Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The authoritarian context'

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The ministry of preaching is related not only to speaking, but also to hearing, as faithful preaching is dependent on faithful listening, which means listening to both the Scripture and a sermon. Although faithful listening is very important, the field of homiletics seems to focus more on the study of speaking than on the study of listening. However, through the rapid development of the communication technology, contemporary hearers’ way of hearing is changing as never before. Thus, contemporary preachers need to consider the changed way of hearing and faithful listening to the ministry of the Word. The new hearing or contemporary people’s new way of communication is caused by the secondary orality or audiovisual culture. Contemporary people, especially the younger generation, are affected by the secondary orality culture rather than by the Gutenberg system or the print culture. However, most Korean preachers belong to print culture era as regards communication because of a synergy between the Korean authoritarian context and the characteristics of cognitive propositional preaching. On the other hand, contemporary hearers’ patterns of thought and ways of communication belong to the secondary orality culture. Consequently, hearers struggle to listen to a sermon. The contemporary church, especially the Korean Church, has undergone a crisis because of the problem of the hearkening to a sermon. Nevertheless, the secondary orality culture can offer contemporary preachers a good opportunity for preaching because there is a greater resemblance to the aural orality culture of the early Christian community than to the Gutenberg era. According to Romans 10:17, “Faith cometh by hearing and hearing by the word of God,” but many preachers have overlooked the importance of this “hearing.” As a result, preachers’ readings of Scripture concentrate on self-centred information and human selfish experience. Preachers would preach without hearing the Word of God, thus, from time to time, hearers cannot hear the word of God in the preaching. In order to solve the problem, the preachers’ text readings need to move toward a hermeneutics of hearing so that they can learn from the early Christian community and the Reformation. Moreover, contemporary hearers, as individual consumers, need to change from hearers of a sermon to hearers as disciples, who have Christopraxis in the community of Christ. Hearers, as disciples, need to be trained in holistic small groups as the framework of cultural linguistic preaching, so that they may listen faithfully to a sermon as the words of God. Furthermore, hearers’ faithful listening can lead to good preaching, so that the listening and preaching mutually edify each other. Thus, contemporary preachers need the integration of preaching and discipling for faithful listening to the words of God.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die preekbediening staan nie slegs in verband met die spreek van woorde nie, maar ook met die hoor daarvan, want gelowige prediking is afhanklik van ‘n gelowige gehoor, wat beteken die luister na die Woord asook na ‘n preek. Alhoewel gelowige luister baie belangrik is, blyk dit dat die veld van die hermeneutiek meer op ‘n spreek van woorde fokus as op ‘n studie van luister. Maar, deur die snelle ontwikkeling van die kommunikasie-tegnologie, verander vandag se luisteraars se manier van hoor soos nog nooit tevore nie. Dus, hededaagse predikers moet die gewysigde manier van luister, asook die gelowige luister na die bediening van die Woord, in ag neem. Die nuwe luister, of huidige mense se nuwe manier van kommunikeer, word veroorsaak deur die sekondêre oraliteit, of audiovisuele kultuur. Moderne mense, veral die jonger geslag, word eerder geraak deur die sekondêre oraliteitskultuur as deur die Gutenberg stelsel of die drukkerskultuur. Die meeste Koreaanse predikers behoort egter tot die drukkers-kultuur in soverre dit kommunikasie behels vanweë ‘n sinergie tussen die Koreaanse autoritêre konteks en die eienskappe van kognitiewe, voorskriftelike prediking. Daarenteen, hoort moderne luisteraars se patrone van denke en wyses van kommunikeer by die sekondêre oraliteitskultuur. Dus sukkel toehoorders om na ‘n preek te luister. Vandag se kerk, veral die Koreaanse Kerk, beleef ‘n krisis as gevolg van die probleem van die luister na ‘n preek. Nietemin, die sekondêre oraliteitskultuur kan aan predikers ‘n goeie geleentheid bied vir prediking, want daar is ‘n groter ooreenkoms met die gehoorkultuur van die vroeë Christen gemeenskap, as met dié in die Gutenberg era. Romeine 10:17 lees: “Die geloof kom dus deur die prediking wat ‘n mens hoor, en die prediking wat ons hoor, is die verkondiging van Christus,” maar baie predikers misken die belangrikheid van hierdie “hoor.” Gevolglik konsentreer predikers se lees van die Woord op self-gesentreerde inligting en ervaring. Predikers preek dus sonder om die Woord van God te hoor; daarom kan toehoorders soms nie die Woord van God in die prediking hoor nie. Om dié probleem op te los, moet die predikers se lees van ‘n teks beweeg na ‘n hermeneutiek van hoor, sodat hulle kan leer van die vroeë Christengemeenskap en die Hervorming. Verder, moet moderne hoorders, as individuele verbruikers, verander van luisteraars na ‘n preek, na hoorders as dissipels wat die Christen praktyk in die gemeenskap van Christus beoefen. Hoorders, as dissipels, moet in holistiese klein groepe opgelei word om as die raamwerk van kultureel-linguistiese prediking te dien, sodat hulle gelowig kan luister na ‘n preek, as God se woorde. Bowendien, hoorders se gelowige luister kan lei tot goeie prediking, sodat die luister en prediking mekaar opbou. Dus, vandag se predikers benodig die integrasie en ook navolging van prediking vir die gelowige luister na God se woorde.

