messiânicas e indivíduos, todos pró-Israel. Concluiu-se que, por conta das suas actividades, o lóbi de Israel exerce influência no processo de formulação e implementação da política externa americana para a região do Médio Oriente.<br>The present research intends to present an explanatory approach to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 perpetrated by the United States in a coalition with England. To do so, it draws on the perspective of pressure groups whose analysis focuses on the invasion of Iraq and Israel's lobby in the United States. What are the strategies and resources used by Israel's lobby to influence US foreign policy, particularly with regard to the Iraq war in 2003? A qualitative methodology of case study was used, emphasizing the historical analysis, sequence of events, documents and speeches. Various indicators were also used to analyze Israel's lobby, such as civic organizations, think thanks, messianic chains and individuals, all pro-Israel. It was concluded that, because of its activities, Israel's lobby exerts influence in the process of formulating and implementing US foreign policy for the Middle East region.<br>N/A
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LaCoco, Kimberly. "British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Decision to Go to War in Iraq: An Evaluation of Motivating Factors." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9842/.

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Blair sent British troops to join U.S. forces in the invasion of Iraq in 2003 at great political cost to himself. What motivated him to take this step? Sources for this work include: autobiographies and biographies of individuals close to Blair; journal and newspaper articles and monographs on this topic; Prime Minister's speeches and press conferences. Part one is comprised of five chapters including the Introduction; Blair's years at school; Blair's early political career; and From Parliament to Prime Minister. Part two includes four chapters that analyze motivating factors such as, Anglo-American Relations; Blair's personality, faith, and his relationship with Gordon Brown; and finally, Blair's perception of Britain's Manifest Destiny. All of these factors played a role in Blair's decision.
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Books on the topic "The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)"

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Islāmī, Daftar-i. Nashr-i. Farhang-i., ред. Shikast yā pīrūzī?: Majmūʻah-i maqālāt-i tahājum-i Āmrīkā bih ʻIrāq = Defeat or victory? : essays on the American invasion of Iraq. Daftar-i Nashr-i Farhang-i Islāmī, 2004.

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Slavin, Pablo E. La invasión a Irak: La nueva Pax Americana. Ediciones Suárez, 2004.

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The wars of the Bushes: A father and son as military leaders. Casemate, 2004.

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Asia, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and South. Iraqi volunteers, Iraqi refugees: What is America's obligation? : hearing before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, March 26, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Howell, Petraeus David, and United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs., eds. The status of the war and political developments in Iraq: Joint hearing before the Committee on Armed Services meeting jointly with Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, hearing held, September 10, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Current situation in Iraq: Hearings before the Committee on Armed Services, United States Senate, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, January 12 and 25, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Assessment of the administration's September report on the status of U.S. political and military efforts in Iraq: Hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, September 19, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Armed Services., ed. Beyond the September report: What's next for Iraq? : joint hearing before the Committee on Foreign Affairs and the Committee on Armed Services, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, September 6, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Examining the president's fiscal year 2008 supplemental request for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan: Hearing before the Committee on Appropriations, United States Senate, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session : special hearing, September 26, 2007--Washington, DC. U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Iraq: An independent assessment : hearing before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, September 4, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "The American Invasion of Iraq (2003-2007)"

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Dawisha, Adeed. "Politics in the New Era, 2003–." In Iraq. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691157931.003.0011.

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This chapter discusses political developments in Iraq following the US and UK's military campaign in 2003. The publicly stated reason for the invasion of Iraq was Saddam's possession of weapons of mass destruction and his links with international Islamist terrorists. However, is probably more likely that from the very beginning the Bush Administration, or more precisely influential elements within it, made the removal of Saddam Husayn a central plank of the administration's policy. Whatever the reasons for the invasion, the United States found itself on April 9, 2003 the hegemonic power in Iraq, faced with the responsibilities of governance. And indeed until June 28, 2004, when sovereignty was transferred to the Iraqis, the United States (with some input by the British) ruled Iraq directly through a mostly American administration in Baghdad called the Coalition Provisional Authority.
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Hutchings, Robert. "America at War: 2003–2005." In Truth to Power. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190940003.003.0006.

