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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The building of the nation'
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1
Famich, Maiya. "Nation-building In Belarus." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614194/index.pdf.
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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the process of nation-building in the Republic of Belarus from 1991 till the present time. The focus is made on two main projects of nation-building presented by the official authorities and the political opposition. The main concern of this thesis is to make a comparative analysis of these two projects of Belarussian national identity. Also, the thesis examines the views of the official authorities and the political opposition on the history of Belarus, which is used as a tool of national identity construction in their projects of nation-building. Concepts of ethnic and civic nationalisms are discussed aiming at understanding the nature of nationalism in Belarus together with different theoretical approaches to ethnicity.
2
Potapkina, Viktoria. "Nation building in contested states." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666804.
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This thesis provides an overview of current nation building processes in contested states. With a specific focus on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and Kosovo, original data is presented, collected in English in a single work for the first time. The work presents an analysis and comparison of contested states from an internal perspective, looking at the processes that help legitimize such entities from within and creating support for their ongoing existence.
The work strives to begin filling the gaps in available literature on contested states, as well as to contribute to the overall understanding of nation and state building, state formation and sovereignty. The goal of this work is to provide a new way of looking at the puzzle that contested states are by offering insight into the understanding of their ongoing existence.
3
Lagergren, Robin. "“Whose nation?” : A study of nation-building in Namibia." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och välfärdsstudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-81646.
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Using a critical discourse analysis this study focuses on the Namibian nation-building process. The former colony gained its independence in 1990 from the South African apartheid administration. It was this oppressing social structure that gave the people a common enemy to unite against. It was from this unity that the Namibian identity sprung. This study took place during three month in Namibia where nine people were interviewed. They all had contributed, or still contribute to the nation-building process in different ways. Some for example active in the liberation struggle, active in government or in political youth organizations. To further contextualize the Namibian society three local newspapers was followed during this time. The material is here discussed and analysed along with theories on nations and nationhood, identity and nationality as well as with post-colonialism and globalization. The results show that the colonial history has affected many social structures of today. Both on an individual level as well as on an intergroup and a society level. The empirical material show tribalistic tendencies in the sense that tribal heritage sometimes is considered more important than a uniting Namibian identity. To put this in a wider perspective there is a discussion on how this relates to a global capitalist system.
4
Zhu, Lianbi. "National holidays and minority festivals in Canadian nation-building." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2598/.
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This study of Canadian national holidays examines their role as a complex and dynamic instrument of nation-building from 1867 to the early 2000s. It indentifies three phases of nation-building, labelled assimilation, transformation and multiculturalism. It takes the ideological change in Canada in 1971, namely the proclamation of Official Multiculturalism, as the momentous turning point which motivated the pioneering changes and creation of Canadian national holidays based on negotiations in the government and the interventions of varied ethnic groups, focusing on the relationship between the commemorative and recreational functions of these holidays. Specific holidays considered including Dominion Day (Canada Day), Labour Day, Victoria Day and Remembrance Day, as well as National Aboriginal Day, Canadian Multiculturalism Day and one minority festival – Chinese New Year. Counterparts in France and the United Kingdom are presented to contrast with Canadian practices, putting Canada in the global context of nation-building and decolonisation. It argues that debates surrounding national holidays are a good measure of underlying national ideology, which underwent a real change in Canada across the period studied.
5
Hoerschelmann, Axel von, and Bernhard Voegt. "Nation-Building? : die Bundeswehr im Kosovo." Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2009/3177/.
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Chakraborti, Rajorshi. "The post-colonial 'nation-building' novel." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23297.