The chaotic political history of Pakistan is riddled with frequent changes in government that includes three major military regimes. Since independence in 1947, Pakistan’s civil-military bureaucracy has been at the forefront in administering most of the state’s institutions. Decentralisation of political and administrative authority is reckoned as one of the most effective political strategies for dealing with the predominant ethnic identity problems as well as issues related to the over-centralised administration. In Pakistan, various programmes of decentralisation have been implemented by authoritarian regimes. Concealed under the façade of democratising local governance, the core objective of those military regimes was the quest for securing a local collaborative political base. In such context, the local governments’ functional autonomy and political influence has largely been nominal. With a particular focus on the local government reforms implemented in year 2001, this thesis investigates a range of political and administrative issues in Pakistan’s local governance. The study elaborates Pakistan’s post-independence political history to explain why the process of democratisation in general and decentralisation in particular has not been successful. Besides, international political economy perspectives are also evaluated in order to identify the hurdles that have obstructed the process of institution-building in Pakistan. In order to examine the factors that affect the inter-institutional and inter-governmental working relationships, the study is divided into two main analytical spheres. First, the organisational character and behaviour of civil bureaucracy is evaluated as one of the main reasons affecting the performance of local governments. Secondly, the thesis investigates the extent to which political clientelism is ingrained in the local political organisation of Pakistan. More specifically, it probes to find out how the nature of citizen-politician relationships, voting behaviour, and electoral mechanisms explain the failure of local government reforms

La présente thèse vise à comprendre les ressorts sociaux de la conversion politique d’un pionnier de la Résistance, le journaliste Emmanuel d’Astier (1900-1969). Issu de l’aristocratie catholique et conservatrice, proche de l’Action française et journaliste bohême auteur d’articles antisémites et antirépublicains dans l’entre-deux-guerres, d’Astier est en 1940 lefondateur d’une des premières organisations de résistance à l’occupation nazie. Á l’avant-garde de l’antivichysme sous l’Occupation, haut dirigeant de la Résistance, d’Astier devient à la Libération député et compagnon de route du Parti communiste. Son engagement dans la Résistance joue un rôle majeur dans sa conversion politique. Pour comprendre la trajectoire d’Emmanuel d’Astier, il convient d’entrer dans la fabrique sociale de l’acteur, c’est-à-dire de décortiquer les mécanismes et processus continus de la construction sociale de sa personne. Dans cette perspective, il s’agit d’abord de considérer le temps long biographique au cours duquel l’individu est socialement façonné par les multiplesexpériences qu’il est amené à vivre. Il s’agit ensuite d’analyser comment le temps court de l’engagement résistant s’articule au temps long de l’expérience biographique. Ainsi, l’un des enjeux de ce travail est de comprendre à la fois les conditions sociales de possibilité et les incidences biographiques de l’engagement contestataire en contexte autoritaire et critique.Articulant sociologie de la socialisation et sociologie de l’action collective, cette thèse interroge in fine les multiples façons dont histoires sociales individuelles et histoires sociales collectives se percutent, et comment les cheminements des trajectoires individuelles dépendent de ces rencontres
This thesis questions the social causes of the political conversion of a pioneer of Resistance, the journalist Emmanuel d’Astier (1900-1969). Born in a family of the catholic and conservative aristocracy, Emmanuel d’Astier act during the 1930’s as a bohemian journalist and the author of anti-Semitic and anti-republican articles. In 1940, he is the former of one of the first collective organizations whici fight against the Nazi occupation of France. A great opponant of the regime of Vichy during the Second World War, he becomes a deputy and a friend of communism after the Liberation. His activism in the Resistance plays a major role in his political conversion.To understand the social path of Emmanuel d’Astier, we must analyze the mechanisms and the processes of his social construction. First, we must examine the long-term temporality during which the actor is formed by his biographical experiences. Secondly, we must examine how the short-term temporality of activism articulates with the biographical long-termtemporality. We must understand the social conditions and the biographical consequences of high-risk activism.Ultimately, this thesis articulates a sociology of the socialization with a sociology of collective action. It questions the many ways in which individual paths and collective paths meet, and how individual paths stems from these confluences

