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Journal articles on the topic 'The Articles of Confederation'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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1

Chu, Jonathan M., and Keith L. Dougherty. "Collective Action under the Articles of Confederation." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (December 2002): 1025. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092366.

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2

Boyd, Steven R. "The Critique of the Articles of Confederation Reconsidered." Journal of Early American History 8, no. 3 (December 18, 2018): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00803001.

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Generations of scholars have declared the Articles of Confederation to be inadequate to the needs of the nation of necessity replaced by the Constitution of 1787. This interpretation rests on three methodological flaws. First, it is anachronistic by which I mean that scholars use as a standard of judgement answers to questions of constitutional policy embedded in the Constitution. They then judge the alternative answers of the Articles to be wrong. Secondly, they compare the Articles in practice to the words of the Constitution incorrectly assuming the “promises” of the latter became effective public policy during the Early National period. Thirdly, they interpret comparable events in accordance with their preconceived judgement. Events like Shays’ Rebellion during the Confederation era are interpreted as signs of weakness. Comparable events in the Constitution era, like the Whiskey Rebellion and its aftermath, are judged signs of strength.
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3

Sliesoriūnas, Feliksas. "The General Confederation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (1734–1736)." Lithuanian Historical Studies 8, no. 1 (November 30, 2003): 61–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00801003.

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This article deals with the issue of the political alliance of the nobility of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) – the activity of the General Confederation of the GDL between 1734 and 1736 focusing on issues which have not been researched properly up to now. The General Confederation of the Polish Kingdom, called the Confederation of Dzików was politically akin to that of the GDL. The Poles proposed to form a common confederation, but the Lithuanian leadership was not inclined to do that. The General Confederation of the GDL established in 1734 was the last such organization of Lithuanian nobles, which did not join the Polish General Confederation. Nevertheless, in emigration the two confederations maintained close contacts. The internal conflicts of 1733-1736 came to an end following the Pacification Sejm in June and July 1736, which granted an amnesty to the Confederates and confirmed the election of Augustus III. Drawing on the so far untapped archival sources, the author reveals the contemporary diplomatic and military activity of Russia.
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4

Volden, Craig. "Collective Action under the Articles of Confederation. Keith L. Dougherty." Journal of Politics 64, no. 4 (November 2002): 1250–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jop.64.4.1520096.

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5

Payne, Samuel B. "The Iroquois League, the Articles of Confederation, and the Constitution." William and Mary Quarterly 53, no. 3 (July 1996): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947207.

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6

Kolbenko, Andriy. "ADOPTION OF «THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION» IN 1781 AND CREATION OF THE CONFEDERATIVE UNION IN THE USA." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Law, no. 62 (May 24, 2016): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vla.2016.62.381.

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7

Dougherty, Keith L. "An Empirical Test of Federalist and Anti-Federalist Theories of State Contributions, 1775-1783." Social Science History 33, no. 1 (2009): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010907.

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This article tests Federalist and Anti-Federalist explanations for state contributions to the confederation government using data on troop requisitions from 1775 to 1783. The Federalists claimed that state politicians acted unilaterally and contributed when the Continental army protected their state's interests. The Anti-Federalists claimed that state politicians understood their duty to the Union and contributed to advance its needs. The results suggest that, with one important caveat, states contributed more consistent with the Federalist argument. This helps explain why the Articles of Confederation needed reform.
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8

Lutz, Donald S. "The Articles of Confederation as the Background to the Federal Republic." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 20, no. 1 (1990): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330362.

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9

Lutz, Donald S. "The Articles of Confederation as the Background to the Federal Republic." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 20, no. 1 (1990): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pubjof.a037862.

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10

Sigiro, Atnike Nova. "Advancing the Agenda of the Confederation of Trade Unions on the Prevention of Sexual Violence in the World of Work in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 26, no. 1 (August 13, 2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v26i1.588.

