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1
Guo, Yi. Freedom of the Press in China. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463726115.
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Western commentators have often criticized the state of press freedom in China, arguing that individual speech still suffers from arbitrary restrictions and that its mass media remains under an authoritarian mode. Yet the history of press freedom in the Chinese context has received little examination. Unlike conventional historical accounts which narrate the institutional development of censorship and people’s resistance to arbitrary repression, Freedom of the Press in China: A Conceptual History, 1831-1949 is the first comprehensive study presenting the intellectual trajectory of press freedom. It sheds light on the transcultural transference and localization of the concept in modern Chinese history, spanning from its initial introduction in 1831 to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. By examining intellectuals’ thoughts, common people’s attitudes, and official opinions, along with the social-cultural factors that were involved in negotiating Chinese interpretations and practices in history, this book uncovers the dynamic and changing meanings of press freedom in modern China.
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Rogers, Richard, and Sabine Niederer, eds. The Politics of Social Media Manipulation. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724838.
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Disinformation and so-called fake news are contemporary phenomena with rich histories. Disinformation, or the willful introduction of false information for the purposes of causing harm, recalls infamous foreign interference operations in national media systems. Outcries over fake news, or dubious stories with the trappings of news, have coincided with the introduction of new media technologies that disrupt the publication, distribution and consumption of news -- from the so-called rumour-mongering broadsheets centuries ago to the blogosphere recently. Designating a news organization as fake, or der Lügenpresse, has a darker history, associated with authoritarian regimes or populist bombast diminishing the reputation of 'elite media' and the value of inconvenient truths. In a series of empirical studies, using digital methods and data journalism, the authors inquire into the extent to which social media have enabled the penetration of foreign disinformation operations, the widespread publication and spread of dubious content as well as extreme commentators with considerable followings attacking mainstream media as fake.
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Langston, Joy. Democratization and Authoritarian Party Survival. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190628512.001.0001.
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Mexico’s Party of the Institutional Revolution (PRI) held executive power continuously from 1929 to 2000, when its candidate suffered a shocking defeat in the presidential elections. This study, which covers the years 1980–2012, uses an institutional focus to understand why the PRI survived its defeat and loss of the resources of the executive bureaucracy to return victoriously after two six-year terms out of office. The book offers a model of the difficulties authoritarian parties must face after they are ousted from the executive through fair and free elections: the danger of dramatic fractures that could destroy the party and the possibility of mass voter rejection. The institutional context of Mexico allowed the party’s factions to continue to cooperate and win elections. Mexico is a federal, presidential regime with a two-tiered electoral system, with no consecutive reelection and generous public party funding. The PRI changed dramatically in organizational terms as its directly elected state governors became power brokers within the party (though governors cannot be reelected). Yet, because of the nation’s electoral rules, the national party office remained a central player, both in party and national politics. The national party headquarters continued to mount an important response to the new government’s executive and coordinated the party’s legislators in Congress. The institutional context played a crucial role in creating spaces for both factions (the governors and the national party) and allowing them to cooperate. The former hegemonic party did not, however, develop a consistent ideology or try to purge itself of its clientelist or corrupt practices, because the governors had no authority strong enough to force them the change their conduct.
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The demise of bureaucratic-authoritarian regimes: A comparative study of its economic determinants and the political context in Brazil and Chile. 1987.
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5
Frantz, Erica. Authoritarianism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190880194.001.0001.
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Despite the spread of democratization following the Cold War’s end, all signs indicate that we are currently seeing a resurgence of authoritarianism. Around forty percent of the world’s people live under some form of authoritarian rule, and authoritarian regimes govern about a third of the world’s countries. In Authoritarianism: What Everyone Needs to KnowRG, Erica Frantz guides us through today’s authoritarian wave, explaining how it came to be and what its features are. She also looks at authoritarians themselves, focusing in particular on the techniques they use to take power, the strategies they use to survive, and how they fall. As she demonstrates, understanding how politics works in authoritarian regimes and recognizing the factors that either give rise to them or trigger their downfall, remains as important as ever. This book paves the ways for such an understanding. Authoritarianism is a clear and concise overview that provides readers with a context for making sense of one of the most important-and most worrying-developments in contemporary world politics.
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Clark, Janine A., and Francesco Cavatorta. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190882969.003.0001.
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This chapter highlights some of the most important themes to emerge from the edited volume, including researching in authoritarian contexts; qualitative, and the relative lack of quantitative, methods; positionality; gender; researching in contexts of protests, resistance, and conflicts; and ethics. In the context of a region that appears to be increasingly hostile to researchers, this chapter also discusses the security threats to both researchers and research participants.
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Volpi, Frédéric. Demobilization and Reconstruction of the Actors of the Uprisings. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190642921.003.0006.