The world has witnessed many contentious political situations in recent years, such as the Arab Spring, in which information and communication technologies (ICT) have arguably played a critical role. Although there is wide scholarly agreement that ICT enable fast and low cost activism, their role in creating significant changes offline remains ambiguous. The research to date has focused on a more democratic context; however, in non-democratic contexts, the political and social environment is critically different, which could influence social movements’ use of ICT and their impact. Therefore, online activism in an Arab authoritarian context requires further empirical investigations. Based on 30 semi-structured interviews with activists from six insider and outsider groups, this thesis investigates the role of ICT in the socio-political context of Saudi Arabia, focussing on movements’ activities concerning formation, organisation and mobilisation. It has been found that the socio-political context is critical in shaping both constraints and opportunities for movements’ activities. The repressive political system, the power of religion and social traditions can act as constraints on activism. However, ICT offer significant platforms that enable activists to challenge the reality of the context and turn such constraints into opportunities. The thesis introduces the LOAF model to explain the six stages of progression for online activism formation. In addition, I argue that the decentralised organisational structure of outsider movements, along with the new form of rotated leadership online, can be understood as a strategic response to the repressive context. Insider movements, as less repressed groups, tend to form their organisation in a more bureaucratic way. ICT effectively facilitate activists with an alternative mobilisation tool to recruit elites, raise awareness and challenge the public’s cultural and political understandings. Finally, I conclude that in order to reach more nuanced conclusions, social movement research should consider both the nature of the socio-political environment (authoritarian or otherwise), and the stage of formation that the investigated movement has achieved.

Ce travail de recherche, conduit entre 2011 et 2019, s’intéresse à la place de la culture dans les modes de gouvernement à Douala, à partir de l’étude de la question patrimoniale. A l’échelle de la ville, divers acteurs - institutionnels ou non - réinvestissent la notion de patrimoine. Leurs conceptions, leurs actions, leurs revendications patrimoniales participent à la production de la ville, et se réfèrent à des relectures dites « traditionnelles » ainsi qu’à des stratégies de rénovation urbaine. La « mise en patrimoine » et la « mise en art » des espaces publics libèrent la parole, dans une ville où toute forme de représentations matérielles ou symboliques de la mémoire a longtemps été interdite par l’État. Ces initiatives impliquent une négociation pour l’occupation de l’espace pouvant se référer à une histoire urbaine occultée. J’appréhende ce processus de construction de l’objet patrimonial par les divers acteurs en présence, ainsi que ses effets dans la production de l’espace urbain. L’étude des différents projets, mais aussi de leur articulation ou de leur concurrence, révèle une lecture des rapports de pouvoir et du gouvernement en ville. À travers la culture, l’affirmation d’une mémoire, et par là d’une légitimité, certains acteurs contrebalancent le pouvoir économique et le pouvoir politique à Douala pour se positionner dans l’espace urbain. En filigrane, mon travail vise à réfléchir aux enjeux de la construction d’un discours sur l’art en contexte autoritaire et à réinterroger d’une façon particulière les pouvoirs en ville. Ma thèse suit une approche qualitative. J’allie observations et entretiens auprès des pouvoirs publics, des élites, du monde associatif, des artistes et des habitants. Je m’appuie également sur la production et l’analyse d’images et de films, réalisés en collaboration avec plusieurs groupes d’artistes. Cette recherche s’organise en trois parties. Tout d’abord, la première partie traite de la place du patrimoine dans les plans d’aménagement successifs. Je présente un état de l’art en soulignant l’ouverture des normes de définition de la notion, ce qui me permet de revenir sur la place du patrimoine dans les politiques et les décisions en matière d’aménagement, en analysant les études et les plans de patrimonialisation existants. La deuxième partie s’intéresse à la place de la culture dans les jeux de pouvoir en ville. J’interroge les enjeux de pouvoir liés à l’affirmation de groupes dits « autochtones » dans l’espace urbain, grâce à l’usage du patrimoine. Il s’agit de faire le lien entre patrimoine, histoire et mémoire dans le contexte de Douala. Enfin, la dernière partie discute du rôle d’acteurs subalternes, de leur place dans le monde de l’art, ainsi que de leur possibilité de participer à la fabrique de la ville. Je pose la question plus large de la production de la culture dans le contexte autoritaire et néolibéral de Douala, en proposant d’étudier des initiatives hors-les-murs, et en questionnant leur devenir
This research, led between 2011 and 2019, focuses on the place of culture in the different way of government in Douala, regarding the study of the patrimonial issues. On the scale of the city, various actors – institutionalized or not – continually reinvest the concept of heritage. Their views, their actions, their patrimonial demands participate in the city development and refer to “traditional” re-readings urban renovation strategies. The “process of heritage” and the “process of putting art in public spaces” liberate speech, in a city where every kind of material or symbolic representation of memory has long been forbidden by the State. Those initiatives imply to negotiate for the occupation of space, possibly referring to conceal urban history. I look into the process of construction of heritage through the various actors operating, as well as its effects on the production of urban space. The study of different projects, also in their coordination or competition, shows power and government relationships in the city. Through culture, the assertion of memory, and thus of legitimacy, some actors offset the economical and the political power in Douala in order to position themselves in the urban space. My research reiterates the issue of developing a discourse on art, and its stakes, in an authoritarian political context, regarding the influence of the various actors involved in the city development. My thesis proposes a qualitative approach: interviews with public authorities, local elites, actors from the associative sector, artists and citizens, as well as observation on the field. To make a concrete analytical study, I refer to images and movies, collaboratively produced with numerous groups of artists. This research is divided into three parts. First, the place of heritage in the successive development plans. I present a state of the art and emphasize the opening of the notion definition standards. It allows me to go back on the place of heritage in the development policies and decisions, by analyzing the existing studies and heritage plans. The second part deals with the place of culture in the power relationships in the city and the assertion of groups called “autochthonous” in the urban space, through the use of heritage. This includes linking heritage, history and memory in the context of Douala. Finally, I refer to the role of subordinate actors, their place in the art world, as well as their ability to participate to the city development. I pose a broader issue of the production of culture in the neoliberal and authoritarian context of Douala, by offering to study off-site initiatives, and questioning their future

