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Journal articles on the topic 'The British monarchy'

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Published: 24 April 2022

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1

Chutong, Wang. "Comparison of Japanese and British Monarchy after World War II." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 4 (October 13, 2021): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n4p22.

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Both Britain and Japan have made reservations and continuations to the monarchy in the process of historical development, and their political systems are constitutional monarchy. The royal family of both countries has a very long history. With the historical development and social change, the monarch has become a spiritual and cultural symbol. The “sanctification” of the monarch and the strong “plot of the monarch” have been deeply rooted in social culture. From the perspective of historical development and social and cultural influence, although there are similarities between the royals of the two countries, their roles in political, economic and social stability are different from the ways in which they are exerted. Through the comparison between Britain and Japanese monarchy in the above three aspects, this paper analyzes the difference between the two countries monarchy in the size of the role, the way to implement the role and the impact, and finally compares and summarizes the role of the two countries monarchy.

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2

Brazier, Rodney. "A BRITISH REPUBLIC." Cambridge Law Journal 61, no. 2 (June 24, 2002): 351–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197302001654.

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Arguments are generated in an ad hoc way about the continuation of the monarchy. Such media-led arguments are no substitute for a rational analysis of constitutional issues, although of course public opinion has an important part to play in the future of any constitutional institution. At present there is not even a basic framework against which any such reasoned analysis could begin. While a case against the British monarchy has been constructed by several people, the silence of constitutional lawyers on the central issue of monarchy or republic is surprising, for what is that issue if not one concerning a central part of the constitution, and, indeed, a very pervasive one? The author,a constitutional lawyer, examines the constitutional arguments and implications about the alternatives of monarchy or republic in the United Kingdom and attempts to make clear which matters would require decision if the United Kingdom were to opt for republicanism. He demonstrates that a change to a British republic would require the resolution of many interrelated issues. Even the answer to the apparently simple question of principle of whether a monarchy or a republic is preferred may turn on the type of republic which was on offer. Conversion to a republic would involve wide and deep changes to much of the constitution because of the legal peculiarities of the ancient British monarchy. These are not insoluble difficulties, but they do mean that the abolition of the monarchy would be an intellectually challenging exercise.

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3

Balmer, John M. T. "Scrutinising the British Monarchy." Management Decision 47, no. 4 (May 2009): 639–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/00251740910959468.

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4

Bowie, Karin. "‘A Legal Limited Monarchy’: Scottish Constitutionalism in the Union of Crowns, 1603–1707." Journal of Scottish Historical Studies 35, no. 2 (November 2015): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2015.0152.

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After the formation of the British composite monarchy in 1603, a distinctive pattern of Scottish constitutionalism emerged in which a desire to maintain the Scottish realm and church encouraged an emphasis on the limitation of the monarch by fundamental law, guaranteed by oaths. The Covenanters attempted to use the National Covenant and the 1651 coronation to force the king to maintain the Presbyterian church as defined by law. Restoration royalists emphasised the untrammelled power of the king, but in the Revolution of 1688-89, the Claim of Right was presented with the oath of accession as a set of conditions designed to re-establish the Scottish realm as a ‘legal limited monarchy’ with a Presbyterian church. Reforms in 1640-41, 1689-90 and 1703-4 placed statutory constraints on the royal prerogative. The making of the union relied on a reassertion of monarchical sovereignty, though Presbyterian unionists ensured that the new British monarch would be required to swear to uphold the church as established by law.

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5

Cannadine, David. "CHURCHILL AND THE BRITISH MONARCHY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6, S1 (December 2004): 93–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440100000451.

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Cannadine, David. "CHURCHILL AND THE BRITISH MONARCHY." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 11 (December 2001): 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440101000135.

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7

Mort, Frank. "Safe for Democracy: Constitutional Politics, Popular Spectacle, and the British Monarchy 1910–1914." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 1 (January 2019): 109–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.176.

