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Journal articles on the topic 'The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin'

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Published: 24 April 2022

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1

Zhang, Duan,. "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN’S RELIGIOUS VIEWS MANIFESTED IN HIS AUTOBIOGRAPHY." Cultural Communication And Socialization Journal 1, no. 2 (August 26, 2020): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26480/ccsj.02.2020.21.24.

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The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin (hereafter referred to as Autobiography) by Benjamin Franklin is really recognized as an American spiritual book that highlights the struggle course of the American dream and shows meaningful moral truths. Within the work, Franklin’s unique experiences towards RELIGION and his deep reflections on it are surly “on display”. By a close reading of his Autobiography, this paper delves into and analyzes those religious statements contained in it, trying to help readers sort out Franklin’s complex religious complex. By paying special attention to certain narrative strategies used by Franklin, the present paper believes that Franklin’s religious, moral and ethical thoughts are full of contradictions and conflicts. However, Franklin’s organic absorption of puritanism, dialectical use of deism, and rational speculations of all religions enable him to form kind and tolerant religious ideas, and rational moral values, thus realizing the self-consummation of moral under religious philosophy.

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2

Depkat, Volker. "Autobiography as Political Legacy in Transition Periods. Benjamin Franklin and Konrad Adenauer Compared." European Journal of Life Writing 9 (December 28, 2020): BE51—BE74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/ejlw.9.37325.

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Developing consciousness of epoch as a category of autobiographical time, the article approaches the autobiographies of Benjamin Franklin and Konrad Adenauer as acts of political communication in historico-biographical transition periods. The temporal semantics of Franklin’s and Adenauer’s autobiographical texts anchor in a consciousness of epoch, which suggests that (a) the foundations for an anticipated ideal future have been laid through the political decisionmaking of the autobiographer, and that (b) it is uncertain whether the succeeding generations of political decision-makers will continue to pursue the political course that, in the eyes of the autobiographer, will eventually realize the anticipated utopia of an ideal world. The article thus moves away from an understanding of political autobiography as justification of political decisions taken and not taken in the past. Instead, it investigates autobiography as acts of political communication legitimating the past with a future anticipated at the moment of writing the autobiography. This angle sheds light on political autobiography as a future-oriented continuation of politics by autobiographical means. The temporal semantics of the autobiographical text anchoring in a given consciousness of epoch and the communicative functions of the autobiographical act thus extend well beyond the endings of the text and the autobiographer’s life.

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3

Carroll, K. C. "Teaching the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin." OAH Magazine of History 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/20.1.37.

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4

NEWMAN, SIMON P. "Benjamin Franklin and the Leather-Apron Men: The Politics of Class in Eighteenth-Century Philadelphia." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (July 31, 2009): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990089.

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Benjamin Franklin's autobiography reveals his deep investment in shaping and controlling how both his contemporaries and posterity assessed his life and achievements. This essay explores Franklin's construction and presentation of his pride in his working-class origins and identity, analysing how and why Franklin sought not to hide his poor origins but rather to celebrate them as a virtue. As an extremely successful printer, Franklin had risen from working-class obscurity to the highest ranks of Philadelphia society, yet unlike other self-made men of the era Franklin embraced and celebrated his artisanal roots, and he made deliberate use of his working-class identity during the Seven Years War and the subsequent imperial crisis, thereby consolidating his own reputation and firming up the support of urban workers who considered him one of their own.

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5

Aldridge, A. Owen, and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." Journal of American History 77, no. 1 (June 1990): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078683.

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6

Cowell, Pattie, and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." American Literature 62, no. 1 (March 1990): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2926789.

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7

Schwartz, Sally, and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." American Historical Review 95, no. 4 (October 1990): 1288. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163681.

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8

Breitwieser, Mitchell, and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." William and Mary Quarterly 46, no. 4 (October 1989): 816. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1922792.

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9

Allison, John, and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." South Central Review 8, no. 1 (1991): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3189306.

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10

Taylor, Gordon O., and Ormond Seavey. "Becoming Benjamin Franklin: The Autobiography and the Life." Modern Language Review 86, no. 2 (April 1991): 400. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3730548.