My essay is concerned with intercultural leadership and practical knowledge. The essay is about ethical dilemmas and the diversity of issues we face constantly at the preschool. In my story I examine the different views of knowledge and the opportunities to lead people in an intercultural way, and how they relate to each other. I start by looking at the ethical ideas that form the basis for our actions and our view of knowledge. Then, I examine how the practical wisdom guides the ethical dilemmas that arise at the preschool. Thus, that leads me to the different forms of knowledge which are made visible in our daily work at the preschool, how they can be understood in the cultural environment in which they arise, and how they can be related to leadership. I show how the thinking ways and traditions we create shape the leadership. My inquiry is related to my colleagues since my professional role as a preschool teacher is made possible only in a social context with them. I find that the relationship between my own understanding of the practical knowledge and intercultural management can be related to my colleagues, as well as to parents and preschool children. The environment at the preschool is based on different ways of thinking and traditions that are transmitted and transformed in different processes. The inter-cultural leadership is questioned in the working group and the desire for authoritarian leadership is brought to question. Our view of knowledge is dependent on the ethical values we choose to make use of. Knowledge and leadership is created in a process that never ends, together with the people who create and recreate it.

Quelles sont les conséquences biographiques d’un engagement radical et de la répression en contexte autoritaire ? C’est en recourant à une analyse fine des parcours biographiques des acteurs sur le long terme que cette recherche entend répondre à cette question peu traitée dans la sociologie de l’action collective. Le cas d’étude, largement méconnu dans la littérature spécialisée sur la Turquie et sur les mouvements révolutionnaires en général, porte sur les militants de la gauche révolutionnaire turque au cours des années 1970. Ses militants ont été confrontés au régime militaire (1980-1983) qui suit le coup d’Etat du 12 septembre 1980. Cet évènement constitue une rupture centrale dans l’histoire de la République turque. La répression et la transformation des structures politiques mises en place par la junte ont redessiné en profondeur et sur le long terme les possibilités de contestation et de reconversion des acteurs dans l’ensemble des trois sphères de vie ici analysées : professionnelle, familiale et politique. Ce travail conjugue par ailleurs analyse temporelle et spatiale du militantisme révolutionnaire en Turquie en comparant les deux principales villes du pays : Istanbul et Ankara
What are the biographical consequences of a radical commitment and repression in authoritarian context? Based on a detailed analysis of biographical trajectories of the actors on the long run, this research intends to consider this neglected issue in the sociology of collective action. The case study, largely ignored in the literature on Turkey and on the revolutionary movements in general, deals with the activists of the Turkish revolutionary left in the 1970s. These individuals faced the military regime (1980-1983) following the 12 September 1980 coup. This event is a central break in the history of the Turkish Republic. The repression and the transformation of political structures set up by the junta redesigned in depth the possibility of objections and reconversions of the actors in the life spheres analyzed here: professional, personal and political. This work also combines temporal and spatial analysis of revolutionary activism in Turkey comparing two major cities: Istanbul and Ankara