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<p>This article was formulated based on interviews with 5 (five) trade union confederations from a number of confederations in Indonesia, namely: Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Nasional (KSPN), Konfederasi Sarikat Buruh Muslimin Indonesia (KSarbumusi), Konfederasi Serikat Buruh Seluruh Indonesia (KSBSI), Konfederasi Serikat Pekerja Indonesia (KSPI), and Konfederasi Kongres Aliansi Serikat Buruh Indonesia (KKASBI). This article seeks to explore the efforts made by the trade union confederation in promoting gender equality - specifically in advancing the agenda for the prevention and elimination of sexual violence in the world of work. This article was compiled based on research with a qualitative approach, with data collection methods through interviews and literature studies. The results of this study found that the confederations interviewed had already set up internal structures that have specific functions on issues related to gender equality, gender-based violence, and women’s empowerment; although still limited and on ad-hoc basis. This research also finds that the role of the trade union confederation is particularly prominent in advocating policies related to sexual violence and gender-based violence in the world of work, such as advocating the Bill on the Elimination of Sexual Violence, and the ratification of the ILO Convention No. 190 on Violence and Harassment.</p>
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11

Kaminski, John P. "Reviews of Books:Collective Action under the Articles of Confederation Keith L. Dougherty." American Historical Review 107, no. 5 (December 2002): 1551–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/532892.

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12

Crémer, Jacques, and Thomas R. Palfrey. "Political Confederation." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585761.

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This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states.
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13

Winter, Stefan. "The Reşwan Kurds and Ottoman Tribal Settlement in Syria, 1683-1741." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 2 (October 5, 2017): 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340151.

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Abstract The Reşwan were one of the most important tribal confederations in the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century. Yet their history remains almost completely ignored, while the few contemporary authors who refer them almost invariably fail to mention that they were Kurds. This article seeks to retrace the history of the Reşwan confederation and particularly their place in the Ottoman imperial tribal settlement (iskan) scheme of the eighteenth century. Drawing on both Ottoman chancery documents and local şeriat archives, it seeks to show that the Reşwan enjoyed relatively good relations with the Ottoman authorities and a high degree of integration with other groups in northern Syria and Mesopotamia, with individual members attaining high office in the region. While the Reşwan name has virtually disappeared, members of the confederation in Turkey today still trace their origins to the Syrian settlement initiative.
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14

Shukla, Shipra, and Mahesh Kumar. "An Approach to Discover the Stable Routes in BGP Confederations." International Journal of Information System Modeling and Design 8, no. 2 (April 2017): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijismd.2017040108.

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This article describes how the current internet is a network of interconnected autonomous systems which is susceptible to route instability when transferring data. The BGP confederation is the essential intra-domain routing protocol that may cause instability on the Internet. So far, route instability has been widely studied for internal BGP. However, the existing routing policies such as APMS and H-SSPP are not adequate for the route stability of BGP confederations. In fact, these routing policies may degrade the network performance parameters in terms of the packet delivery ratio, convergence time, average throughput and the average end to end delay. Therefore, this article proposes the Flexible BGP Confederation Policy Management (FBCPM) to reduce the anomalies. The proposed approach detects the route instability in the networks and provides a policy to construct a stable network. The routing policy shrinks the route oscillations and forwarding loops. Furthermore, the simulation results confirm that the authors' proposed approach has improved network performance parameters compared to other existing approaches.
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15

Macedo, Maxsuel Moura. "Planejamento e logística: as propostas de investimento da Confederação Nacional da Indústria e da Confederação Nacional do Transporte para o Rio Grande do Norte." Ateliê Geográfico 11, no. 1 (June 5, 2017): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.5216/ag.v11i1.35788.

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Resumo Este artigo tem como propósito analisar as propostas de investimento em transporte e logística da Confederação Nacional da Indústria (CNI) e da Confederação Nacional do Transporte (CNT) para o estado do Rio Grande do Norte. A análise será desenvolvida a partir de três propostas realizadas pelas confederações, a saber: o Projeto Nordeste Competitivo da CNI, o Plano CNT de Transporte e Logística e, Projetos Prioritários de Duplicação de Rodovias: Propostas de Solução, também de autoria da CNT.Palavras-chave: fluidez territorial; planejamento; Confederação Nacional do Transporte; Confederação Nacional da Indústria; Rio Grande do Norte; Abstract This article has as purpose to analyze the investment proposals in transport and logistics of the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) and the National Confederation of Transport (CNT) for the Rio Grande do Norte state. The analysis will be developed from three proposals made by the confederations, to be specific: the Competitive Northeast Project (CNI), CNT Plan of Transport and Logistics and, Priority Projects of Highway Duplication: Proposed Solution (CNT).Keywords: territorial fluidity; planning; National Confederation of Transport; National Confederation of Industry; Rio Grande do Norte. ResuméCet article vise à analyser les propositions d'investissement pour le transport et la logistique de la Confédération nationale de l'industrie (CNI) et la Confédération nationale du transport (CNT), de l'état du Rio Grande do Norte. L'analyse sera développée à partir de trois propositions faites par les confédérations, à savoir: le projet nord-est compétitif de la CNI, le Plan CNT des Transports et de la Logistique, les projets prioritaires de Duplication des Autoroutes: Solution proposée, également rédigés par CNT.Mots-clés: fluidité territoriale; planification; Confédération nationale du transport; Confédération nationale de l'industrie; Rio Grande do Norte.
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16