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11

Afsai, Shai. "Benjamin Franklin’s Influence on Mussar Thought and Practice: a Chronicle of Misapprehension." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 22, no. 2 (September 16, 2019): 228–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341359.

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Abstract Benjamin Franklin’s ideas and writings may be said to have had an impact on Jewish thought and practice. This influence occurred posthumously, primarily through his Autobiography and by way of Rabbi Menachem Mendel Lefin’s Sefer Cheshbon ha-Nefesh (Book of Spiritual Accounting, 1808), which introduced Franklin’s method for moral perfection to a Hebrew-reading Jewish audience. This historical development has confused Judaic scholars, and Franklin specialists have been largely oblivious to it. Remedying the record on this matter illustrates how even within the presumably insular world of Eastern European rabbinic Judaism—far from the deism of the trans-Atlantic Enlightenment—pre-Reform, pre-Conservative Jewish religion was affected by broader currents of thought.

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12

Chaplin, Joyce E. "The lives of an American life - The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin and the idea of personal identity." Intelligere 1, no. 1 (December 22, 2015): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2447-9020.intelligere.2015.108486.

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recorrendo aos campos da história dos impressos e da história da ciência - dois campos de importância indiscutível para entender Benjamin Franklin, o impressor da Filadélfia, e Benjamin Franklin, o famoso experimentador elétrico - este ensaio sugerirá que as memórias de Franklin são evidência de que ele pensou sobre si mesmo como encarnado em ações (como ele tinha se apresentado ao mundo, através de experimentos científicos) e como identificado em relação a outras pessoas, como ele tinha sido por muito tempo, como um colaborador em diversos projetos e como um correspondente. Isso é diferente do seu sentido desencarnado e individualista que a maioria das edições de sua autobiografia, como uma simples narrativa, lhe deram. Edições mais complexas e com diversos textos podem ser ao menos igualmente válidas, sobretudo para mostrar como ideias de identidade pessoal, nesse ponto da história, eram coletivas e encarnadas.

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13

Cutting-Gray, Joanne. "Franklin's Autobiography: Politics of the Public Self." Prospects 14 (October 1989): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005688.

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In 1776, with the Revolution faltering, Congress sent seventy-one-yearold Benjamin Franklin to France to intercede on behalf of the fledgling republic and the “New Man.” Dressed in plain homespun, wearing a frontiersman's coonskin cap instead of a powdered wig, and carrying a staff of apple wood, the sagacious Franklin played the Cultivateur Américain to the French court, a role that satisfied their Crevecouerian image of the American as both innocent and worldly wise: the noble rustic. That role was no problem for someone who “put my self as much as I could out of sight” in promoting his own projects, “put on” Father Abraham, Richard Saunders, Poor Richard, and Silence Dowood in order to instruct his audience and, in matters of diplomacy and debate, “put on the humble Enquirer and Doubter.” Putting off the audience by putting on various personae enabled Franklin, to the extent that the Autobiography was written for an English audience, to act as American colonial “father” instructing his “son,” the British monarchy. Whether portraying himself as a gawky youth, ardent young man, civic leader, sage of practical utility, worldly philosopher, or international statesman, Franklin deliberately played to please while playing with his image and his audience.

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14

Forde, Steven. "Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography and the Education of America." American Political Science Review 86, no. 2 (June 1992): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964225.

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Franklin's Autobiography was written in part to provide a model for the emerging democratic individual and democratic culture of America. Franklin's teaching in the work has been subject to severe criticisms from the beginning, though it has had many defenders, too. Neither friend nor foe, however, has taken a sustained look at the Autobiography itself to explore its teaching in detail. I look at Franklin's presentation of the relationship of wealth and virtue, his utilitarianism, and his vision of democratic society and find a subtle and robust ideal deftly calculated to educate and elevate American culture.

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15

Hanley, Ryan Patrick. "Hume's Last Lessons: The Civic Education of My Own Life." Review of Politics 64, no. 4 (2002): 659–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500035919.