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AbstractHow did the British monarchy respond to the multiple challenges of early twentieth-century mass democracy? Historians have separated the growth of constitutional sovereignty from the practice of a welfare monarchy, or from royalty as decorative and media friendly. This article argues that the political transformation of the modern monarchy was inseparable from innovations to its style and presentation. Opening with the dramatic constitutional crisis that confronted George V and his advisors in 1910, I show how the monarchy's entanglement in high politics forced the crown to assume an increasingly neutral, arbitrarial stance on industrial disputes and on the Irish question, despite the king's own conservatism. Simultaneously, George V invested in styles of royal accessibility and informality that contrasted sharply with other major European dynasties, in a series of royal tours across the industrial heartlands of England and Wales in 1912 and 1913. Extensively covered by the national and imperial press and by the newsreels, these visits to the strongholds of laborism promoted a vision of patrician democracy that drew heavily on traditions of organic, one-nation conservatism. But they also positioned royalty and the people in a new imaginary relationship that was more personal and intimate. Both versions had long-term consequences for the British monarchy across the twentieth century.

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8

Schechter, Ronald, and Marilyn Morris. "The British Monarchy and the French Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 1998): 654. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674466.

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9

Mori, Jennifer, and Marilyn Morris. "The British Monarchy and the French Revolution." American Historical Review 104, no. 2 (April 1999): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650501.

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10

Frey, Linda. "The British Monarchy and the French Revolution." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 4 (January 1999): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528491.

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11

Harris, Tim. "Publics and Participation in the Three Kingdoms: Was There Such a Thing as “British Public Opinion” in the Seventeenth Century?" Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 731–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.121.

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AbstractThis article explores where the people fit in to British history and whether there was such a thing as British public opinion in the seventeenth century. It argues that given the nature of the Stuart multiple monarchy, and the way the power structures of that monarchy impinged upon Ireland, Scotland, and England, the Stuarts' political authority was at times publicly negotiated on a Britannic level. People across Britain were engaged with British affairs: there was public opinion about British politics, in other words, albeit not British public opinion, since the people were bitterly divided at this time. However, because the crisis that brought down Charles I had been a three-kingdoms crisis, which in turn had helped spark the growth of a more sophisticated British news culture, the Restoration monarchy became increasingly sensitive to the need to try to keep public opinion across the Britannic archipelago on its side. In response to the challenge of the Whigs during the Exclusion Crisis, Charles II and his Tory allies sought to rally public support across England, Scotland, and Ireland and thus to represent “British public opinion” as being in favor of the hereditary succession. It was a representation, however, that remained contested.

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12

Law, Alex. "Jubilee Mugs: The Monarchy and the Sex Pistols." Sociological Research Online 7, no. 1 (March 2002): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.709.

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With rare exceptions sociologists have traditionally had little to say about the British monarchy. In the exceptional cases of the Durkheimian functionalism of Shills and Young (1953), the left humanism of Birnbaum (1955), or the archaic state/backward nation thesis of Nairn (1988), the British nation has been conceived as a homogenous mass. The brief episode of the Sex Pistols’ Jubilee year song ‘God Save the Queen’ exposed some of the divisions within the national ‘mass’, forcing a re-ordering of the balance between detachment and belonging to the Royal idea. I argue that the song acted as a kind of ‘breaching experiment’. Its wilful provocation of Royalist sentiment revealed the level of sanction available to the media-industrial complex to enforce compliance to British self-images of loyal and devoted national communicants.

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13

Aieta, Joseph, and John A. Taylor. "British Monarchy, English Church Establishment, and Civil Liberty." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543492.

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14

Richards, Jeffrey. "Mandy Merck (ed.), The British Monarchy on Screen." Journal of British Cinema and Television 13, no. 4 (October 2016): 628–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2016.0344.

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15

Strokan, Elena Vladimirovna. "METAPHORICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE BRITISH MONARCHY: AXIOLOGICAL ASPECT." Philological Sciences. Issues of Theory and Practice, no. 9 (September 2019): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/filnauki.2019.9.53.

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16

Kuhn, William M. "Ceremony and Politics: The British Monarchy, 1871–1872." Journal of British Studies 26, no. 2 (April 1987): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385884.