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This chapter returns to the issue of routine governance in the post-uprisings context. It details the processes of re-institutionalization of new or reformed models of governance in the four North African countries. These processes underpin the construction of revised political consensuses that become embodied in the institutional reorganizations of the immediate post-uprisings period. At the same time, the chapter highlights the continuities in form of mobilization that keep challenging the legitimacy of the post-revolutionary state or reformed authoritarian system. The narrative is articulated around key events that signal a new acknowledgement of institutionalized forms of governance over earlier protest behaviors. In this context, the construction of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘reformist’ narratives serve to produce post-uprisings actors by breaching the gaps between plural understandings and experiences of the uprisings. The interactions between these revised practices and identities structure politics in the post-uprising states by naturalizing a new combination of democratic and authoritarian routines.
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Civil Society In Syria And Iran Activism In Authoritarian Contexts. Lynne Rienner Publishers Inc, 2013.
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9
Fox, Alistair. Desperation Turned Outwards: Heavenly Creatures (Peter Jackson, 1994). Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474429443.003.0009.
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This chapter locates Peter Jackson’s Heavenly Creatures in the context of other New Zealand coming-of-age films by showing how it identifies the repressive effects of New Zealand puritanism and resentment of the authoritarian practices of mid-twentieth-century society as the causes of the tragic matricide the two teenaged girl protagonists commit. It also demonstrates the genre-mixing that Jackson believes is characteristic of New Zealand cinema, as well as the impulse to seek refuge in a fantasy world that links this film to other films discussed in this volume, such as An Angel at My Table, 50 Ways of Saying Fabulous, and Boy.
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Scholar, Richard. Montaigne on Free-Thinking. Edited by Philippe Desan. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190215330.013.23.
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This essay suggests that free-thinking is an important and often misunderstood context for the venture—and adventure—of Montaigne’s Essays. Where free-thinking is now generally understood to indicate a principled independence from the dogmas of any church or creed, it is argued here that Montaigne belongs to a different age, in which free-thinking was a much wider anti-authoritarian and experimental cast of mind that he and his contemporaries could bring to bear on all kinds of questions. That kind of free-thinking was both a Renaissance inheritance of the libertas philosophandi of the ancients and a contemporary trend among certain French humanist-statesmen admired by Montaigne. Montaigne’s response to his precursors and contemporaries, in “Of the education of children” (I, 26) and elsewhere, nonetheless, confirms that his thinking floats free from any determinations of context and remains irreducible to the expression of an “-ism.”
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Krawatzek, Félix. Youth in Regime Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.001.0001.
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How do political regimes respond to the challenges emanating from youth mobilization? This book seeks to understand regime resilience and breakdown by analysing the public meaning of youth, as well as the physical mobilization of young people. Mobilization by young people is a key component in understanding the stabilization of the authoritarian regime structures in contemporary Russia, but the Russian experience makes sense only if placed in its broader historical context. Three comparative cases—the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union, the breakdown of the democratic Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968—highlight how regimes which lacked popular support have compensated for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilize youth symbolically and politically. This book illustrates the symbolic significance of youth and its role in regime crisis by analysing a new dataset of newspaper articles with a new method of discourse analysis. The combination of qualitative interpretation and quantitative network analysis enables a deeper and more systematic understanding of discursive structures about youth. Through this methodological innovation the book contributes to the way we define the categories of youth, generation, and crisis. It makes the case that our conceptualization should reflect the way terms are being used—usages that can be captured in a systematic way with new methods of discourse analysis.
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McClintock, Cynthia. Why was Runoff Superior? Theory and Cross-National Evidence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879754.003.0003.
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This chapter describes plurality advocates’ arguments against runoff and reports the cross-national evidence for and against them. Plurality advocates’ concerns about outsiders and voter fatigue were not borne out. However, runoff advocates’ concerns about legitimacy deficits and ideological extremes under plurality were warranted. The chapter also confirms that runoff lowered barriers to entry—especially important in the Latin American context of inaccurate pre-election opinion polls. Although the entry of new parties was a factor in the larger number of parties and paucity of legislative majorities under runoff, it was also helpful due to the authoritarian proclivities of many long-standing Latin American parties and the need, after the Cold War, to incorporate the left into the political arena.
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Krawatzek, Félix. The Russian Federation after the ‘Colour Revolutions’. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.003.0004.
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The mobilization by young people in the Russian Federation illuminates an important part of the stabilization of the country’s authoritarian regime structures from 2005 to 2011. First the political developments of the episode are contextualized by contrasting the regime’s insecurity in 2005 with the situation by 2011. After discussing the socio-political context of young people during the post-Soviet transition years, the chapter explores the findings from the discourse network analysis. Public discourse and political mobilization interact and the chapter discusses the spectrum of politically involved youth from pro-Kremlin groups to the very diverse opposition, including liberal democratic movements, fascists, and communists. It is argued that the regime’s success in capturing control over youth discourse and young people was critical in the consolidation of Vladimir Putin’s power.