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Hume's concern to promote public virtue is a central element of his philosophical project which deserves more attention than it has received. This article examines one of his most focused efforts at public moralism: his largely forgotten autobiography, My Own Life. By attending to its account of how Hume employed his vanity and ambition in his pursuit of fame and fortune—and discovered such virtues as temperance, industry, moderation, and independence in the process—it is argued that My Own Life was intended to serve as a “mirror-for-citizen.” for citizens of modern commercial republics, offering a model of civic virtue and worldly success for them to emulate. To show this Hume's didactic autobiography is compared to that of his friend Benjamin Franklin, which may have served as a model for Hume's.

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16

김성연. "The Korean Translations of the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin in the Early 20th century." Journal of Korean Modern Literature ll, no. 42 (October 2010): 273–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.35419/kmlit.2010..42.008.

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17

Sal'kaeva, Al'bina Nyailevna. "PERSONALITY FACTOR OF AUTOBIOGRAPHIC TEXT (BY THE MATERIAL OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY)." Philological Sciences. Issues of Theory and Practice, no. 7 (July 2019): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/filnauki.2019.7.45.

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18

Metcalf, Barbara D. "Narrating Lives: A Mughal Empress, A French Nabob, A Nationalist Muslim Intellectual." Journal of Asian Studies 54, no. 2 (May 1995): 474–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058747.

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With some exaggeration, one could claim that these three biographies, despite their disparate subjects—a seventeenth-century aristocratic lady of the Mughal court, an eighteenth-century French adventurer, and a twentieth-century Muslim intellectual and political figure—all tell the same story. In each case, a figure is born (as it happens, outside the Indian subcontinent) in relatively humble circumstances and emerges as a singular figure in some combination of the political, economic, intellectual life of the day. Each account proceeds chronologically, with the life presented as an unfolding, linear story, the fruit of “developments” and “influences,” in which the protagonist independently takes action. These accounts fit, in short, the genre of biography or autobiography known to us Americans from Benjamin Franklin to Malcolm X, of rags to riches—and, typically, lessons to impart (Ohmann 1970). Each is an example of the canonical form of male biography and autobiography that emerged in Europe from the eighteenth century.

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19

Christensen, Christian Olaf. "Livsmanualernes popularitet – Hvorfor Covey’s vaneparadigme blev populært i 1990’erne." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 58 (March 9, 2018): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i58.104712.

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This article examines the popularity of Stephen Covey’s theory of selfmanagement and habits. It argues that changes in the economic context have been decisive for the recent renaissance of a character ethic. The article locates Covey’s theory in its American intellectual and economic context, arguing that especially Benjamin Franklin’s autobiography and Viktor Frankl’s logotherapy constitute key influences on Covey’s work. Covey articulates a seducing rhetorical vision of personal and organisational growth. It fits well into a neo-liberal political and economic context in which individual responsibility is stressed. However, critics rightfully argue that it has little to say about structural problems of social and economic systems, and that it exaggerates individuals’ capabilities.

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20

Shurr, William H. ""Now, Gods, Stand Up for Bastards": Reinterpreting Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography." American Literature 64, no. 3 (September 1992): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2927746.

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21

Huff, Dana. "Toward "Moral Perfection": Integrating Judaic Concepts and Benjamin Franklin's "Autobiography"." English Journal 95, no. 6 (July 1, 2006): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30046624.

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22

Hunter, Christopher. "The Unfinished Life of Benjamin Franklin by Douglas Anderson, and: The Cambridge Companion to Benjamin Franklin ed. by Carla Mulford, and: Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography ed. by Joyce Chaplin, and: The Making of a Patriot: Benjamin Franklin at the Cockpit by Sheila L. Skemp (review)." Early American Literature 48, no. 2 (2013): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2013.0031.

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23

Lee, Sook-jin. "Self-Help Culture and Protestantism in 1920s Korea: A Focus on the Translation of Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin." Christian Social Ethics 38 (August 31, 2017): 239–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21050/cse.2017.38.08.