The coronavirus pandemic has changed the lives of individuals all over the world. The goal of this research is to investigate and understand the narratives and underlying messages of the QAnon movement concerning COVID-19. The theoretical basis for this analysis is that of uncertainty-identity theory and extremism to study the process by which people embrace these types of movements and their values. Also, to examine the spread of QAnons’ messages and conspiracy theories on digital media, network society theory is used. In order to carry out this research, we conducted qualitative content analysis on data gathered directly from QAnon sources. According to the results of the study, the movement proceeded to create crisis narratives that tap into social anxieties and political uncertainty. Accordingly, the pandemic was used for the movement to grow, gain new momentum and supporters, and even merge other conspiracy theories making the narratives more elaborate.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 11, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 183-197).

Diese Dissertation Untersucht die verschiedenen Strategie- und Aktionsbündel der Protestbewegungsgruppen, um ihre Ziele für Jordanien während des Arabischen Frühlings zu erreichen. Der Fokus dieser Arbeit liegt dabei auf drei Protestbewegungen, die in diesem Zeitraum im Königreich agierten: die Free Assembly, die Liberation National Social Group und Sadaqa. Mein besonderes Augenmerk gilt der Fragestellung, inwiefern gruppeneigene Ressourcen, ihre Nähe zum Regime, politisches Framing und die Beurteilung politischer Opportunität ihren Verlauf geprägt haben. Basierend auf einer mehr als neunmonatigen Feldforschung und einer gleichzeitig teilnehmenden Beobachtung innerhalb einer der genannten drei Protestgruppen zwischen 2011 und 2013, stelle ich fest, dass sich die Entwicklungsstadien der Gruppen im selben autoritär geprägten Kontext voneinander unterscheiden. Während ich festgestellt habe, dass die Entstehung beziehungsweise die Mobilisierung aller drei Gruppen zu just diesem Zeitpunkt in den regionalen Ereignissen des Arabischen Frühlings begründet sind, bin ich auch der Ansicht, dass dieser regionale Faktor die Entwicklungsverläufe dieser Gruppen nur teilweise erklärt. Vielmehr gilt, dass der Werdegang der Protestgruppen in Jordanien in örtlichen Bedingungen sowohl eingebettet, als auch stark mit ihnen verflochten ist. Namentlich sind diese lokale sozioökonomische Klassenhierarchien, Spannungen zwischen der städtischen und dörflichen Bevölkerung, sowie die umstrittene Geschichte der palästinensischen Jordanier im Land. Diese vorherrschenden Umstände sind für die Analyse, wie die Gruppen ihre Ressourcen mobilisiert, ihre Agenden formuliert und mit der Regierung interagiert haben, um staatliche Unterstützung zu erhalten, von wesentlicher Bedeutung.
This dissertation examines the trajectories, or the culmination of strategies and actions that protest groups take toward achieving their intended goals during the Arab Spring in Jordan. I focus on three protest groups in the kingdom during this time period: The Free Assembly, the Liberation National Social Group, and Sadaqa. I specifically look at how each groups’ resources, regime links, framing, and assessment of political opportunity shaped its trajectory. Based on over nine months of fieldwork as well as participant observation within one of the three protest groups from 2011-2013, I find that the groups vary in their trajectories within the same authoritarian context. While I find that the regional events related to the Arab Spring explain why all three groups formed or mobilized at the time they did, I find this regional factor only partially explains the trajectories of these groups. Rather, the trajectories of protest groups in Jordan are also embedded and tied to local circumstances, namely: local socioeconomic class hierarchies, tensions between urban and local populations, and the contentious history of Palestinian-Jordanians in the country. These local circumstances are critical in shaping how the groups mobilized their resources, framed their agendas, and interacted with the regime in ways that allowed them to gain public support.