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Kallis, Aristotle. Fascism and the Right in Interwar Europe. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.18.
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Is it possible to speak of the interwar right in Europe in terms of a dichotomy between ‘fascism’ and ‘authoritarianism’, or of ‘new’ versus ‘old’ right? The rise of fascism in Italy and, later, Germany inspired fellow radicals in many European countries. In addition, however, the perceived ‘success’ of fascism exercised a critical influence on the ‘old’ conservative and authoritarian right, as both challenge and opportunity. Forces of the ‘old’ right responded to the perceived ‘success’ of fascism with a growing willingness to learn, reflexively appropriate, and selectively adapt fascist radical innovations to fit the particular characteristics of each national context. In this crucial respect, the story of the interwar European right is marked by ideological and political convergence, as well as unpredictable institutional hybridization, between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ right that produced a cumulative drive towards radicalization and dictatorship.
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Fischer-Lichte, Erika. Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199651634.003.0009.
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Chapter 7, ‘Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre’, covers the 1960s and 1970s. It situates the chosen productions in the socio-political climate of the GDR—that is, within the discussions on the leadership of the Party—and in the Federal Republic of Germany, where the anti-authoritarian movement, the student movement, and the emergence of the Red Army Faction provide the context. The aesthetics of Benno Besson’s Oedipus Tyrant (1967, East Berlin), Hansgünther Heyme’s Oedipus (1968, Cologne), Hans Neuenfels’ Medea (1976), and Christoph Nel’s Antigone (1978, both in Frankfurt/Main) is evaluated in terms of their contribution to this discussion and their political stance. The last three productions serve as examples of how the Bildungsbürgertum—still the majority of the theatregoers in West Germany—wanted the politicization of theatre to be not merely justified but mandatory.
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Letki, Natalia. Trust in Newly Democratic Regimes. Edited by Eric M. Uslaner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274801.013.28.
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This article looks at social and political trust during democratization and in new democracies. First, it defines the dimensions and types of trust that are most relevant in the context of systemic change; second, it shows the consequences of (dis)trust for consolidation of new democracies; and third, it discusses the impact of authoritarian legacies and of the political and economic transformation on social and political trust. In particular, this article points to the trust-eroding effects of corruption, social and economic inequalities, and ethnic conflicts that are associated with most processes of democratization. Finally, using cross-national surveys, I reconstruct the trends of social and political trust in new democracies around the world. I conclude by pointing out that although trust is not necessary for countries to democratize, low levels of trust are likely to be linked to democratic backsliding.
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Hagenloh, Paul. Discipline, Terror, and the State. Edited by Nicholas Doumanis. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199695669.013.20.
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Violence was key to state administration and politics in interwar Europe, particularly in the major authoritarian regimes on the Continent: Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and the Soviet Union. Yet the nature and level of violence varied substantially among these three regimes, as did the importance of violence in daily policing operations and in people’s lived experiences. This chapter examines the role of violence in state administration in these three dictatorships between 1919 and 1939, focusing on surveillance, political policing, and mass repression. Each regime utilized violence in highly different ways, and it is difficult to speak of a single model of interwar authoritarianism. All three are similar, however, within a broader context of modern European state practices and especially military practices: each promoted a particular vision of social transformation that made sense only in the broader field of military conquest and the framing experiences of two totalizing global wars.
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Helfont, Samuel. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843311.003.0001.
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The introduction to the book discusses Saddam Hussein’s religious policies and how they eventually led to the emergence of religious insurgencies when his regime fell during the American-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. It shows that Saddam worked diligently and to some extent successfully to impose the Ba‘th Party’s Arab nationalist interpretation of religion on a critical mass of Iraqi society. The introduction also places Saddam’s policies within a broader context of authoritarian regimes in the 20th century. It discusses how these regimes needed to create the institutional capacity to deal with religion if they wanted to instrumentalize it politically. The Soviet Union created Red Priests, Communist China created the religious sector, and the Nazis created German Christians. Similarly, the Ba’thists in Iraq need to create a cadre of trusted religious leaders as well as the security infrastructure to monitor them and thus instrumentalize Islam.
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Krawatzek, Félix. Youth and Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.003.0008.
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This chapter draws the findings of the case studies together and ties them to the historical context of European youth mobilization. It identifies key differences and similarities of discourse about youth and mobilization of young people between authoritarian and democratic regimes, and compares the evolution of the political and public meaning of youth in twentieth-century Europe. The shifting patterns of the meaning of youth challenge homogenizing views which treat it as a purely disruptive or idealistic political actor. Conceptual value also lies in rethinking the term generation. This concept’s prevailing past-boundedness is misleading as a future-oriented horizon of expectation plays a fundamental role in generational language. Crises are characterized by a changing relation to time and a heightened perception of possibilities. This combination leads to a differently experienced present, which updates past experiences and future expectations and simultaneously changes the relationship a society expresses to its present.