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Robert Hutchings arrived as chairman just a month before the US invasion of Iraq, a move that he privately felt was a major mistake, for reasons that proved all too accurate. Once combat operations gave way to a heavy-handed US occupation regime, the analysis the NIC provided—that the anti-American insurgency was intensifying, and that this was because of the occupation itself—was badly received by policymakers. Such can be the consequences of telling truth to power. Moreover, when no WMD were found in Iraq, criticism mounted, some of it justified but some pure scapegoating. The perceived “intelligence failures” of 9/11 and Iraqi WMD crystallized in pressure toward major reforms to US intelligence. Nonetheless, during this period the NIC did seminal work in reassessing the nature of the terrorist threat and in producing the pathbreaking report, Mapping the Global Future, the newest iteration of the Global Trends series.
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Al-Tikriti, Nabil. "There Go the Neighbourhoods: Policy Effects vis-à-vis Iraqi Forced Migration." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0012.

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This chapter examines the emergence of sectarianism in Iraq. Sectarian identities have long persisted in Iraq. And although they tend to cause violence, sectarian violence did not persist as a social constant; rather, outbreaks of sectarian violence only happened on specific occasions. For some observers, Iraq is divided into three distinct ethno-sectarian regions: the Shi’i Arab in southern Iraq, the Sunni Arab in central Iraq, and the Sunni Kurdish in northern Iraq. These geographic divisions are seen within the tripartite ‘no-fly zone’ borders of 1991 to 2003. While this portrayal does bear some resemblance to reality, it is insufficient in defining Iraqi society. However in the wake of the 2003 Anglo-American invasion, the occupation authorities formed policies which encouraged gradual, progressive and incessant increases in social chaos and a sectarianism that eventually led to the violent geographic consolidation of Iraq’s ethno-sectarianism mapping.
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Siracusa, Joseph M. "5. George W. Bush and the Iraq War." In Diplomatic History: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780192893918.003.0005.

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‘George W. Bush and the Iraq War’ looks at the diplomacy of George W. Bush in the run up to the Iraq War, which marked the triumph of the militarization of American diplomacy and an era of endless wars. With UK support, and despite United Nations warnings, in 2003 Bush approved the airstrikes that preceded the invasion of Iraq in March that year. The war with Iraq lasted just over a month. George W. Bush finally got the war he wanted; the regime change he wanted. And he got his way. The militarization of American diplomacy had been achieved and a war of choice had inaugurated an era of endless wars.
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Chatelard, Géraldine. "What Visibility Conceals: Re-embedding Refugee Migration from Iraq." In Dispossession and Displacement. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264591.003.0002.

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Since the Anglo-American invasion and the fall of the Ba’athist regime in 2003, Iraq has been through profound changes. New and heightened levels of human security have led to large numbers of refugees seeking refuge in neighbouring Arab countries such as Syria and Jordan. This has also resulted in internal displacement within the country. This chapter discusses the historical and political context of Iraqi displacement to the northern regions of Iraq and the neighbouring countries of Syria and Jordan. It examines the effect of the international humanitarian aid regime’s designation of ‘unprecedented refugee crisis’ to the forced migrants and to the political actors of the region. The creation of a state-centred approach and the visibility of Iraqi refugees created other invisibilities that concealed and obscured the question of the prevalence of forced migrations and the dynamics of cross-border ties which have spanned for decades. These trends of Iraqi migration have been shaped by successive coercive governments which have fragmented the population along religious, ethnic and ideological orientations and by the nature of the polities from which Iraqis sought security. By analysing the trends and context of Iraqi migration, this chapter sheds light on the true nature of the Iraqi refugee agenda.
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Moore, Gregory J. "Niebuhrian Takeaways on the Just War Tradition and the U.S. Invasion of Iraq." In Niebuhrian International Relations. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500446.003.0007.