Title: “Starting to close the communication gap in technology transfer to the PRC” Level: Final assignment for Master Degree in Business Administration Author: Jiani Yang,  Zhouni Lin Supervisor: Ernst HOLLANDER Examiner:  Akmal HYDER Date: 2012-May Purpose — We have double purpose of promoting SME’s involvement in PRC’s development and technology transfer for sustainability in this research. From the double perspective of Chinese business economics and long run cooperation with Swedish enterprises, we investigate and analysis the main problems faced by SMEs when taking technology transfer to China.  By doing this to help SMEs to overcome the barriers during technology transfer and promote the international technology transfer cooperation in the long run, as well as appeal technology transfer agencies to adopt a holistic approach to help SMEs to plan and implement technology transfer projects effectively and sustainably. Design/methodology/approach — We use the technology transfer project in China’s sewage market as our research case to illustrate our research problems. The discussion is based on the existing literatures regarding technology transfer, former researches and authentic cases about technology transfer to China, and interviews with relevant people. Findings — The findings indicates there is huge potential business opportunities in China’s sewage treatment market. Information transparency plays a critical role to foster the cooperation between transferor and transfers, as well as promoting SME’s involvement in China. Get directly to the leader taking the decisions is one effective way to get access to China’s market in short term. Communication gap becomes one of the main concerns for SMEs when taking technology transfer to China. In mid-term, organize workshop, get to learn with the local employee, promote the understanding between each other; get to the person who is capable to understand the technology and its effect is necessary; For the long run cooperation, technology transfer process transparency needs to be improved. Originality/value — This paper is of value through draw out the fact of common problems of taking technology transfer to China’s sewage market and analysis the reason. Transparency problem during the technology transfer process is drawn and analyzed.  Key points for accessing China’s market by SMEs are produced.

O livro de contos Notas de Manfredo Rangel, repórter (a respeito de Kramer), de Sérgio Sant\'Anna, foi publicado em 1973, no período historicamente marcado pela repressão institucionalizada da ditadura militar no Brasil. A leitura da obra indica influência desse contexto histórico, marcado pela opressão e pela violência, na composição e na atmosfera dos contos. A contribuição de filósofos que estudam a arte no mundo contemporâneo, como Theodor Adorno e Walter Benjamin, e cientistas da linguagem, como Mikhail Bakhtin, nos oferece subsídios para refletir sobre essa relação entre a história do período e a estrutura literária de Notas de Manfredo Rangel, repórter. O foco principal das reflexões são as tensões inerentes aos aspectos formais da obra, que guardam analogias e estabelecem possibilidades de mediação com a realidade do período em que o livro foi lançado. A análise dos contos oferece, ainda, no estudo das personagens, reflexões acerca da situação de impotência dos indivíduos diante de sistemas institucionais baseados no uso autoritário do poder, e do processo de fragmentação subjetiva relacionado a essa condição.
The book of tales Notas de Manfredo Rangel, repórter (Manfredo Rangels Notes, reporter) (about Kramer), from Sérgio SantAnna, was published in 1973, a period historically marked by the institutionalized repression of the military dictatorship in Brazil. Reading the book, we observe the influence of this historical context marked by the oppression and violence in the tales composition and atmosphere. The contribution of philosophers who study arts in the contemporary world, such as Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin, and language scientists, such as Mikhail Bakhtin, offers us subsidies to reflect about the relation between the history of the period and the literary structure of Manfredo Rangels Notes, reporter. The main focus of the reflection are the intrinsic tensions in the formal aspects on the book that keep analogies and establish possibilities of mediation with the reality of the period when the book was launched. The analysis of the tales also offers, for the study of the characters, reflections about the individuals disablement situation before institutional systems based on the subjective fragmentation of the process related to this condition.

High self-compassion has been shown to provide many benefits for overall well-being. Some studies have suggested that the environment in which an individual grew up could have some effect on this trait in adulthood. The present research examined the relationship between the parenting style with which an individual was raised and their later adulthood self-compassion and compassion for others. It was hypothesized that the responsiveness of the parent would be directly related to the way that an individual learns to respond to themselves and others. Authoritative parenting style was expected to be related to higher self-compassion and compassion for others as it is characterized by parents who respond positively to their child. Authoritarian parenting was expected to be related to lower levels of each construct as it is characterized by negative responses to the child’s actions. It was found that both authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles are associated with higher levels of self-compassion. The two parenting styles considered to negatively affect children raised in the style, authoritarian and permissive, were found to be related to higher levels of compassion for others. Future research directions for the relationship are discussed.