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Walter Bagehot divided the English constitution into two parts, the “dignified” and the “efficient.” The sovereign and the House of Lords were the dignified or the showy parts, imposing spectacles designed to serve as reminders of a glorious past and to impress an uneducated populace with the authority of the state. The cabinet and the House of Commons were the efficient parts, where the real work went on, where men of business transacted affairs of state using the authority obtained by the dignified parts. So he wrote in the years preceding the second Reform Bill, when it was conventional to speak of the rudeness and unruliness of an uneducated people and of the hazards of admitting them to the franchise. Yet his book, animated in such large measure by the debates on parliamentary reform of the late 1860s, remains a much-quoted authority on the English constitution today.Perhaps one among the reasons for its enduring popularity is that he expressed so neatly a notion that certainly existed before as well as in his time and that survives today, namely, that governmental activity can be divided into ceremonial and political parts. The one is opposed to the other as pleasure is to business, as emptiness is to substance, as illusion is to reality, as artifice is to plain speaking. In affairs of state, the adjective “ceremonial,” when attached to words like “head of state” or “official,” has come to mean empty figurehead or powerless placeholder. Ceremonies of state—coronations, jubilees, openings of Parliament—are picturesque and pleasant but essentially ephemeral, devoid of anything powerful other than that which is powerfully sentimental, colorful, and evocative.

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17

Ulver, Sofia. "Royal fever: the British monarchy in consumer culture." Consumption Markets & Culture 21, no. 1 (June 13, 2016): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10253866.2016.1181406.

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18

Kershaw, Roger. "Elusive truths: British media and the Thai monarchy." Asian Affairs 32, no. 3 (November 2001): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041448.

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19

Cannadine, David. "From biography to history: writing the modern British monarchy." Historical Research 77, no. 197 (July 1, 2004): 289–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.2004.00211.x.

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Abstract This article traces the development of biographical and historical writing about the British monarchy from the ‘golden age’ of Elizabeth I to the House of Windsor. It examines the differences in approach over the past two centuries, in particular, from the uncritical biographies of the Victorian period to the current unregulated flood of material, authorized and unauthorized. Such an analysis goes beyond the history of dynasties and individuals and becomes a history of society as reflected in the changing experiences of the British royal family.

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20

MORI, JENNIFER. "THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND THE BOURBON RESTORATION: THE OCCUPATION OF TOULON, 1793." Historical Journal 40, no. 3 (September 1997): 699–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x97007371.

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This article addresses the development of the British government's policy towards the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy in France, which arose from the British occupation of Toulon from 28 August to 19 December 1793. The discussions conducted by prime minister William Pitt and foreign secretary Lord Grenville on the shape of Toulon's civil government under occupation clarify official British perceptions of an ‘ideal’ Bourbon monarchy in France. British thoughts on this subject were determined, not only by traditional English whig beliefs about the institutional foundations of political, constitutional and civil liberty, but also by consideration for the upheavals that the French Revolution had witnessed. Alhough Pitt and Grenville were interested in establishing a model government capable of healing the French social and political conflicts that had emerged since 1789, their deliberations on the fate of Toulon reveal that the French ancien régime was still a negative entity in British minds despite the advent of the French Revolution and Revolutionary Wars.

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21

Selway, Justice B. M. "The Constitutional Role of the Queen of Australia." Common Law World Review 32, no. 3 (July 2003): 248–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147377950303200302.

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When the Australian federation came into existence in 1901 the same King ruled throughout the British Empire. The Crown was indivisible. The Australian Commonwealth Constitution reflected that political and legal reality. That reality has undergone considerable change in the last century. The Empire no longer exists, although some of the former dominions and colonies remain monarchies. The Queen is now monarch of 15 separate and independent nations, including Australia. In so far as Australia is concerned, these developments raise a number of practical and constitutional issues. These issues relate both to the relationship of the Australian monarchy with those other monarchies which share the same Queen and to the role of the Australian monarch within the Australian federation. Some of those issues are explored in this paper.

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22

Győri, Zsolt. "Sensations of the Past: Identity, Empowerment, and the British Monarchy Films." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Film and Media Studies 8, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ausfm-2014-0033.

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Abstract Royal bio-pics have always enjoyed a high priority among cinematic representations of British history and taken a lion’s share in defining Britishness to audiences at home and abroad. These historical narratives never render national identity by capturing the past of historians, instead reconstruct the past as a mirror of contemporary reality and in a way as to satisfy their audience’s demand for both romantic qualities and antiquarian nostalgia, for sensations they regard their own. The author’s basic assumption is that such cinema does not represent history but exploits spectatorial desire for a mediated reality one inhabits through the experience of an empowered identity. The first part of the article examines how private-life films (a subgenre of royal bio-pics) mythologized and idealized Tudor monarchs in the 1930s, while in the second part, contemporary representatives of the subgenre are analysed as they portray the challenges of the Monarchy in its search for a place within modern British identity politics. Analysed films include The Private Life of Henry VIII (Alexander Korda, 1933), The Private Lives of Elizabeth and Essex (Michael Curtiz, 1939), Mrs Brown (John Madden, 1997), The Queen (Stephen Frears, 2006), and The King’s Speech (Tom Hooper, 2010).1

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23

Sklyarova, Natalya G. "Linguosemiotic Representation of the British Royal Family Life in the Monarchical Media Discourse." Proceedings of Southern Federal University. Philology 2020, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1995-0640-2020-4-47-55.