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Kim, Seongcheol, and Aristotelis Agridopoulos, eds. Populismus, Diskurs, Staat. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748920885.
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Is populism “the ideology of democracy” (Margaret Canovan), a danger to democracy that entails “a claim to exclusive moral representation” (Jan-Werner Müller), or rather a “series of discursive resources which can be put to very different uses” (Ernesto Laclau)? This is the first German-language edited volume bringing together discursive approaches to populism in a broad sense. The book features conceptually sound as well as empirically nuanced analyses of populist discourses in the context of different states, public spheres as well as political parties and movements. It presents a wide range of theoretical positions on the democratic and authoritarian uses of populism and develops them in the form of country case studies. With contributions by Aristotelis Agridopoulos, Bianca de Freitas Linhares, Paolo Gerbaudo, Ybiskay González Torres, Marius Hildebrand, Seongcheol Kim, Jürgen Link, Conrad Lluis, Daniel de Mendonça, Jan-Werner Müller, Yannis Stavrakakis, Liv Sunnercrantz and Thomás Zicman de Barros.
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Weipert-Fenner, Irene. Blurred Lines of Inclusion and Exclusion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190882969.003.0020.
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This chapter explores the broader ethical repercussions and dilemmas of positionality by focusing on the specific case when a researcher’s political affinity to the subject under study is so close that the line between the insider (the research subject) and the outsider (the researcher) may become blurred. It does not aim to argue against researchers being activists themselves but to encourage the use of caution when switching between the two roles. The chapter reflects on how identifying with the cause of the subject can violate the three major overarching norms of ethical research, respect for persons, beneficence, and justice. However, the specific challenges and potential solutions for fieldwork in the MENA-region are quite different from best practices originating from medical research and often prescribed by research ethics committees. Special attention is attributed to the context of authoritarian regimes, polarized societies, and periods of political transformation.
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Bisarya, Sumit, and Thibaut Noel. Constitutional Negotations: Dynamics, Deadlicks and Solutions. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.42.
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Countries often amend their constitutions or enact new ones following major political events, such as the founding of newly independent states, the fall of an authoritarian regime or the end of violent conflict. Significant constitutional reform at a crucial moment is often a high-stakes process because a constitution regulates access to public power and resources among different groups. While disagreements over divisive topics are likely and even inherent to constitution-making, they may also result in a serious deadlock when stakeholders are unable to reach agreement. A prolonged deadlock can delay or even derail the whole reform process. In this context, it may be advisable to create incentives that can help parties to the negotiations overcome divergence and resolve deadlocks should they occur. This Constitution Brief focuses on strategies and mechanisms for breaking a deadlock in constitutional negotiations conducted in an environment of competitive democratic politics.
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Tew, Yvonne. Constitutional Statecraft in Asian Courts. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198716839.001.0001.
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Constitutional Statecraft in Asian Courts explores how courts engage in constitutional state-building in aspiring yet deeply fragile democracies in Asia. Yvonne Tew offers an in-depth look at contemporary Malaysia and Singapore, explaining how courts protect and construct constitutionalism even as they confront dominant political parties and negotiate democratic transitions. This richly illustrative account offers at once an engaging analysis of Southeast Asia’s constitutional context, as well as a broader narrative that should resonate in many countries across Asia that are also grappling with similar challenges of colonial legacies, histories of authoritarian rule, and societies polarized by race, religion, and identity. The book explores the judicial strategies for statecraft in Asian courts, including an analysis of the specific mechanisms that courts can use to entrench constitutional basic structures and to protect rights in a manner that is purposive and proportionate. Tew’s account shows how courts in Asia’s emerging democracies can chart a path forward to help safeguard a nation’s constitutional core and to build an enduring constitutional framework.
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Ibrahim, Nur Amali. Improvisational Islam. Cornell University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501727856.001.0001.
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This book examines novel ways of being Muslim, where religious dispositions are achieved through techniques that have little or no precedent in classical Islamic texts or concepts. At the center of the book are rival groups of Indonesian student activists in Indonesia who are behaving in similarly experimental ways. Progressive Muslim activists are reading humanistic and social scientific books and engaging in satire to formulate an inclusive understanding of the religion, while conservative Islamists are using Western techniques of accounting and self-help to develop religious puritanism. These religious practices have been made possible by deposal of President Suharto's authoritarian New Order regime in 1998 and the subsequent adoption of democratic systems. At the same time, the Indonesian case study, which occurs in a heightened political context, brings into sharper relief processes happening in Muslim life everywhere. To be a practitioner of their religion, Muslims draw on not only their scriptures, but also the non-traditional ideas and practices that circulate in their society, which importantly include those that originate in the West. In the contemporary political discourse where Muslims are often portrayed as adversarial to the West, this story about flexible and creative Muslims is an important one to tell.