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This is a ‘novelistic’ study, that, among and through its other objectives, will attempt to demonstrate how such a characterisation in no way excludes an engaged examination of history, politics, society, culture, ideologies etc. – i.e. the multiple ‘worldedness’ of human existence. We argue, on the contrary, that the inclusion of such dimensions is absolutely fundamental to the writing and interpreting of novels. By ‘novelistic’ we understand, and will establish in our first chapter, a mode of interrogation of human being-in-the-world that is ontologically oriented and epistemologically equipped, in a manner unique among discursive practices, towards evoking (repeatedly and diversely) the sheer fullness of existence itself. Thereafter our major objective will be to demonstrate that post-colonial novels in India and Africa have collectively subjected the processes of post-independence national becoming in their societies to uniquely exhaustive existential examinations, by utilising both the novel’s singularly comprehensive discursive capacities, as well as its radically flexible formal potential for alternative re-inscriptions. We establish how various novels have dissolved together in simultaneous, dynamic performance the spectrum of disparate times, spaces, selves, conflicts and interactive themes and dimensions that national becoming involves. But a later chapter will also examine how some post-colonial novels articulate heterogeneously-premised and directed trajectories of self-conception, community and solidarity, thereby envisioning alternative paradigm and histories that inevitably engage with but do not require nationalist discourses or the history of the State for their validation. This last possibility also applies to the narratives about and by the women in these societies: another chapter focuses on fictions examining various aspects of their particular relationships to their national histories, as well as the distinct dimensions and strategies of their daily lives that are influenced but refuse to be subsumed by the nation’s structures and categories.
7
Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
8
Kayaoglu, Turan. "Sovereignty, state-building, and the abolition of extraterritoriality /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10777.
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Handrick, Steffen. "Das Kosovo und die internationale Gemeinschaft : nation-building versus peace-building? /." Hamburg : Helmut-Schmidt-Univ., Univ. der Bundeswehr Hamburg, 2005. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/488002133.pdf.
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Ergenc, Ceren. "Chinese Nation-building And Sun Yat-sen." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606376/index.pdf.
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The intellectual and political roots of present-day China lie in the late imperial era and the transition to modern statehood. As the last chain of the thousands years of dynastic rule in China, the Qing Dynasty ended in 1911 with a revolution. Even though the Republican regime was immediately established after their revolution, it took three decades until thenew government (People&rsquos Republic of China) achieved full sovereignty on the territory. The thesis argues that the 1911 Revolution is a major turning point in Chinese transformation not only because of the regime change but also the ideological shift towards modern statehood. In this study, first, the social forces and actors on the eve of the Revolution are analyzed. The gentry-domination of society and the power relations within the forces involved in the Revolution - especially the intellectuals and the military - appear to be the two major reasons why the transition was not completed with the Revolution. The second focus of the study: the process of breaking with the past. In other words, how was the shift in people&rsquo
s mind achieved? In China, this turning point did not coincide with the 1911 Revolution and/or regime change. It came later in 1910s, reaching its peak in 1919, with the New Culture Movement of the May Fourth intellectuals. There had been some influential intellectuals building a nationalist discourse even before the May Fourth Movement (e.g. Liang Qichao, reformist and ideologue in late Qing dynasty) but the radical and outspoken tone of the New Culture Movement achieved the grounds for a shift in minds. I will briefly analyze the intellectual work of the period and its politicization. A special emphasis is given on Sun Yat-sen&rsquo
s political and intellectual contribution to the transition since he was not only a major political activist but also a theoretician whose works (Three Principles of People) have been influential on China&rsquo
s nation-building process.
11
Abdi, Mohamed A. "Conflict resolution and nation-building in Somalia." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2010. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/192.
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The research concentrated on the current as well as the past quagmire of the Somali conflict. Political, social and economic triggers have been identified to resolve or reduce violent conflict and disorder. The research used primary as well as secondary sources to study the issues and explore the problems inherent in an environment of scarce resources. Confrontations between the state and society were brought to a higher level of violence since the late 1970s following the Somali-Ethiopian war. The author explored avenues for reconciliation and nation-building and introduced several models as possible strategies for nation-building. Conclusively, a home-grown, traditional mechanisms model was recommended which entails the following policy prescriptions to achieve long-lasting peace and security for Somalia: 1. Governance structures of law and order. 2. Resources: De-escalating conflicts by opening up negotiating opportunities of land and property. 3. Complete demilitarization of society. 4. International cooperation. A plan by the international community to reconstruct and rehabilitate Somalia is essential if we have to avoid a relapse into a chaotic, violent situation in Somalia.