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The goal of the article is to explore some linguistic means used in the British monarchical media discourse to describe the life of the Royal family. The research is carried out in the semiotic aspect with the help of contextual and distributive methods of analysis of the extensive language material taken from the authentic sources, such as: the Internet versions of British newspapers, the international news service BBC and the official website of the Windsors. The verbal signs that define the representatives of the British monarchy, their actions, relations, values and anti-values, tangible and intangible resources, quantitative characteristics, are used not only to inform the readers about the events in which the British Royals participate but also to enlarge the world picture of common citizens and to create the image of the contemporary monarchy. The results of the research show that the members of the Royal family are presented as approachable, amiable people, involved in charity, engaged in solving the urgent social issues and doing their best in popularization of monarchy, bringing it up to date. The article also contributes to the theory of discourse as it contains the definition of monarchical discourse and the characteristics of its personal, institutional and media subtypes from the point of view of their participants, the aims of the latter and the situations of communication.

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24

Culea, Mihaela. "Revisiting British royalty myths in Alan Bennett’s The Uncommon Reader." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 1 (April 2014): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.1.5.

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In his novella The Uncommon Reader (2006/2008) English writer Alan Bennett (1934 – ) fictionally depicts the way in which one of the most prestigious institutions of Britishness, Queen Elizabeth II (1952 – ), turns from a highly institutionalized symbol into a real person and a very uncommon reader. The article explores Bennett’s fictional reconsideration of common myths connected to the British monarchy, a process which is activated by the Queen’s new fondness for reading. The paper develops a possible reinterpretation of these myths, seeking to prove that Bennett’s fictional exercise also sparks off the reflection of a number of common public concerns connected to the British monarchy and its position in relation to the social, economic or political life of contemporary Britain.

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25

Clancy, Laura. "The British Monarchy on Screen, edited by Mandy Merck." Visual Culture in Britain 17, no. 2 (May 3, 2016): 234–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14714787.2016.1181344.

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26

Jackson, Alvin. ":The British Monarchy and Ireland: 1800 to the Present." American Historical Review 114, no. 3 (June 2009): 829–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.3.829.

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Hunt, Tamara L. "Morality and Monarchy in the Queen Caroline Affair." Albion 23, no. 4 (1991): 697–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050747.

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The licentious career of Caroline of Brunswick, the most notorious queen in modern British history, was only exceeded by that of her husband, George IV, and the scandal that emerged when he attempted to obtain a divorce inspired one of the most unusual episodes of nineteenth-century British history. For six months the attention of the country was focused on the queen's trial; massive demonstrations in her support were familiar sights in London streets and news of the matter dominated the columns of the press. The popular outpouring of support for the queen often took the form of reviling the king and his ministers, and revolution seemed to be in the air, yet because no lasting political change resulted from this tumult, historians have tended to dismiss the affair as relatively unimportant. However, to view this interlude primarily in terms of party politics is to overlook the fact that the majority of the people who formed the massive crowds that so alarmed the government were neither radicals nor reformers, and many, if not most of them were unenfranchised. In order to better understand the implications of this unrest, it is important to identify those factors that inspired British men and women to openly denigrate their ruler and to heap opprobrium on the members of government in defense of a woman who, ironically, many believed to be guilty as charged. Such an examination makes it clear that this was an event of profound cultural significance and was in some respects the first wide-spread popular expression of the moral standards that have come to be labelled “Victorian.”Any attempt to judge “public opinion” is fraught with difficulty. Most of the surviving journals, memoirs, and collections of letters from this period were written by members of the gentry and aristocracy; most of the middle and working-class people who actively demonstrated in support of the queen or who signed the numerous addresses sent to her have tended to remain silent and anonymous. Newspaper and other written accounts of the affair were often extremely partisan, for British society was sharply divided on this issue. Political caricatures, however, overcome some of these difficulties.