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Stieber, Chelsea. Haiti's Paper War. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479802135.001.0001.
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This book begins where so many others conclude: 1804. Recent scholarship has begun to explore the challenges that Atlantic world powers posed to Haitian sovereignty and legitimacy during the Age of Revolution, but there existed an equally important internal challenge to Haiti’s post-independence sovereignty: a civil war between those who envisioned a military authoritarian empire and those who wished to establish a liberal republic. This book argues that the post-independence civil war context is central to understanding Haiti’s long postcolonial nineteenth century: the foundational political, intellectual, and regional tensions that constitute Haiti’s fundamental plurality. Considerable work has been dedicated to unearthing the uneven and unequal production of historical narratives about Haiti in the wake of Michel-Rolph Trouillot’s groundbreaking Silencing the Past, but many more narratives—namely, those produced from within Haitian historiography and literary history—remain to be questioned and deconstructed. This book unearths and continually probes the conceptually generative possibilities of Haiti’s post-revolutionary divisions, something the current historiographic framework on Haiti’s long postcolonial nineteenth century fails to fully apprehend. Through close readings of original print sources (pamphlets, newspapers, literary magazines, geographies, histories, poems, and novels), it sheds light on the internal realities, tensions, and pluralities that shaped the Haitian Revolution and its aftermath to reveal the process of contestation, mutual definition, and continual (re)inscription of Haiti’s meaning throughout its long nineteenth century.
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Helfont, Samuel. Compulsion in Religion. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843311.001.0001.
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Compulsion in Religion relies on extensive research with Ba’thist archives to investigate the roots of the religious insurgencies that erupted in Iraq following the American-led invasion in 2003. The Iraqi archival records demonstrate that by the 1990s, Saddam’s regime had developed institutions to control and monitor Iraq’s religious landscape. The regime’s ability to do so provided it with confidence to launch a national “Faith Campaign” and to inject religion into Iraqi politics in a controlled manner. Islam played a greater role in the regime’s symbols and Saddam Hussein’s statements in the 1990s than it had in earlier decades. This increase in religious rhetoric did not represent a shift from secular-nationalist ideology to Islamism, however. The regime’s official policies toward religious leaders and institutions remained remarkably consistent throughout the Ba’thist period; Saddam spoke derisively about all forms of Islamist politics in Iraq throughout his presidency. He promoted a Ba’thist interpretation of religion that subordinated it to Arab nationalism rather than depicting the religion as an independent or primary political identity. Saddam did so explicitly to undermine Islamists and the revolutionary religious movements that would emerge after 2003. When the American-led invasion of 2003 destroyed the regime’s authoritarian structures, it unhinged the forces that these structures were designed to contain, creating an atmosphere infused with politically instrumentalized religion but lacking the checks provided by the former regime. Sadrists, al-Qaida, and eventually the Islamic State emerged out of this context to unleash the insurgencies that have plagued post-2003 Iraq.
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Harford Vargas, Jennifer. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190642853.003.0001.
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This introduction lays out the book’s key terms and methodologies. First it asserts that there is a subgenre of Latina/o fiction that depicts the aftermath of Latin American authoritarian regimes alongside authoritarian structures and discourses of power that minorities and migrants face in the United States and that these novels dramatize these linkages at the levels of both content and form. It then outlines how these novels broaden the thematic concerns, character types, and stylistic features of this subgenre through their development of a Latina/o counter-dictatorial imaginary and deployment of narrative form to critically represent forms of dictatorial power. Furthermore, it positions these novels as postdictatorship and postmemory novels to mark their geographic, historical, generational, thematic, and conceptual distance and difference from Latin American political regimes and novels. It ends by laying out the conceptual utility of its pan-ethnic and transnational Latina/o literary analyses. It thus demonstrates how genre provides a means to understanding shared formal strategies and political concerns across Latina/o groups, at the same time demonstrating how to unpack hemispheric relations through the aesthetic forms and transnational subjectivities that constitute the imaginative horizon of the Latina/o dictatorship novel.
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Casanova, José, ed. Catholicism, Gender, Secularism, and Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198788553.003.0003.
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This chapter offers an interpretation as to why issues of secularism and gender did not play a significant role in transitions from authoritarian to democratic regimes in Catholic contexts. By the time highly divisive and politically contested issues of “gender,” such as the legalization of divorce, abortion, or same-sex marriage, emerged on the legislative agenda in most Catholic countries, democratic regimes had already been consolidated. In reaction to the Catholic Church’s official defense of a “traditionalist” position on gender issues and a singularly obsessive focus on “sexual” moral issues, one can observe, throughout the Catholic world, a dual process of female secularization and erosion of the Catholic Church’s authority on sexual morality.