12
Fritzell, Leif Erik. "Region-building and nation-building : complementarities and contradictions in the eastern Baltic." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/32500.
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Although Baltic region-building has drawn considerable attention from scholars,
it has predominantly been analyzed as a western European phenomenon. While western
European notions of space, identity and security have undoubtedly inspired Baltic regionbuilding,
how these projects are perceived and considered in post-Soviet Baltic countries
has received little attention. Drawing emphatically from the Estonian context, this thesis
focuses on the interplay of region-building and nation-building, paying particular
attention to the debates concerning identity and security. In the Estonian case, these two
concepts are especially noteworthy because of their conceptually rigid nature. By
focusing specifically on Estonia, I highlight the influence and importance of previously
constructed concepts of political space and identity upon Baltic region-building efforts.
When compared to the open constructions of security and identity maintained by many of
the Baltic's region-builders, it is apparent that dominant domestic constructions of
Estonia's security and identity are defensively closed. By examining the recent
developments and historical evolutions of both Estonian nation-building and Baltic
region-building, this thesis offers a more in-depth exploration of the political and societal
issues with which region-builders must contend. In this way, I delineate how these
divergent constructions of political and social organization and identity interact, influence
and continue to overlap and occupy the same political space.Arts, Faculty of
Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of
Graduate
13
Zetterblom, Susanne. "Women as Nation Builders : Strategically invested aid in Uganda for nation-building processes." Thesis, Högskolan på Gotland, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hgo:diva-734.
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Former colonized countries, especially in Africa, have suffered a tough political climate, often under the leadership of a dictator. The process of implementing democracy has, in many states, often been violent and terrifying. Under these circumstances, it has been hard to build institutions where people feel united as one nation. Poverty, corruption, old cultural and religious boarders and expressions among other circumstances are factors that you have to consider when developing a strong economic and democratic nation. Women often have a marginalized role within these states. In order to achieve the right to get education, or to be a part of the political arena, they have had to struggle both against men and other women. Most of Uganda’s income comes from the agriculture. Within this sector there are mostly women working under poor circumstances. To develop female self-employment some of the Swedish aid is given within micro-financial and cooperation projects to improve the economy for the nation and the women’s status within society. This study could be of importance to see if or how strategically invested aid actually improves the role of women as good recourses for building the nation Uganda. The answers and the conclusions given could also give clues, important for nation building processes in general and for women as nation builders in particular, in the continuing work in building the nation Uganda. The purpose for this dissertation is to interview women that are participating in two different projects that are supported by Swedish NGOs, in order to see if their own experiences of being part of the projects correspond to the project plans aims. This dissertation has been made possible through a Minor Field Study Scholarship, financed by SIDA, handled by The International Programme Office for Education and Training, which is a government agency that promotes academic exchanges and cooperation across national borders.
14
Jordan, Paul Thomas. "The Eurovision Song Contest : nation branding and nation building in Estonia and Ukraine." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2972/.
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Studies focussing on Europeanisation and in particular on the return to Europe of postcommunist states have come to the fore in political science research since the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe. The way in which many states of the former Eastern Bloc have engaged with European geopolitical power structures such as the European Union and Council of Europe has been well-documented. Europe is a contested construct and its boundaries are still subject to redefinition. This study examines issues of Europeanisation, national identity and nation branding through the lens of popular culture. In particular the role that events such as the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) play in illuminating the more salient issues of European identity politics has until recently been an area which has lacked scholarly attention. Although the volume of literature on the event is steadily increasing, there has to date, been no in-depth study conducted on a Former Soviet Republic. This study aims to fill this gap. This thesis comprises a case study of the role of the Eurovision Song Contest in Estonia and Ukraine. The empirical findings highlight the contested nature of the construction of national identities in the post-Soviet region and in particular, this study has drawn out some of the more salient aspects of identity politics. By exploring these issues through the prism of the Eurovision Song Contest, I argue that the event is significant in terms of nation branding and image building, particularly in the context of the return to Europe of post-communist countries. The Eurovision Song Contest is often an event which is dismissed as musically and culturally inferior. However, this study shows that different nation states attribute different meanings to the ESC and as such there is a need to go beyond the dominant (western) view of the contest in order to explore the diversity of issues that this event illuminates in wider socio-political debates in Europe today.