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Dixon, Nicholas. "George IV and William IV in their Relations with the Church of England*." English Historical Review 134, no. 571 (December 2019): 1440–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez364.

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Abstract George IV and William IV have long been represented as fundamentally pleasure-seeking monarchs who had little or no interest in religion. However, this assumption has never been sustained by detailed evidence. This article comprehensively challenges the stereotype by presenting the regency and reign of George IV together with William IV’s reign as a distinct and significant period in the relationship between the British monarchy and the Church of England. Three main aspects of this relationship are considered: George IV and William IV’s private commitments as manifested in court religion, the political actions of these monarchs in relation to the established church and their encouragement of Anglican church building and educational projects. The article draws upon a wide range of neglected sources, and especially the private correspondence and memoirs of those closest to George IV and William IV. Most notably, it introduces into the discussion the extensive and revealing autobiography of George IV’s chaplain Hugh Pearson, which has received scant attention from historians until now. From such sources, there emerges a picture of royal interaction with Anglicanism that almost entirely overturns the conventional view. Not only were the two last Hanoverian kings interested in religion; their Anglican beliefs directed much of their public and private conduct. This reinterpretation has important implications for our understanding of monarchy, religion and political culture in pre-Victorian England.

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29

Langewiesche, Dieter. "Monarchy–Global. Monarchical Self-Assertion in a Republican World." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 280–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-280.

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Monarchy – Global. Monarchical Self-Assertion in a Republican World In 1793, the French republic saw the guillotining of two royal heads. In 1934, Winston Churchill spoke of the «holocaust of crowns» within his lifetime. Today, the British Queen presides over the Commonwealth, which comprises mostly republics. At the same time, there have been calls a return of the kings to republics with respect to Africa. How is this astonishing self-assertion of the institutional monarchy to be explained, and why has the antagonism between the monarchy and the republic disappeared? This will be discussed in a paper through a global perspective. Churchill was convinced: «No institution pays such dividends as the monarchy. » What dividends were earned, and for whom? What has the global presence of European states meant for the institution of the monarchy in Europe, in imperial spaces, and in decolonisation? In order to be able to analyse this issue, our study questions the legitimacy which had been both accorded to and claimed by the institution monarchy. Does monarchical legitimacy differ in Europe, Asia and Africa? Why did monarchies survived while other states and empires were created and then destroyed in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries? The study places three areas in the center of our consideration: the role of the monarchy as the emotional center of the nation and the empire; monarchy as a polycentric rule; and lastly, monarchy as the institutionalisation of permanence in change. Finally, the study will discuss how a comparative assessment and review of the performances by the monarchy and the republic might look.

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30

Horton, A. V. M. "British Administration in Brunei 1906–1959." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 2 (April 1986): 353–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00000871.

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The tiny, oil-rich Sultanate of Brunei, situated on the north-west coast of Borneo, regained full independence at the end of 1983, when the United Kingdom surrendered responsibility for its defence and foreign policy. Internally, the predominantly Muslim, Malay State has been self-governing since 1959, albeit by an autocratic monarchy. In this article, however, I shall focus on the British ‘Residency’ in Brunei, which lasted from January 1906 until September 1959.

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31

Won Dong Kim. "British National Identity: Focusing on ‘Monarchy’ and ‘Continuity of Identity’." Discourse 201 19, no. 4 (November 2016): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17789/discou.2016.19.4.001.

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32

Randell-Moon, Holly. "Thieves like us: the British monarchy, celebrity, and settler colonialism." Celebrity Studies 8, no. 3 (March 27, 2017): 393–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19392397.2017.1299019.

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33

Cosgrove, Richard A., and William M. Kuhn. "Democratic Royalism: The Transformation of the British Monarchy, 1861-1914." American Historical Review 103, no. 4 (October 1998): 1252. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651254.

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34

Black, Jeremy. ":The Eagle and the Crown: Americans and the British Monarchy." American Historical Review 114, no. 2 (April 2009): 434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.114.2.434.

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35

Turnbull, C. M. "BRITISH COLONIALISM AND THE MAKING OF THE MODERN JOHOR1 MONARCHY." Indonesia and the Malay World 37, no. 109 (November 2009): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13639810903269227.