Loubert, Aart. "Sovereign Debt Threatens the Union: The Genesis of a Federation." European Constitutional Law Review 8, no. 3 (October 2012): 442–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019612000284.

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Eurozone sovereign debt crisis – Europe's ‘Alexander Hamilton Moment’ – American sovereign debt crisis of 1780s – Articles of Confederation – U.S. Constitution – Assumption of states' debt – Constitutional transformation key factor in enabling Alexander Hamilton's debt restructuring
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17

Jillson, Calvin C. "Political Culture and the Pattern of Congressional Politics under the Articles of Confederation." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 18, no. 1 (1988): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330378.

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18

Einhorn, Robin L. "Institutional Reality in the Age of Slavery: Taxation and Democracy in the States." Journal of Policy History 18, no. 1 (January 2006): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0027.

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On August 13, 1782, Alexander Hamilton complained to Robert Morris about the deplorable condition of politics in the state of New York, and especially the condition of taxation. Morris had appointed Hamilton as receiver of continental taxes for New York, meaning that Hamilton was in charge of collecting New York's share of the “requisitions” of Congress. Under Article 8 of the Articles of Confederation, Congress could raise the tax revenue it needed for the ongoing Revolutionary War only by making “requisitions” on the states—that is, by asking each state to raise a specified sum. Like other states, New York was falling short; four years later, an aggressive tax levy in Massachusetts (to pay requisitions and fund the state debt) would provoke the armed insurrection known as Shays's Rebellion. The decentralized regime that Congress had established under the Articles of Confederation made the national treasury depend on the productivity of the state tax systems. Ironically, this very decentralization invited national officials like Hamilton to tackle the problem of tax reform within the states.
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19

GARNER, JASON. "Separated by an ‘Ideological Chasm’: The Spanish National Labour Confederation and Bolshevik Internationalism, 1917–1922." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003341.

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This article covers the relationship between the National Labour Confederation of Spain and the Comintern and its union adjunct the Profintern, from the Confederation's initial support for the October Revolution to its subsequent outright rejection of communist politics, with reference to the positions adopted by revolutionary syndicalist movements in other countries. During this period a small number of individuals attempted to tie the Confederation to the Communist International, but failed. The article covers an important period in Spanish labour history, and helps to explain the mistrust that would bedevil the Spanish revolutionary working-class movement until the Civil War. Previous research has presented the battle for control of the CNT as a straightforward battle between anarchists and communists. This was not the case. The pro-communists were a miniscule faction, led by men recently affiliated to the CNT and who had no understanding of the depth of rejection of politics by Confederal militants. They only managed to take control of the national committee by chance. Aware of their weakness they were forced to act in a secretive and often underhand manner. Using material not consulted in previous studies this article shows the extent of their subterfuge and of the opposition this created in the Confederation, as well as demonstrating that the CNT was not the only revolutionary organisation to reject the Bolshevik International.
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20

DeRosa, Marshall L. "A Politics of Tensions: The Articles of Confederation and American Political Ideas.Robert W. Hoffert." Journal of Politics 55, no. 3 (August 1993): 828–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2132011.

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21

Beaulier, Scott, Joshua Hall, and Ben VanMetre. "THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION SHOW THE NEED FOR DIRECT TAXATION? IT JUST AIN'T SO!" Economic Affairs 29, no. 3 (September 2009): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0270.2009.01928.x.

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22

Morris, Richard B. "The Locus of Sovereignty In The Years Before the Constitution." News for Teachers of Political Science 49 (1986): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0197901900003494.