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This chapter situates Niebuhr in the world of the just war theory, while offering an assessment of his likely views of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and whether or not it was consistent with a Niebuhrian/just war approach to jus ad bellum (considerations of whether it is just to launch a war). While most writers consider Niebuhr a firm Augustinian and solidly in the camp of the just warriors (as do I), some controversy has arisen around his consequentialism, coupled with his relative lack of attention to jus in bello considerations (considerations of justice in how a war is fought). If Niebuhr had been alive in 2003, this study concludes that he would have been firmly against the Iraq War because of what he would have seen as U.S. hubris, U.S. assumptions of American exceptionalism, and the fact that the war did not accord with just war theory’s jus ad bellum standards.
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7

Peterson, James W. "Russia and America confront terrorism, 1994–2004: a foundation of understanding." In Russian-American Relations in the Post-Cold War World. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105783.003.0007.

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In the 1990s, Russia’s wars in Chechnya alientated the officials in the Clinton administration, for they deemed the response by the Yeltsin government to be an overreaction to the acts committed by Chechnyan terrorists. However, the Twin Towers attacks in 2001 created a certain common understanding between the two powers. In spite of the contrasting attitudes of the two towards bin Laden and al Qaeda during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan in the 1980s, responses to global terrorism put them on the same page in the new century. With the support of NATO’s Article 5, the American decision to invade Afghanstan and dislodge the Taliban met with allied approval and support. However, there was considerable controversy between Moscow and Washington over the Iraq war that America commenced with the Coalition of the Willing in 2003. Russian leaders condemned this invasion as an illustration of an American overreach as well as an inappropriate response to the 9/11 attacks. One commonality in the effort to contain terrorism was considerable administrative centralization within both political systems.
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Smith, Tony. "From Theory to Practice: Neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, 2001–2017." In Why Wilson Matters. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183480.003.0008.

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This chapter examines neo-Wilsonianism in the White House, considering the Bush Doctrine—often referred to as the National Security Strategy of the United States, September 2002, or NSS-2002. In the annals of American foreign policy there had never been anything even remotely like NSS-2002, its façade of Wilsonianism covering a far more aggressive imperialist claim for American exceptionalism than Woodrow Wilson had ever espoused, which in due course threatened to destroy altogether the credentials of good stewardship for world affairs that American liberal internationalism had enjoyed from the 1940s through the 1980s. One month after NSS-2002 appeared, the Iraq Resolution passed Congress with strong majorities in both chambers. Neo-Wilsonianism, born in theory during the 1990s, entered into practice five months after this historic vote with the invasion of Iraq that started on March 20, 2003. The chapter then looks at neo-Wilsonianism during the Obama presidency.
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Cassam, Quassim. "The Anatomy of Vice." In Vices of the Mind. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826903.003.0001.

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This chapter explains and defends obstructivism about epistemic vice, the view that epistemic vices are blameworthy or otherwise reprehensible character traits, attitudes, or ways of thinking that systematically obstruct the gaining, keeping, or sharing of knowledge. It explains how epistemic vices get in the way of knowledge and criticizes motivational accounts of epistemic vice. Obstructivism focuses on the epistemic consequences of epistemic vices and is a form of consequentialism. The focus in this chapter is on arrogance and its role in obstructing the acquisition and sharing of knowledge during preparations for the 2003 American invasion of Iraq. Epistemic vices are distinguished from mere cognitive defects and an account is given of different senses in which we might have responsibility for our own epistemic vices.
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Lebovic, James H. "The Iraq War, 2003–2011." In Planning to Fail. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0003.

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The George W. Bush administration showed signs of biased decision-making before and after the 2003 Iraq invasion, which it claimed was necessary because Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction. With Donald Rumsfeld as secretary of defense, the administration focused narrowly on regime change and failed to plan for the aftermath of war. With the fall of Baghdad, the administration expanded US goals under the Coalition Provisional Authority without the capabilities to pursue them. Although the administration adjusted course in 2007, its new “surge” strategy, based on counterinsurgency principles, had the US military pursuing modest goals to suit available capabilities. Then the administration benefited unexpectedly from an alliance with Sunni insurgents (the Anbar Awakening) and the stand-down of the principal Shiite militia opposing US forces. US strategy finally amounted to staying the course through 2011, when the Obama administration chose to leave Iraq rather than seek a negotiated compromise.
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