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36

Zanatta, Frederico. "The British Monarchy: a Família Real e a Aldeia Global." Anagrama 5, no. 3 (February 12, 2012): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1982-1689.anagrama.2012.35636.

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Este artigo tem por objetivo discorrer sobre a página da Família Real Britânica no Facebook, denominada “The British Monarchy”, comprovando o interesse público, comentando sua aplicabilidade em relação aos estudos de Marshall McLuhan e demonstrando as possibilidades, apesar de limitadas, de interação dos internautas em tal rede social com uma das casas reais mais tradicionais do Velho Continente

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37

Clancy, Laura. "‘Queen’s Day – TV’s Day’: the British monarchy and the media industries." Contemporary British History 33, no. 3 (March 28, 2019): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619462.2019.1597710.

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38

McGuigan, Jim. "British Identity and ‘The People's Princess’." Sociological Review 48, no. 1 (February 2000): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.00200.

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This article treats the popular response to the death of Diana, Princess of Wales, as a manifestation of the cultural public sphere, by which is meant a symbolic space for affective communication and an emotional sense of democratic participation. The Diana phenomenon neither produced a ‘revolutionary moment’ nor, however, was it insignificant. Rather, it represented a vehicle for public debate on British identity, the role of the monarchy and, more diffusely, the conduct of personal relations. New Labour and feminist appropriations of Diana are examined in detail and related to a general consideration of the diverse and contested meanings of her life and death.

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Garasimchuk, Anna. "Franz Joseph I as a monarch and politician (presented by the British newspaper “The Times”)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 181 (2019): 192–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-181-192-197.

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We analyze the publicistic material of the British newspaper “The Times” in order to identify the attitude of Great Britain towards the political activities of Franz Joseph I – the last Emperor of Austria-Hungary. The study of newspaper articles allowed us to identify a voluminous block of publications that give the Emperor’s personal assessment, and also comment on a number of political decisions made by Franz Joseph I. Despite the fact that “The Times” has repeatedly harshly condemned the Austrian and Hungarian governments and parliaments for their inability cohesively make important political decisions and prevent domestic problems in time; criticism did not extend to the Emperor’s personality. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I was a re-spected ruler and a strong leader. Analysis of newspaper material showed that the following issues were most frequently raised and addressed in the British newspaper: 1) the personal qualities of Emperor Franz Joseph I; 2) the Emperor’s national policy; 3) the place and role of Franz Joseph I in the political development of Austria-Hungary. After the study of publicistic material we draw conclusion that the British liberals were very positive about the contribution of Franz Joseph I to the dual monarchy formation. According to “The Times”, Franz Joseph I had a reputation for be-ing a poised, tactful, benevolent monarch.

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ENGLEHART, NEIL A. "Liberal Leviathan or Imperial Outpost? J. S. Furnivall on Colonial Rule in Burma." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 4 (November 9, 2010): 759–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1000017x.

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AbstractJ. S. Furnivall, in his influential account of the impact of British rule in Burma 1824–1948, argues that British officials laid down a Liberal administration that exposed the colony to market forces, monetized the economy and devastated communities. However, there is little evidence that British administrators actually thought in Liberal terms: they relied heavily on institutions inherited from the Burmese monarchy, and when they introduced new administrative methods these were drawn from other parts of British India and only indirectly influenced by Liberalism. Furnivall's view of the ideological origins of British administration, in turn, distorts his reading of the impact of British rule, as illustrated by recent work on the pre-colonial economy showing that it was in fact more monetized and commercialized than he claims. If his account of the pre-modern economy is not viable, Furnivall's claims about the impact of British colonialism in Burma demand re-evaluation.

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Billig, Michael. "Rhetorical and historical aspects of attitudes: The case of the British monarchy." Philosophical Psychology 1, no. 1 (January 1988): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09515088808572927.

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Björk, Ragnar. "Picturing Austria–Hungary. The British Perception of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1865–1870." Scandinavian Journal of History 34, no. 4 (December 17, 2009): 451–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03468750903302031.

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Evans, R. "Picturing Austria-Hungary: The British Perception of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1865-70." English Historical Review CXXI, no. 494 (December 1, 2006): 1555–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cel358.