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Spiegel, Avi Max. Regulating Islam. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159843.003.0007.
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This chapter considers the question of how an authoritarian Arab state enables or encumbers Islamist mobilization. It elucidates a different model of state action—different in both content and form: in what policies are pursued and in how they are implemented. The chapter suggests that the Moroccan state under King Mohammed VI has not simply elevated one Islamist group at the expense of the other, but rather, it has aimed to impede and impel distinct forms of activism within groups—in this case, attempting to draw new divides between religious and political modes of activism. These are policies that can be understood not simply by the old theory of divide and conquer, but by one more aptly conceptualized as selective suppression.
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Martin, Geoffrey. Researching Twitter. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190882969.003.0019.
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zzIn this chapter, Geoffrey Martin discusses some of the major issues in studying the use of Internet technology—focusing on Twitter—in protest mobilization occurring in authoritarian environments. He argues that comparing qualitative interviews with activists to their online activities is a challenging effort due to the difficulties of proving empirically the activists’ claims about the impact of their use of social media. These challenges forced him construct a strict metric to achieve representative sampling and coding rigor. The content analysis he constructed can be used to validate, within the limited scope of the cases, some sampling techniques. These efforts can help a researcher in the field to compare offline and online events more effectively, especially when time constraints, ethical considerations, and a lack of data are ever-present obstacles to this type of fieldwork.
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Caraway, Teri L. Labor in Developing and Post-Communist Countries. Edited by Orfeo Fioretos, Tulia G. Falleti, and Adam Sheingate. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199662814.013.15.
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This chapter examines the enduring legacy of the Colliers on scholarship of labor in developing and post-communist countries, arguing that it has influenced both historically rooted configurational analyses and temporally rooted historical institutionalist analyses. Historical institutionalist research has advanced the study of contemporary labor politics by highlighting the processes through which institutional legacies persist and change within specific sociopolitical and temporal contexts and thereby have profound impacts on later events. We therefore have a better understanding of varying union responses to neoliberal reform, the conditions under which some unions confront these reforms more effectively than others, and the effects of authoritarian legacies on unions in new democracies. Going forward, historical institutionalist scholars must think more systematically about why some institutions are stickier than others and how institutions interact with contextual variables to produce distinct pathways of institutional evolution and transformation.
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Yesil, Bilge. Gezi Park Protests, Corruption Investigation, and the Control of the Online Public Sphere. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040177.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on the online sphere. Through the prism of two developments in 2013—the Gezi Park protests and the corruption scandal—it discusses the possibilities and limits of online communications and the AKP's authoritarian reflex toward the burgeoning networked public sphere. It shows that the AKP's regulation and control of the online public sphere along the axes of nationalism, statism, and religious conservatism are not new, and that it has used three types of controls. These are first-generation controls that consist of Internet filtering and blocking, second-generation controls that involve passing legal restrictions, content removal requests, the technical shutdown of websites, and computer-network attacks; and third-generation controls that include warrantless surveillance, the creation of “national cyber-zones,” state-sponsored information campaigns, and direct physical action to silence individuals or group.
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Fombad, Charles M., and Nico Steytler, eds. Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.001.0001.
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This book is the outcome of the sixth Stellenbosch Annual Seminar on Constitutionalism in Africa (SASCA). The theme of the seminar was ‘Democracy, elections and Constitutionalism in Africa.’ The participants examined how the fledgling foundations of African constitutionalism could sail through the stormy seas of authoritarian revival and prevent the democratic recession spiralling into a depression. They examined a number of intricate issues concerning the role of elections in fostering democracy and constitutionalism. Some of the issues looked at included how we could design systems that will ensure that elections on the continent are genuinely competitive and reflect a real contest between competing approaches to nation-building and not a contest between perceived enemies? Or again, how we could reduce the cost of losing an election and encourage incumbents and opposition parties to accept defeat and continue to play by the rules of the democratic game? Whilst there are no easy and obvious answers to the numerous questions that arise, they nevertheless are important and urgent issues that need to be seriously interrogated. This is because, even if constitutionalism and democracy may not be working well today in Africa, there is no better alternative. The chapters in this book have been written by attendees from the seminar and cover a cross section of the continent’s regions and legal traditions.
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Hinton, Alexander Laban. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198820949.003.0001.
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This introduction, following a Preface describing in narrative form the experience of Uncle San (a fictional Cambodian villager featured in a graphic/comic booklet produced by the Khmer Institute of Democracy (KID) for tribunal outreach—I also refer to him and the KID booklet throughout my book), describes argument of the book and provides a basic overview of the court.The first half of the introduction describes the “transitional justice imaginary,” a set of utopian democratization and human rights ideals suggesting the tribunal will transform authoritarian regimes to liberal democratic societies. The “justice facade” is a metaphor for the manifestations of this imaginary in transitional justice settings like Cambodia. After unpacking the assumptions of this imaginary (teleology, progressivism, universalism, globalism, and binary essentialism) and contextualizing it within the transitional justice (and related democratization, peacebuilding, and human rights) literatures, I offer an alternative approach, phenomenological transitional justice, which focuses on lived experience and practice enmeshed in contexts of power. To understand if international justice has a point in transitional justice settings like Cambodia, I argue it is necessary to step behind the facade to look at its meaning in everyday life and practice.