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The issue over the original locus of sovereignty in Revolutionary America has been recently criticized as “a continuing fruitless debate from the nineteenth century to the present over the priority of the union or the states.” Most of those opposing the view that sovereignty originated with the nation and not the states based their theory on the Articles of Confederation, notably Article II, and the relatively brief debates on its preliminary and final drafts. They ignored the fact that the Articles did not go into effect until March 1, 1781, almost seven years after the initial Congress had begun to take united action on behalf of the American people.
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23

Chet, Guy. "We Have Not a Government: The Articles of Confederation and the Road to the Constitution." Journal of American History 105, no. 4 (March 1, 2019): 1000–1001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz040.

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24

Fofanova, Anna. "The Problem of USA’s Relations with Indian Tribes during the Articles of Confederation (1781–1787)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2019): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640004837-8.

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25

Westermark, Katarzyna. "The Idea of Confereration in Juliusz Słowacki’s Political Writings." Tekstualia 3, no. 42 (July 1, 2019): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4420.

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The article is concerned with the idea of confederation in Juliusz Słowacki’s political writings from 1846 to 1849. The possibility of forming a confederation, which the poet perceived through the lens of the tradition of the Bar Confederation and the actions of the Polish parliament-in-exile, was portrayed as a viable solution in the then political situation. It was not meant to be viewed simply as a military gathering, but primarily a national community founded on a spiritual basis. Słowacki’s idealistic attitude toward the historical legacy of the Noble Republic led him to undertake a failed attempt at organizing his own confederation and prompted him to actively participate in the events of the Spring of Nations in Poznań.
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26

Vipond, Robert C. "1787 and 1867: The Federal Principle and Canadian Confederation Reconsidered." Canadian Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000810.

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AbstractThis article challenges the conventional interpretation of the intellectual origins of Canadian federalism. The article argues that the debate over Confederation can be interpreted as a debate over the meaning of sovereignty. It argues centrally that certain of the most prominent supporters of Confederation were more powerfully attracted to the conception of classical federalism and co-ordinate sovereignty than is usually assumed, thus creating a striking parallel to United States federalism that is not typically recognized. It concludes by showing how this understanding of classical federalism was used with great success in opposing the post-Confederation centralism of John A. Macdonald.
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27

Datsenko, Pavel. "The Congress of the German Princes in Frankfurt in 1863: the Last Attempt to Reform the German Confederation." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016086-3.

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The article examines the preparation and holding of the congress of German princes in Frankfurt am Main in 1863. Being an important stage in the Austro-Prussian rivalry for dominance in Germany, the congress was at the same time the highest point in the efforts of the reform group of German states by absorbing the experience of plans for the development of the Federal Constitution of 1815, the plans which had been discussed since 1849. The article pays particular attention to the role of ministers and princes of the middle German states, who tried during the congress to balance the Austrian project and prevent not only the excessive strengthening of Austria and Prussia, but also the rejection of the reform by public opinion. The defeat of the project in this context was a consequence of not only the Bismarck’s politics against the Confederation, but also of mistakes made by the Austria, who didn’t understand all the complexities of the reform and failed to redirect its strategy to support the middle states that fought to keep Germany on the path of a smooth transition from the confederative model to the federative and to preserve the equality between the members of the Confederation as a historical basis of German federalism.
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Ghali, A. "Introduction to papers on the Confederation Bridge / Introduction aux articles concernant le pont de la Confédération." Canadian Journal of Civil Engineering 24, no. 6 (December 1, 1997): 849. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/l97-082.

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29

WEIMAN, DAVID F. "Introduction to the special issue on the formation of an American monetary union." Financial History Review 13, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565006000035.

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This special issue of the Financial History Review contributes to the vast literature on the political economy of monetary unions. Inspired by the recent events in Europe, it reaches back in history to consider an earlier experiment in forming a monetary (as well as economic and political) union. In this historical case the pivotal event was the ratification of the United States Constitution in 1788, two centuries before the Maastricht Treaty. Between formal independence in 1781 and the implementation of the Constitution reforms in 1789, the fledgling country was organised politically into a loose confederation of thirteen, virtually sovereign states. Despite the nominal powers granted to the national government under the Articles of Confederation, it lacked the direct means to collect taxes and to enforce its policies. Consequently, during this brief period, state governments could and did pursue their own economic and monetary policies.
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30

Ottosson, Mikael, and Calle Rosengren. "‘What the hell is a high standard?’ The Swedish Employers’ Confederation and the six-hour workday debate in the mid 1970s." Time & Society 28, no. 2 (April 4, 2016): 634–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x16638230.