Notre recherche interroge les modalités selon lesquelles une pratique artistique peut constituer un vecteur de contestation en contexte autoritaire. Elle se situe à l’intersection de deux aires de questionnement. D’une part, elle examine les multiples rapports qu’un monde de l’art peut entretenir avec un monde politique, éclairant les enjeux politiques qui traversent un champ cinématographique fortement dépendant de l’État, ainsi que les pratiques contestataires spécifiques qui y ont court. D’autre part, elle explore des formes de contestation qui se déploient à la marge d’un espace politique verrouillé, mettant au jour certains mécanismes de l’autoritarisme observés dans les négociations, arrangements et conflits entre acteurs du monde cinématographique et acteurs de l’appareil bureaucratique et étatique. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons comment les relations sociales qui se tissent autour de l’organisation et du fonctionnement de la production cinématographique polarisent et réfractent certaines pratiques et enjeux spécifiques au champ politique tout en les reformulant. Nous plaçons ensuite l’analyse au cœur des films afin de repérer et de décrire, à partir des différents procédés propres au langage cinématographique, des thématiques, des catégories et des objets qui relèvent du politique, sur lesquels les cinéastes posent un regard critique, alors même que l’expression d’une opinion contestataire dans l’espace public s’avère problématique
Our research investigates how an artistic activity can also be a vehicle for contention within an authoritarian context. It relies at the crossroad of two areas of questioning. On the one hand, we explore the various interactions between an art world and a political world, shedding light on the political logics at stake in a cinematographic field greatly dependent upon the state, as well as on the contentious practices emerging from this particular configuration. On the other hand, we scrutinize contention expressed at the margin of a locked political space, unveiling some mechanisms of authoritarianism produced by negotiations, arrangements and conflicts between actors belonging to the cinematographic world and actors of the bureaucratic apparatus. At first, we examine how the social relationships woven around the organization and the functioning of film production polarize and refract practices and issues proper to the political field while reformulating them. Then we shift the focus of our analysis on the very heart of the films to locate and describe, from the specific tools of the film language, subjects, categorizations and objects dealing with politics, upon which filmmakers cast a critical eye, whereas contentious expression in the public sphere proves to be problematic

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1986.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 228-233).

Existing studies on the formulation of regulations for online ride-hailing platforms merely see the process as a struggle between interest groups. They do not address how policymakers perceive this struggle and act on their own initiative to govern these platforms. This study supplements existing studies by exploring how the metropolitan governments of two Chinese cities, Beijing and Shanghai, perceived conflicts between contending forms of chauffeur businesses and brought in regulations for new platform ventures. This thesis employs a policy change approach in the Chinese authoritarian context and reaches three conclusions. Firstly, it explains that the "special interests" of taxi entities institutionalized by the old regulatory regimes for taxi businesses incentivized the two metropolitan governments to protect taxi entities. Thus, even if Beijing and Shanghai had different first responses towards platforms with one initially emphasizing "cracking-down" and the other working on a "loose" regulatory approach, they adopted similar platform-capping policies. Secondly, this thesis finds that the two metropolitan governments cautiously disobeyed the central government's "loose" directives for platforms by combining their capping policies with selectively implementing a central directive of differentiating the markets of ride-hailing platforms and taxi operators. Thirdly, this thesis addresses obstructions to the establishment of "new regulation" that respects the business logic of platforms, which is proposed by the platform coalition. It argues that the interaction between the vested "special interests" and the fragmentation of authority makes local governments resistant to this "new regulation."
Graduate