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24

Medoro, Dana. "Benjamin Franklin’s Autobiography as an Eighteenth-Century Omnivore’s Dilemma." ESC: English Studies in Canada 36, no. 4 (2010): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/esc.2010.0055.

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25

Novac, Andrei, M. C. Tuttle, R. Bota, and B. J. Blinder. "Identity Narrative as an Unconscious Scaffold for Human Autobiography." European Journal of Medicine and Natural Sciences 2, no. 1 (May 15, 2019): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/929uar53c.

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Over the past years, a multi-disciplinary literature on the significance of personal narratives in autobiography and identity has emerged. This subject has been of interest to authors in the fields of humanities, psychology, and medicine alike. In this paper, we are proposing the term Identity Narrative (IdN) to define a cognitive and emotional framework that serves as an implicit (unconscious) scaffolding of memory on which to build human autobiography. The authors first classify narratives into external (universal history, the humanities, culture) and internal (autobiography, based on personal experiences, both directly and indirectly, through identification and education). All philosophy and social commentary has utilized history for the purposes of prediction and meaning-making. Personalities including Aristotle, St. Augustine, Rousseau, Freud, Marx, Spengler, and Benjamin Franklin have reread history to gain insight about human nature. History has inspired the enlightenment and renaissance of a new reality for humanity. It is widely known that history can also be misused to justify aggression and human suffering. The use of history to create deep convictions that annihilate moral imperatives is only possible because of unconsciously consolidated internal narratives, the IdN. IdN is reshaped through life, both by “bottom-up” acquisition of information, as well as a “top-down” learning model, which includes the following circumstances: (a) sudden insight and awareness; (b) experiences with high emotional valence; (c) high frequency of repetition; and (d) prolonged duration of exposure. In this way, IdN, a form of relatively stable unconscious, anoetic memory, provides a “first-person” experience to autobiography. Autobiography then, becomes part of auto-noetic consciousness, the human ability to mentally time travel and have self-knowledge. IdN parallels lifelong growth and development, language acquisition, and maturing of attachment. The extensive brain activation during communication and speech, revealed by neuroimaging studies, will be referred to as the “communication beltway.” We hypothesize that the alternation in activation between the default mode (midline structures) of the brain (previously associated with the Self) and the language brain creates a platform that encodes crucial components of IdN throughout life. In this way, IdN, autobiographical memory, and the language brain are parts of a larger biological substrate of social affiliations.

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26

Hunter, Christopher. "From Print to Print: The First Complete Edition of Benjamin Franklin's "Autobiography"." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 101, no. 4 (December 2007): 481–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/pbsa.101.4.24293662.

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27

Mullor Jutández, Manuel. "The american tradition in a pilgrim's record: (The Genuine History in Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography)." Estudios Humanísticos. Filología, no. 19 (December 15, 1997): 229. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehf.v0i19.4070.

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28

Lena, Alberto. "Adaptations, Appropriations and Improvements: The First Part of Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography and the Atlantic World." Yearbook of English Studies 46, no. 1 (2016): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/yes.2016.0004.

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29

Alberto Lena. "Adaptations, Appropriations and Improvements: The First Part of Benjamin Franklin's Autobiography and the Atlantic World." Yearbook of English Studies 46 (2016): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5699/yearenglstud.46.2016.0145.

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30

Dudley, Martin. "‘The Rector presents his compliments’: Worship, Fabric, and Furnishings of the Priory Church of St Bartholomew the Great, Smithfield, 1828-1938." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 320–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014108.