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A concept that lies at the heart of political rhetoric is that of ‘workfare’. The issue, however, is what types of arguments have been invoked to assert the value of the concept. During the 1960s and 1970s, extensive criticism emerged towards a working life that was said to hinder women’s emancipation; a working life that wasted resources and had a negative impact on the environment; a working life that sought material consumerism rather than quality of life. The demand for a work time reduction also received much support. In this article, we have studied the use of language that The Swedish Employers’ Confederation used when publicly formulating their stances on the work time issue in 1975. We have chosen to highlight the argument contained in a discussion pamphlet published by Swedish Employers’ Confederation, in a situation where the use of language was determined by the left-wing movement, and solidarity, international aid and daycare places were keywords, rather than growth and consumption. The arguments employed in the discussion pamphlet were based in the idea that non-work entails a lack of solidarity for social development. Those who desired a work time reduction were portrayed by Swedish Employers’ Confederation as environmental villains and opponents to the liberation of both oppressed women and the impoverished of the third world. Swedish Employers’ Confederation’s pamphlet can be regarded as an example on how capitalism may handle major criticism. By reversing the meaning of the core concepts of the criticism, opponents’ arguments were assimilated, which contributed to a new rationalization of the capitalism. One of the major contributions from our study to the research field is an improved understanding of how this process developed.
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31

Fletcher, Alan J. "Select document: Ormond’s civic entry into Kilkenny, 29/31 August 1646." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 139 (May 2007): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006696.

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The purpose of this article is to make generally available for the first time a document whose content and context introduce their peculiar leaven to our understanding of a pivotal moment of early modern Irish history, the eve of the collapse of the authority of the ruling peace faction within the Kilkenny-based Confederation of Irish Catholics. The occasion of the document was the official visit to Kilkenny of James Butler, marquis of Ormond, some time near the end of August 1646. This took place at a time when rivalries within the Confederation were running high and the struggle to determine the Confederation’s effective political constituency was coming to a head. While a good case could be made for publication of the document on other grounds — in comprising Ireland’s earliest known surviving example of a speech of civic welcome addressed to a visiting dignitary, it is of special interest to the department of Irish social history concerned with civic performance, pageantry and public display — this is not the aspect chiefly pursued here. Rather, in addition to publishing the speech, this article attempts to reconstruct the circumstances of its delivery and some of the elements of the larger event in which it centrally participated, before considering the construction that the speech and its circumstances strove to put upon a volatile political situation in the hope — vain, as it proved — of containing it. As an adjunct to its interest in the Confederation’s large-scale public dimensionings of party policy, the article also presents in an appendix another document similarly hitherto unpublished, a set of verses posted upon the gates of Kilkenny at a time when the General Assembly was sitting. The assembly in question, probably the seventh, ran from January to April 1647. The city-gate verses appear with the civic entry speech in the unique manuscript in which it has been preserved.
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32

Mendiola, Daniel. "The Founding and Fracturing of the Mosquito Confederation: Zambos, Tawiras, and New Archival Evidence, 1711–1791." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 619–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7787153.

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Abstract The purpose of this article is to assess the political, diplomatic, and ethnic dynamics of the Mosquito Kingdom, an Afro-indigenous alliance based along Central America's Caribbean coast, during the eighteenth century. Drawing from new archival sources—most notably those of the National Archives of Costa Rica—this essay first examines the political organization of the Mosquitos, demonstrating that early leaders consolidated their authority by unifying different factions into a powerful confederation with expansionist tendencies. This essay then presents new evidence against the hypothesis that ethnic rivalry was a major source of factional conflict within the kingdom and thereby calls for a reexamination of the causes of the confederation's descent into civil war in 1791.
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33

Baack, Ben. "America's first monetary policy: inflation and seigniorage during the Revolutionary War." Financial History Review 15, no. 2 (October 2008): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565008000127.