As a teacher in early childhood education, I was delighted that within the EDiTE program. I could choose my dissertation topic from my field – elementary education – and even do interviews with elementary teachers in Portugal, Poland and the Czech Republic, where I conducted my research. All three countries have had recent experience with authoritarian regimes. After the fall of these regimes, the three could seize the opportunity to adapt to new conditions in society and bring new democratic principles into education. After three years of research, reading and studying on these issues while also monitoring current education issues in various European countries, I know that this is not an easy task and that calls for transformative education do not always sound clearly. Society and political conditions are constantly changing, and schools and teachers have to respond. Education and schooling are a picture of the society we live in. They are part of politics. But teachers cannot be solely responsible for the state of education. That is why it was interesting for me to describe and find out, with critical pedagogy as the background, how teachers respond to change: whether they are passive or active, what they consider important, whether they are solving problems and reflecting changes, whether they have a need to teach in other ways. My research problem is generally about teachers’ consciousness (at the elementary level in education) of change: to what extent they carry the post-communist burden with themselves; their relation to tradition and innovation; how and why they are willing to accept and create new ways in teaching in daily practice, and whether they are willing to do so at all. Elementary teachers are crucial creators of school culture, with great influence on pupils and other participants in the children’s learning process. In my interviews, I wanted to point out problems, things teachers are missing in their practice, issues they try to solve. I addressed my main research question: What kind of “Grammar of Schooling” is internalized and practiced by teachers in the Polish, Portuguese and Czech schools? The “Grammar of Schooling” metaphor, originated by David Tyack and William Tobin, is a conceptual framework for my project. They defined “Grammar of Schooling” as “the regular structure and rules that organize the work of instruction,” including standardized organizational practices such as “dividing time and space, classifying students and allocating them to classrooms (grading) and splintering knowledge into ‘subjects’” (Tyack and Tobin, 1993, p. 454). All these features are common and natural for children, teachers and parents. But are they right for today’s world nowadays, or can they be replaced? Tyack and Tobin tried to illuminate why some educational reforms take strong hold while other efforts at changing the “Grammars of Schooling” – the way the schooling process is organized and proceeds – remain unsuccessful. The challenges for teachers seem enormous. Many teachers can feel comfortable in the everyday school practices they are used to, even though the social and political context has changed. This dilemma – between the comfort of the customary and the challenge of innovation – is one of the sources of “Grammar of Schooling.” To describe these aims, I chose Paolo Freire’s theoretical approach to teachers’ consciousness – their ability to think about established, traditional, conservative paradigms of schooling and education. Teachers believe in myths and stereotypes about school education. They have their own experience, but they probably have mental and emotional obstacles to changes in their teaching, within the democratization of education. According to Freire’s theory, they don’t even know they are at a certain stage of oppression and serving the existing system (Freire, 2005). Freire tried to explain how school is important to awakening pupils’ perception of their own uniqueness. Similarly, I see the problems in teachers and their thinking; hence my work refers to all three of Freire’s types of consciousness: naïve, magical and critical. Critical thinking engages the essence of human consciousness. I have linked Freire’s critical theory with phenomenography as research approach because phenomenography investigates the content of consciousness – subjects’ thinking about particular phenomena. I have tried to describe how teachers’ consciousness strengthens and how it limits their attitudes toward change. Phenomenography as the method of qualitative research uses interviews and observation as its main research methods. I conducted a total of 28 semi-structured interviews: 10 in Poland, 4 in Portugal and 14 in the Czech Republic. In addition, I relied on teachers' narratives, asking them to describe important changes during their practice – how they had to adapt to the changes from above (system, Ministry, administration) and what changes they made in their own practice, in their approach to work and their teaching. Based on these research methods, I expected to discover the prevailing opinions of teachers in early education, how teachers reflect changes and how they are involved in them. I have described, interpreted and explained the role of “Grammar of Schooling” and the content of teachers’ consciousness as a basis for keeping tradition or making changes. As my main finding, the answer to my main research question, I can plainly say that “Grammar of Schooling” – the kinds of traditions that are internalized and then practiced in the consciousness of Polish, Portuguese and Czech teachers – are influenced most by educational policy, teachers’ personal experience and role, and their relationships with parents, who are very often obstacles to change. Teachers are willing to make many changes, and I have introduced them in my categories of description (space, time, evaluation, parenting, relationships in the schools, authority, self-criticism, curriculum, hidden curriculum, inclusion). Nonetheless, teachers often follow traditional approaches or make changes temporarily. They have no clear signal; they do not have a free hand, and thus more autonomy or the conditions from educational policy to work in an innovative way. The reasons teachers’ attitudes toward change seem obsolete and passive are often similar in all three countries. Unfortunately, the frequent explanation for why teachers are passive is that they are tired. In Poland, for example, teachers are tired of frequent changes in fundamental rules. In the Czech Republic, teachers are tired because of their low incomes, constant criticism and the underestimation of the teaching profession. In Portugal, teachers are tired from increasing paperwork and the competitiveness among them engendered by the system, which exacerbates relationships in the workplace. Teachers’ conditions are not improving in comparison to those in other professions, nor is the prestige of the profession. Their work is often questioned and criticized; they are expected to perform miracles. It is not their fault, but the system’s. Over the last 30 years, new laws found both opponents and adherents; they have brought advantages and disadvantages for individuals in society. Just as there is no ideal society or regime, there can be no ideal education system that suits everyone. I believe my thesis points to the shortcomings in educational systems of these three countries, contributes to thinking about important issues in schools and can help in initiating relevant stakeholders. Or, at least, my work serves as a reminder, according to Freire's critical theories, that schools cannot support the culture of silence and oppression. It is important to say the teachers’ opinions in a loud voice and to support these views from their practice, thus improving teaching, bringing satisfaction to pupils, and helping to create a democratic community of social actors in education.