15
Frye, Heath W. "Cyberpeace through cyberspace nation-building against transnational terrorism." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/4995.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedDue to recent vulnerabilities of Department of Defense (DoD) networks, along with the rising importance of cyberspace and cyberspace warfare endeavors among competing great powers, the DoD is quickly recognizing the importance of cyberspace. At the same time, the roles of the military are shifting from traditional, strategic and conventional conflict into what Secretary of Defense Robert Gates calls "soft power"--the capacity to perform nation-building missions against transnational terrorism. Cyberspace operations can play an important role in soft power as developing countries grow in their connectivity to information, especially with the proliferation of cell phone networks. By the end of 2010, 71 percent of new Internet users will be from developing nations. Ninety percent of the entire globe already has mobile phone access. This thesis studies two promising utilizations of mobile phones: mobile money and mobile surveillance. It is found that mobile money may reduce the threat of crime in non-stable areas where the United States is conducting nation-building operations. It then discusses new technologies through mobile phones and mobile devices which may help to prevent the theft of WMD.
16
Zhang, Yizhi Jing Jing. "One Belt One Road| China's Nation-Building Initiative." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10244494.
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Millennia ago, a vital trade route connected the thriving civilizations of ancient Greece, Persia, and China. Through the ancient Silk Road, China was able to influence societies far beyond its national borders. And now, in the twenty-first century, it seeks to do the same. This paper will attempt to develop a new paradigm that more fully explains the rationale and objectives of the One Belt One Road initiative. It argues that nation-building is the most comprehensive way to understand the Chinese government's intentions with OBOR. The following chapters will also demonstrate how OBOR fits into the CCP's larger ethno-nationalist "China Dream" campaign, which crafts a narrative of a unified and rejuvenated China predicated on a single identity.
17
Tobin, David. "Nation-building and ethnic boundaries in China's northwest." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nationbuilding-and-ethnic-boundaries-in-chinas-northwest(d75ce02e-0d82-4a88-b2e4-3b17f876f8a8).html.
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This thesis will analyse the identity politics of the Chinese party-state’s nation-building project in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. It will examine how the party-state intends to overcome the barrier of ethnic boundaries in the production of a shared sense of multi-ethnic, national belonging. Uyghurs and Han can be thought of as belonging to different civilisations (Chinese and Turkic-Islamic) but in modern times they are often thought of as divided by ethnic boundaries. The party-state’s idea of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua Minzu) is a nation-building project to eliminate these boundaries so as to produce a multi-ethnic nation. Fieldwork was conducted after the riots of July 2009 engulfed the region. Ethnically targeted violence against both Han and Uyghurs destabilised the city of Ürümchi and challenged the party-state’s vision of China as a unified and harmonious nation. The official Chinese explanation was that this was an internationally funded and synchronised terrorist attack but Uyghur rights groups have blamed tensions on government policy repressing Uyghur culture and stoking Han nationalism. The theoretical framework employed draws from the concepts of production and performativity in Post-Structuralist and Critical International Relations (IR) theory, particularly the work of Cynthia Weber (1998) and David Campbell (1998). The critical approach adopted here takes security as a process of performative enactment of identity, which produces the units we take for granted as worthy of security. The analysis will examine official performances of what it means to be Chinese and Uyghur. It will then ask how these performances are received and (re)performed by members of the postulated nation. The party-state seeks to include Uyghurs as Chinese but it also excludes and securitises Uyghur Turkic and Islamic identities as ‘outside’ threats to the unity of the nation. The research is a result of one year of fieldwork (September 2009-August 2010) in Ürümchi, the capital city of Xinjiang. This was the first ethnographic study of responses to the violence of July 2009. Furthermore, the incorporation of Han perspectives has been very limited thus