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Balmer, John M. T. "A Resource-Based View of the British Monarchy as a Corporate Brand." International Studies of Management & Organization 37, no. 4 (December 2007): 20–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/imo0020-8825370401.

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Constantine, Stephen. "Monarchy and constructing identity in ‘British’ Gibraltar, c.1800 to the present." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 34, no. 1 (March 2006): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530500411266.

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Mort, Frank. "Accessible sovereignty: popular attitudes to the British monarchy during the Great War." Social History 45, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 328–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2020.1771865.

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Boyd, Kelly. "The Family Firm: Monarchy, Mass Media, and the British Public, 1932-53." Cultural and Social History 18, no. 4 (July 21, 2021): 603–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2021.1942629.

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Tushkanov, Igor. "UTILITARIANISM AND PARLIAMENTARISM: THE VIEWS OF J. J. ST. MILL ON THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT." Advances in Law Studies 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-5087-2020-8-1-1-5.

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The article analyzes the views of the famous British utilitarian philosopher, J.St. Mill on the form of government in the state of Modern times. A reasonable conclusion was made that for him there was no fundamental difference between the monarchy and the Republic, if there is an elected representative body in the country with the right to control the Executive authorities.

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Cole, Juan. "Iraq in 1939: British Alliance or Nationalist Neutrality toward the Axis?" Britain and the World 5, no. 2 (September 2012): 204–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2012.0054.

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‘Iraq in 1939’ makes an argument that this pivotal year in the history of the Greater Mediterranean was also pivotal for Iraq. The European contest among fascism, communism and liberalism, had strong echoes in Iraq. Whereas the existing historiography paints Arab Iraq as deeply influenced by fascism, the author found no evidence for this allegation. Iraqis were reported in the British archives to have been disgusted by Hitler's invasion of Poland as a form of colonialism. Italy's own colonial enterprise in Libya tarnished its image among Arabs, and the Iraqi monarch expressed unease about a Yemeni arms deal with Italy. Germany was not at that point interested in Arab nationalism, and still hoped for a British alliance of Aryans. The reach of German radio broadcasts has been exaggerated, and prominent Iraqi poets and political societies roundly condemned fascism. The Communist movement in Iraq was still in its infancy in 1939, and a left-leaning military dictatorship had recently been overthrown in favor of a return to constitutional monarchy. The victor in 1939 was the relatively pro-British liberal government of Nuri al-Sa'id. The Arab nationalists in the officer corps, however, did wish to use the rise of the Axis as a lever to escape the onerous postcolonial British dominance stipulated in the 1930 treaty. Although they did not seek an Axis alliance, merely a neutrality as between it and Britain, this attempt to move away from London's embrace set them on a collision course with Britain, which reoccupied the country only two years later. The war-time British interpretation of Iraqi elites' flirtation with a Turkish-style neutrality as an embrace of Nazism has too long influenced later historians, and needs to be abandoned in light of the evidence in the British archives themselves.

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Langran, Irene. "The Brunei Constitution of 1959." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i2.1948.

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For many countries, the twentieth century was characterized by the shift from colonialism to independence. This struggle was contentious and often violent; the resulting governments frequently reflected the tensions between nationalist and colonial influences. In The Brunei Constitution of 1959: An Inside History, B. A. Hussainmiya examines the formation of the framework for the nonviolent and gradual movement toward independence through the negotiations surrounding the 1959 constitution.A historian, Hussainmiya's previous works include his 1995 publication, Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III and Britain: The Making of Brunei Darussalam. The Brunei Constitution of 1959 began as a series of articles written for the Borneo Bul letin in 1999. This concise history of the 1959 Constitution is divided into eight chapters. The first two chapters provide background information, while chapters three to seven cover the negotiations between the British colonial government and Brunei's monarchy. In chapter eight, the book ends with the constitution's actual promulgation. Britain's relationship with Brunei began in 1847, when the two countries signed a treaty of peace and friendship. In 1888 Britain established a protectorate over Brunei, which grew to residency rule by 1906. Although the establishment of residency rule in 1906 afforded the British vast and unspecified powers, a role for the Malay monarchy, through the sultan, was preserved and, in some respects, augmented. By designating, at least in theory, the sultan as the "absolute sovereign," the British hoped to maintain the perception that Brunei was not a colony. As Hussainmiya notes, the British also increased the sultan's power over local nobles in an effort to increase their own power base ...

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