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AbstractThis examination of America's original monetary policy as implemented by the Continental Congress during the Revolutionary War finds that the extreme inflation experienced during the war resulted from a policy designed to circumvent a free-rider problem institutionalised by the Articles of Confederation, and that war news played a critical role in the behaviour of the money base over time. Furthermore, despite the extreme inflation, the inflation tax that accrued to Congress remained on the left side of the Laffer curve.
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34

Smith, Peter J. "The Ideological Origins of Canadian Confederation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 1 (March 1987): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900048927.

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AbstractThis article discusses the ideological origins of Canadian Confederation. As such it directly challenges a belief commonly held by Canadian political scientists and historians that Canadian Confederation was the product of a purely pragmatic exercise. The author argues instead that the ideological origins of the Canadian federal state may be traced to the debate that divided eighteenth and nineteenth-century Britain, America and France—a debate between the defenders of classical republican values and the proponents of a rising commercial ideology formulated during the Enlightenment. Only by understanding how this debate unfolded in nineteenth-century Canada can we understand the particular configuration of the Canadian state that emerged triumphant in the 1860s. Furthermore, an understanding of this debate also offers political scientists a broader context for interpreting long-held Canadian attitudes toward authority, the uses of political patronage, the public debt, capitalism, and the state and economic development.
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35

Schenfeld, María Julieta. "Servicing the Confederation: editorials of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, during 1854." Divulgatio. Perfiles académicos de posgrado 5, no. 13 (November 16, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.48160/25913530di13.145.

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This article analyzes the editorial position of El Nacional Argentino newspaper from Paraná, Entre Ríos in relation to the economic policy of the confederated provinces in the complex juncture of an Argentina divided into two States: Argentine Confederation and State of Buenos Aires. The aforementioned journalist entity, during 1854, undertook the task of making the benefits of Plan Fragueiro, the realities of the provinces and the mining, craft and commercial wealth of the Confederation known, with the aim of attracting people and capitals that ensure the grown of the financial resources which allowed paying the public expenditures. In relation to the value and conception of a newspaper, a perspective that goes beyond its nature of source that provides irreplaceable scientific information is assumed, especially for Social Sciences and Arts. Indeed, it is considered a political actor, a subject inside the public sphere of the Confederation and, particularly, of Paraná.
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36

Skeet, Charlotte Helen. "Franchises Lost and Gained: Post-Coloniality and the Development of Women’s Rights in Canada." Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): E—160—E—193. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0024.

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AbstractThe Canadian constitution is to some extent characterised by its focus on equality, and in particular gender equality. This development of women’s rights in Canada and the greater engagement of women as political actors is often presented as a steady linear process, moving forwards from post-enlightenment modernity. This article seeks to disturb this ‘discourse of the continuous,’ by using an analysis of the pre-confederation history of suffrage in Canada to both refute a simplistic linear view of women’s rights development and to argue for recognition of the Indigenous contribution to the history of women’s rights in Canada.The gain of franchise and suffrage movements in Canada in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century are, rightly, the focus of considerable study (Pauker 2015), This article takes an alternative perspective. Instead, it examines the exercise of earlier franchises in pre-confederation Canada. In particular it analyses why franchise was exercised more widely in Lower Canada and relates this to the context of the removal of franchises from women prior to confederation.
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Caulfield, Jon. "Three Preconfederation Painters of the Canadian City. Part III. Joseph Légaré." Research Notes 16, no. 3 (August 7, 2013): 280–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017736ar.

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James Cockburn, James Duncan and Joseph Légaré were the foremost painters of pre-Confederation Canadian cityscape and city life. Their work may be treated as cultural artifacts, linked to and suggesting insights about the period's social life; as aesthetic objects within the semi-autonomous realm of "art," to be treated within the context of critical sociology; or as historical documents offering direct evidence about pre-Confederation urban physical and social landscape. The present article emphasizes the first approach, while also indicating some directions for inquiry within the second and third approaches.
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Caulfield, Jon. "Three Preconfederation Painters of the Canadian City, Part II, James Duncan." Research Notes 16, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 190–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017789ar.