far in the literature on Xinjiang. The analysis uses a top-down approach, which employs discourse analysis of official texts to understand what type of national identity the party-state seeks to produce. However, these methods are coupled with a bottom-up analysis using ethnographic methods, particularly detailed, semi-structured interviews, to explore how these official discourses are received. The perspectives of Han and Uyghurs in Xinjiang can inform us how nation-building will unfold and what type of social dynamics it will engender. Analysing perspectives on the nation from below can help us understand the type of nation we expect to be produced in China rather than the type of nation the party-state narrates. The findings of this research demonstrate that both Uyghurs and Han are turning official Chinese nationalist discourses against themselves to articulate separate ethnic nations. Uyghurs frame China as an assimilationist transgression of ethnic boundaries for the benefit of the Han. Han frame their nation as under threat from Uyghurs and articulate China as a Han nation. The party-state’s nation-building project is unintentionally producing insecurity and reinforcing ethnic boundaries which remain obstacles to a shared sense of nationhood.
18
Adams, Alyssa Susan Brideweser. "Race, Nation Building, and the Development of National Identity in Twentieth Century Argentina." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/156889.
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In my work, I contend that an elite group of intellectuals and officials known as the Generation 1880 led a number of governmental reforms that affected the Argentine self-identity in racialized terms. I argue that Generation 1880 scholars instituted these reforms in order to pursue their own economic interests and maintain social dominance. In the first section of the thesis, I discuss the influences that affected the Generation 1880's construction of their social model. I focus on why Generation 1880 came to define this social model in racialized terms. In the second section of the thesis, I show how social and legal reforms led by Generation 1880 officials enacted the group's racial ideology. Then I examine the way in which these reforms--based upon the elites' racial ideology--effected citizens living in Argentina. Throughout the paper I analyze the way in which Generation 1880's policies affected Argentine self-identity. I maintain that the social pressures exerted by elites, which delineated acceptable from unacceptable social behavior, effected how citizens in Argentina acted. In time, Generation 1880's race-based policies came to define Argentine identity and the traits of the ideal Argentine citizen in racialized terms.
19
Yeskarauly, Bolat. "Implications of inclusive nation-building policies in Kazakhstan : young Kazakh adults' national identity." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/37223.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the implications of nation-building policies in Kazakhstan for the future of Kazakh identity. To consider the implications of largely inclusive policies, this dissertation investigates how young Kazakh adults, born and raised in different cultural and geographical contexts yet with a shared experience of studying and working in the capital city, perceive ethnic, civic, and cultural categories of national identity. A mixed methods approach is used, incorporating the comparative analysis of quantitative and qualitative data. A sample of 120 males and females aged 22 to 30, graduated from a higher education institution, and currently working in Astana, Kazakhstan, completed a questionnaire assessing subjective perceptions of their national identity. Quantitative data are complemented by qualitative data from 30 participants, providing depth and validity to the questionnaire answers. The young adults’ responses reveal that Kazakhs are becoming less segregated culturally, encouraged by the government’s inclusive form of nation-building, the relocation of the capital city and the economic growth. It is argued that the young adults are Kazakhs not only in blood and colour, but also in taste and perception. The prevalence of civic virtues despite the presence of robust ethnic identification was recognized and the urge to organise social life in terms of sharp nationalist boundaries proved thin. The implications of these findings for nation-building policies are discussed. Efforts should be directed towards introducing the historical inclusivity of Kazakh identity and highlighting the sufficiency of cultural integration of non-titular ethnic groups to become members of Kazakh nation.
20
Engin, Kenan [Verfasser]. "'Nation-Building' - Theoretische Betrachtung und Fallbeispiel: Irak / Kenan Engin." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1108820115/34.