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Goetze, Catherine, and Dejan Guzina. Statebuilding and Nationbuilding. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.302.
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Since the early 1990s, the number of statebuilding projects has multiplied, often ending several years or even decades of violent conflict. The objectives of these missions have been formulated ad hoc, driven by the geopolitical contexts in which the mandates of statebuilding missions were established. However, after initial success in establishing a sense of physical security, the empirical evidence shows that most statebuilding efforts have failed, or achieved only moderate success. In some countries, violence has resumed after the initial end of hostilities. In others, the best results were authoritarian regimes based on fragile stalemates between warring parties. A review of the literature on statebuilding indicates a vast number of theories and approaches that often collide with each other, claim the exact opposite, and mount (contradictory) evidence in support of their mutually exclusive claims. Still they are united by their inquiry into the general structural and policy-making conditions that nurture or impede statebuilding processes. A problematic characteristic of the statebuilding literature is a lack of dialogue across the various disciplines. Many of the claims in the international relations literature on external statebuilding are a mirror image of the previous ones made on democratization. Another problem is the propensity to repeat the same mistakes of the previous generations.
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Bartley, Tim. Rules without Rights. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794332.001.0001.
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Activists have exposed startling forms of labor exploitation and environmental degradation in global industries, leading many large retailers and brands to adopt standards for fairness and sustainability. This book is about the idea that transnational corporations can push these rules through their global supply chains, and in effect, pull factories, forests, and farms out of their local contexts and up to global best practices. For many scholars and practitioners, this kind of private regulation and global standard-setting can provide an alternative to regulation by territorially bound, gridlocked, or incapacitated nation states, potentially improving environments and working conditions around the world and protecting the rights of exploited workers, impoverished farmers, and marginalized communities. But can private, voluntary rules actually create meaningful forms of regulation? Are forests and factories around the world being made into sustainable ecosystems and decent workplaces? Can global norms remake local orders? This book provides striking new answers by comparing the private regulation of land and labor in democratic and authoritarian settings. Case studies of sustainable forestry and fair labor standards in Indonesia and China show not only how transnational standards are implemented “on the ground” but also how they are constrained and reconfigured by domestic governance. Combining rich multi-method analyses, a powerful comparative approach, and a new theory of private regulation, this book reveals the contours and contradictions of transnational governance.
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McCrea, Christian. Dune. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781911325826.001.0001.
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David Lynch's Dune (1984) is the film that science fiction — and the director's most ardent fans — can neither forgive nor forget. Frank Herbert's original 1965 novel built a meticulous universe of dark majesty and justice, as wild-eyed freedom fighters and relentless authoritarians all struggled for control of the desert planet Arrakis and its mystical, life-extending “spice.” After several attempts to produce a film, Italian movie mogul Dino De Laurentiis and his producer daughter Raffaella would enlist David Lynch, whose Eraserhead (1977) and The Elephant Man (1980) had already marked him out as a visionary director. What emerges out of their strange, long process is a deeply unique vision of the distant future; an eclectic bazaar of wood-turned spaceship interiors, spitting tyrants, and dream montages. Lynch's film was “steeped in an ancient primordial nastiness that has nothing to do with the sci-fi film as we currently know it,” as Village Voice critic J. Hoberman put it — only with time becoming a cult classic. This book is the first long-form critical study of the film; it delves into the relationship with the novel, the rapidly changing context of early 1980s science fiction, and takes a close look at Lynch's attempt to breathe sincerity and mysticism into a blockbuster movie format that was shifting radically around him.
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Kreuder-Sonnen, Christian. Emergency Powers of International Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198832935.001.0001.
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This book explores emergency politics of international organizations (IOs). It studies cases in which, based on justifications of exceptional necessity, IOs expand their authority, increase executive discretion, and interfere with the rights of their rule-addressees. This “IO exceptionalism” is observable in the crisis responses of a diverse set of institutions including the United Nations Security Council, the European Union, and the World Health Organization. Through six in-depth case studies, the book analyzes the institutional dynamics unfolding in the wake of the assumption of emergency powers by IOs. Sometimes, the exceptional competencies become normalized in the IOs’ authority structures (the “ratchet effect”). In other cases, IO emergency powers provoke a backlash that eventually reverses or contains the expansions of authority (the “rollback effect”). To explain these variable outcomes, the book draws on sociological institutionalism to develop a proportionality theory of IO emergency powers. It contends that ratchets and rollbacks are a function of actors’ ability to justify or contest emergency powers as (dis)proportionate. The claim that the distribution of rhetorical power is decisive for the institutional outcome is tested against alternative rational institutionalist explanations that focus on institutional design and the distribution of institutional power among states. The proportionality theory holds across the cases studied in this book and clearly outcompetes the alternative accounts. Against the background of the empirical analysis, the book moreover provides a critical normative reflection on the (anti) constitutional effects of IO exceptionalism and highlights a potential connection between authoritarian traits in global governance and the system’s current legitimacy crisis.