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James Cockburn, James Duncan and Joseph Légaré were the foremost painters of pre-Confederation Canadian cityscape and city life. Their work may be treated as cultural artifacts, linked to and suggesting insights about the period's social life; as aesthetic objects within the semi-autonomous realm of "art," to be treated within the context of critical sociology; or as historical documents offering direct evidence about pre-Confederation urban physical and social landscape. The present article emphasizes the first approach, while also indicating some directions for inquiry within the second and third approaches.
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Caulfield, Jon. "Three Preconfederation Painters of the Canadian City, Part I, James Cockburn." Research Notes 16, no. 1 (August 19, 2013): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017947ar.

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James Cockburn, James Duncan and Joseph Légaré were the foremost painters of pre-Confederation Canadian cityscape and city life. Their work may be treated as cultural artifacts, linked to and suggesting insights about the period's social life; as aesthetic objects within the semi-autonomous realm of "art", to be treated with in the context of critical sociology; or as historical documents offering direct evidence about pre-Confederation urban physical and social landscape. The present article emphasizes the first approach, while also indicating some directions for inquiry within the second and third approaches.
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Morris, Jonathan. "Retailers, Fascism and the Origins of the Social Protection of Shopkeepers in Italy." Contemporary European History 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 285–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003891.

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In 1926 the Fascist regime instituted a restrictive shop-licensing system which accounts for the continued prominence of small shopkeepers in Italy today. Retailers' interests were represented on the licensing panels by the Fascist Confederation for Commercial Traders in an apparently genuine grant of corporate authority. The confederation swiftly reconstituted itself after the fall of the regime and retained its power within the post-war licensing structure. This article will analyse the background to the introduction of the system as a way into debates about the relationship between the Fascist state and the petite bourgeoisie.
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41

Johansson, Jesper. "Swedish Employers and Trade Unions, Labor Migration and the Welfare State—Perspectives on Swedish Labor Migration Policy Debates during the 1960s and the 2000s." Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v4i1.3554.

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This article uses a political economy approach and explores the nexus between labor migration and the welfare state and how its specificities have been viewed and presented by organized interests of employers and trade unions in Swedish labor migration policy debates during the 1960s and the 2000s. The analysis demonstrates that the Swedish Employers’ Confederation (SAF) and its organizational successor the Swedish Confederation of Enterprise (SN) have preferred a market-liberal labor migration policy. Over time, a liberal immigration policy has been viewed by employers as an important policy solution to extend levels of economic growth, increase firm competitiveness, and maintain funding for generous welfare state services. However, since the 1960s the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) has preferred a state-coordinated and regulated labor migration policy. In LO’s perspective, a regulated immigration policy is a fundamental precondition for guaranteeing workers’ rights, and for minimizing potential negative effects for the functioning of the Swedish labor market model and for a prosperous Swedish welfare state.
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42

Fatovic, Clement. "George William Van Cleve. We Have Not a Government: The Articles of Confederation and the Road to the Constitution." American Historical Review 125, no. 5 (December 2020): 1867–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa298.

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43

Smith, Jennifer. "Canadian Confederation and the Influence of American Federalism." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056778.

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AbstractHow did the Fathers of Canadian Confederation understand United States federalism? What lessons did they presume to draw from it and how did they apply them to the Confederation project? In this article, James Madison's comprehensive test of federalism, as set out in the thirty-ninth paper ofThe Federalist, is used as a tool to examine the Canadians' views of American federalism, particularly in relation to the questions of state sovereignty and the role of an upper chamber. The article suggests that their preoccupation with the threat of state sovereignty led them to concentrate on division of powers issues and, as a result, to pay little attention to the federal possibilities of a second chamber. And it concludes that, because they were working with a parliamentary model of government, not a republican one, these possibilities were not—and are not now—as promising as some political scientists suggest.
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Feltrin, Lorenzo. "Labour and democracy in the Maghreb: The Moroccan and Tunisian trade unions in the 2011 Arab Uprisings." Economic and Industrial Democracy 40, no. 1 (August 24, 2018): 42–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x18780316.

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This article focuses on the part played by Moroccan and Tunisian labour in the 2011 Arab Uprisings and their outcomes, aiming to add fresh evidence to the long-standing debate over the place of social classes in democratisation processes. In Morocco, most labour confederations supported a new constitution that did not alter the undemocratic nature of the political system. In Tunisia, instead, rank-and-file trade unionists successfully rallied the single labour confederation in support of the popular mobilisations, eventually contributing to democratisation. The most important facilitating factor for these divergent processes and outcomes was the different level of working-class power existing in the two countries. On the eve of the Uprisings, working-class power was higher in Tunisia than in Morocco and this enabled Tunisian workers to mobilise more effectively. Democratisation in Tunisia, however, has so far failed to address the demands for social justice that were at the core of the Uprisings.
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Bengtsson, Bengt-Ola S. "The other Founding Physicks: the lives and times of the physician signers of the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union." Journal of Medical Biography 21, no. 3 (July 15, 2013): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772013479518.