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For nearly 900 years the Priory Church of St Bartholomew the Great has functioned as an expression of wider religious moods, movements, and aspirations. Founded in 1123 by Rahere, a courtier of Henry I, at a time when the Augustinian Canons gained a brief ascendancy over older forms of religious life, it represents the last flowering of English Romanesque architecture. The Priory was dissolved by Henry VIII, became a house of Dominicans under Mary, and saw the flames that consumed the Smithfield martyrs. Since Elizabeth’s reign it has been a parish church serving a small and poor but populous area within the City of London but outside the walls. Its history is fairly well documented. Richard Rich lived in the former Lady Chapel. Walter Mildmay worshipped, and was buried, there. John Wesley preached there. Hogarth was baptized there. Parts of the church had been turned over to secular use. There was a blacksmith’s forge in the north transept beyond the bricked-up arch of the crossing and the smoke from the forge often filled the building. A school occupied the north triforium gallery. The Lady Chapel was further divided, and early in the eighteenth century Samuel Palmer, a printer, had his letter foundry there. The young Benjamin Franklin worked there for a year in 172 s and recorded the experience in his autobiography. The church, surrounded by houses, taverns, schools, chapels, stables, and warehouses, was a shadow of its medieval glory; but between 1828 and 1897 it changed internally and externally almost beyond recognition. The process of change continued over the next forty years and indeed continues still. These changes in architecture and furnishings were closely linked to a changed attitude to medieval buildings, to issues of churchmanship, and to liturgical developments.

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31

de Montbrial, Thierry. "Benjamin Franklin." Commentaire Numéro 115, no. 3 (2006): 733. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/comm.115.0733.

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32

Mead, Walter Russell, and Edmund S. Morgan. "Benjamin Franklin." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 1 (2003): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033456.

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33

Berkin, Carol, and Edmund S. Morgan. "Benjamin Franklin." New England Quarterly 76, no. 1 (March 2003): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559667.

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34

Erlen, Jonathon. "Benjamin Franklin." JAMA 295, no. 11 (March 15, 2006): 1313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.295.11.1314.

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35

Southgate, M. Therese. "Benjamin Franklin." JAMA 298, no. 1 (July 4, 2007): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.298.1.14.

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36

Mollier, Pierre. "Benjamin Franklin." Humanisme N° 279, no. 4 (December 1, 2007): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/huma.279.0121.

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37

Juffras, Angelo. "Recovering Benjamin Franklin." Newsletter of the Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy 27, no. 83 (1999): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/saap1999278320.

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38

Petroski, Henry. "Benjamin Franklin Bridge." American Scientist 90, no. 5 (2002): 406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1511/2002.33.3325.

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39

Mulford, Carla J. "Appreciating Benjamin Franklin." Early American Literature 52, no. 3 (2017): 729–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eal.2017.0057.

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40

Sue Humphrey, Carol. "Benjamin Franklin: Writings." American Journalism 6, no. 1 (January 1989): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.1989.10731183.

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41

Currey, C. B., and Francis Jennings. "Benjamin Franklin: Politician." American Historical Review 103, no. 2 (April 1998): 582. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649896.

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42

Huang, Nian-Sheng, and Francis Jennings. "Benjamin Franklin, Politician." Journal of American History 84, no. 1 (June 1997): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952768.

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43

Newcomb, Benjamin H., and Francis Jennings. "Benjamin Franklin, Politician." William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 4 (October 1997): 874. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953897.

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44

Hirschmann, J. V. "Benjamin Franklin and Medicine." Annals of Internal Medicine 143, no. 11 (December 6, 2005): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.7326/0003-4819-143-11-200512060-00012.

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45

Denise A. Spellberg. "Benjamin Franklin and Islam." Pennsylvania Legacies 18, no. 1 (2018): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennlega.18.1.0012.

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46

Ketcham, Ralph, and Ronald W. Clark. "Benjamin Franklin: A Biography." Technology and Culture 26, no. 3 (July 1985): 641. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3104868.

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47

McConkey, Kevin M., and Campbell Perry. "Benjamin Franklin and Mesmerism." International Journal of Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis 33, no. 2 (April 1985): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207148508406642.

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48

Fara, Patricia. "Portraits of Benjamin Franklin." Endeavour 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0160-9327(00)01402-2.

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49

Haas, L. F. "Benjamin Franklin (1706-90)." Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery & Psychiatry 56, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp.56.1.5.

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50

Klaunig, James E., and Myrtle A. Davis. "Remembering Benjamin Franklin Trump." Veterinary Pathology 45, no. 5 (September 2008): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1354/vp.45-5-611.

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