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Dixon, Rosalind, and David Landau. Abusive Constitutional Borrowing. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893765.001.0001.
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We live in a golden age of comparative constitutional law. Liberal democratic ideas have diffused readily around the world, and certain features such as judicial review and constitutional rights are now nearly universal. At the same time, recent years have seen a pronounced trend toward the erosion of democracy. This book argues that the rhetorical triumph of liberal democratic constitutionalism, and the tendency toward democratic retrenchment, are fully consistent phenomena. Legal globalization has a dark side: norms intended to protect and promote liberal democratic constitutionalism can often readily be used to undermine it. Abusive constitutional borrowing involves the appropriation of liberal democratic constitutional designs, concepts, and doctrines to advance authoritarian projects. Some of the most important hallmarks of liberal democratic constitutionalism—including constitutional rights, judicial review, and constituent power—can be turned into powerful instruments to demolish rather than defend democracy. The book offers a wealth of examples, selected both to shed new light on well-known cases such as Hungary, Poland, and Venezuela, as well as to expand discussions by considering contexts such as Cambodia, Rwanda, and Fiji. It also discusses the implications of the phenomenon of abusive constitutional borrowing for those who study and promote liberal democracy and related fields like human rights. It suggests ways in which the construction of norms might be improved to protect against abuse (what we call ‘abuse-proofing’), as well as ways in which monitoring regimes might be more attuned to the threat. Finally, it suggests recasting debates about liberal democracy to emphasize contestation, rather than mimicry.
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Pfeifer, Michael. The Making of American Catholicism. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479829453.001.0001.
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The Making of American Catholicism: Regional Culture and the Catholic Experience argues that regional and transnational relationships have been central to the making of American Catholicism. The book traces the development of Catholic cultures in the South, the Midwest, the West, and the Northeast and their contribution to larger patterns of Catholicism in the United States. Exploring the history of Catholic cultures in New Orleans, Iowa, Wisconsin, Los Angeles, and New York City, the book carefully explores the history of American Catholic cultures across regions and their relation to factors such as national origin, ethnicity, race, and gender. The chapters include close analysis of the historical experiences of Latinx and African American Catholics as well as European immigrant Catholics. Eschewing a national or nationalistic focus that might elide or neglect global connections or local complexity, the book offers an interpretation of the American Catholic experience that encompasses local, national, and transnational histories by emphasizing the diverse origins of Catholics in the United States, their long-standing ties to transnational communities of Catholic believers, and the role of region in shaping the contours of American Catholic religiosity. Drawing on extensive archival research, the book argues that regional American Catholic cultures and a larger American Catholicism developed as transnational Catholic laity and clergy ecclesiastically linked to and by Rome in a hierarchical, authoritarian, and communalistic “universal Church” creatively adapted their devotional and ideological practices in particular American regional contexts that emphasized notions of republicanism, religious liberty, individualistic capitalism, race, ethnicity, and gender.
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El-Ariss, Tarek. Leaks, Hacks, and Scandals. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691181936.001.0001.
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In recent years, Arab activists have confronted authoritarian regimes both on the street and online, leaking videos and exposing atrocities, and demanding political rights. This book situates these critiques of power within a pervasive culture of scandal and leaks and shows how cultural production and political change in the contemporary Arab world are enabled by digital technology, yet emerge from traditional cultural models. Focusing on a new generation of activists and authors from Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula, the book connects WikiLeaks to The Arabian Nights, Twitter to mystical revelation, cyberattacks to pre-Islamic tribal raids, and digital activism to the affective scene-making of Arab popular culture. It shifts the epistemological and historical frameworks from the postcolonial condition to the digital condition and shows how new media challenge the novel as the traditional vehicle for political consciousness and intellectual debate. Theorizing the rise of “the leaking subject” who reveals, contests, and writes through chaotic yet highly political means, the book investigates the digital consciousness, virality, and affective forms of knowledge that jolt and inform the public and that draw readers in to the unfolding fiction of scandal. The book maps the changing landscape of Arab modernity, or Nahda, in the digital age and traces how concepts such as the nation, community, power, the intellectual, the author, and the novel are hacked and recoded through new modes of confrontation, circulation, and dissent.