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Leibiger, Stuart. "“We Have Not a Government”: The Articles of Confederation and the Road to the Constitution by George William Van Cleve." Journal of the Early Republic 39, no. 2 (2019): 350–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2019.0039.

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Lee, Wan-hee, Ju-Ri Jeong, and Joohee Hahn. "Evaluation of research trends in physical therapy through analysis of articles published at the world confederation for physical therapy congress." Journal of Physical Therapy Science 28, no. 12 (2016): 3473–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1589/jpts.28.3473.

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Tarnavskaya, M. A. "The Election System of the Swiss Confederation: Counting of Votes and Establishment of Election Results." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 178–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-178-183.

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In the following article the author covers the process of counting the votes and the disclosure rules of establishment the election results in the Swiss Confederation. Switzerland along with other EU member states pays special attention to the determination of the election results. According to Art. 149 para. 2 Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation the elections to the National Council, which is one of two chambers of the Federal Assembly, are held according to proportional representation system. The Hagenbach-Bischoff system is used for allocating seats in National Council of the Swiss Con federation. However the above mentioned system for determining the quota of votes per each mandate creates ambiguous opinions among Swiss scientists and legal experts, which frequently comes up in discussions whether to modify it or not. In this article, the author also gives a brief description of the main political parties in Switzerland and statistics of seats allocation in 49 legislature of National Council following the elections of October 23, 2011. As a result, the author provides the full information on the process of votes counting and establishment of election results in the Swiss Confederation. The material presented in this article is particularly interesting and relevant in terms of improving the electoral legislation in the Russian Federation. The information presented by the author will be useful to all parties interested in electoral law.
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Baccaro, Lucio, and Marco Simoni. "Organizational Determinants of Wage Moderation." World Politics 62, no. 4 (October 2010): 594–635. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000201.

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This article contributes to the political economic literature regarding the effects of industrial relations institutions on national economic outcomes. Based on an econometric analysis of the determinants of wage moderation in sixteen industrialized countries between 1974 and 2000, it argues that the organizational characteristics of trade unions have a significant impact on wage dynamics. Controlling for a number of institutional and economic factors, the countries in which trade union confederations directly involve workers in the process of collective bargaining ratification have on average lower wage growth relative to productivity than others. The authors also find that collective bargaining coordination and contract ratification magnify each other's wage-dampening effect. Through case studies of Ireland and Italy, the article examines the causal mechanisms underlying the uncovered statistical regularities and concludes that, particularly at a time in which classic political exchange is waning, worker involvement in contract ratification allows confederation leaders to resolve conflicting claims inside their organizations at lower wage levels than are achieved by a less participatory governance process.
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Getz, Trevor R., Lindsay Ehrisman, and Tony Yeboah. "“We Should Have Maintained This Unity, Then There Would Be More Development:” Lessons from a Pop-Up Museum of the Fante Confederation." History in Africa 46 (September 10, 2018): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2018.25.

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Abstract:This article examines the potential of an unconventional method in applied history – the pop-up museum – for analyzing relationships between history and memory and producing meaningful histories of African pasts. Specifically, we assess our application of this tool to accounts of events surrounding the Fante Confederation of 1868–1873 in the Central Region of modern-day Ghana. By utilizing a pop-up museum exhibit in the field, we determined that the construction of a meaningful history of the Fante Confederation requires the apperception of “durable bundles” – continuities between collective memory and history that also serve as survivals from the mid-nineteenth century to contemporary society. Our original sources and interlocutors in common identified themes of “unity” and “development” as particularly meaningful durable themes. We posit that these shared themes can serve as points of attachment for contemporary Fante speakers to work with histories of the Fante Confederation, and propose them as motifs around which relevant histories can be built in this case. Finally, in reflecting on our experience, we hypothesize that this model of applied history may be useful in other situations as well.
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