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Igwara, Obi Patience. "Ethnicity, nationalism and nation-building in Nigeria, 1970-1992." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1993. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2589/.
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This dissertation explores the relationship between ethnicity and nation-building and nationalism in Nigeria. It is argued that ethnicity is not necessarily incompatible with nationalism and nation-building. Ethnicity and nationalism both play a role in nation-state formation. They are each functional to political stability and, therefore, to civil peace and to the ability of individual Nigerians to pursue their non-political goals. Ethnicity is functional to political stability because it provides the basis for political socialization and for popular allegiance to political actors. It provides the framework within which patronage is institutionalized and related to traditional forms of welfare within a state which is itself unable to provide such benefits to its subjects. Ethnicity as identity and as pragmatic pursuit of economic and political advantage are, therefore, the routes to the political centre and so contribute to the legitimacy of the state. Nationalism is functional to political stability because it legitimates state power. However, as an elite ideology to legitimate the control of state power and struggles for it, nationalism articulates ethnicity and destabilizes the society, creating an identity crisis for individuals and communities. As the people increasingly resort to religion to correct their identity crisis, new political actors arise to challenge the existing order, using established religious ideologies to criticise and challenge the oppressive structure of elite-led secular nationalism. The Nigerian experience demonstrates that nationalism is best understood as a result of a continuous tradition in which legitimation claims of a social order are sustained and challenged rather than the result of modern industrialization.
22
Mokhesi, Sebetlela Petrus. "Nation-building in South Africa : Mandela and Mbeki compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53513.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.
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Machele, Moleboge. "The mass media and nation-building in independent Namibia." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286072.
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Mateshvili, Maia Dougall Elizabeth. "Government public relations in the nation-building of Georgia." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1830.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Mass Communication in the School of Journalism and Mass Communication." Discipline: Journalism and Mass Communication; Department/School: Journalism and Mass Communication, School of.
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Al-Abadi, Ghalib. "Re-building a nation-state : Iraq's reconstruction after Saddam." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/17135.
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This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.
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Meyer-Schwarzenberger, Matthias. "Nation-, State- und Capacity-building Modernisierungstendenzen im postmodernen Kontext? /." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02669539001/$FILE/02669539001.pdf.
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Nyamnjoh, Francis Beng. "Broadcasting for nation-building in Cameroon : development and constraints." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/34603.
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This study examines broadcasting in Cameroon within the framework of nation-building, and against the background of failure by post-colonial Africa to make culture and polity congruent and to attain socio-economic development following the Western example. Applying the Centre-Periphery framework as an alternative to the conceptual inadequacies of the Modernisation perspective, the study investigates the internal and external factors affecting nation-building and the role of broadcasting in this connection. It argues that political centralism and inadequate participation for rural and traditional Cameroon; the marginalisation of ethnic Cameroonian cultural values by the powerful Westernised few; and the failure to attain 'balanced', 'self-reliant', 'participative' and 'just' socio-economic development; have made the pursuit of the 'modern nation-state' more of an 'ideology' and 'illusion' than a reality. The state's policy of using broadcasting to foster 'nation-building' as defined by the government, is affected by the same factors. Excessive government involvement and interference, the centralisation of decision-making and broadcast facilities, the inadequate cultural and linguistic participation for 80% or more of the population that is rural, the excessive dependence on foreign technology and expertise, the failure to contextualise or free local professional training of Western perspectives, and the heavy presence of foreign programmes and attitudes, have greatly impaired broadcasting for nation-building. This study questions the relevance of the Western 'nation-state' in Cameroon, and argues that in a plural society genuine 'unity' and 'integration' cannot be imposed from above. It agrees with the suggestion by researchers on nation-building and communication, that only a broadcast system which guarantees cultural continuity for the masses, ensures popular participation and horizontal communication, and is ready to mobilise the populations for autocentric socio-economic development, in a state that is politically democratic, popular and participative, can contribute positively towards nation-building.
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Foster, Douglas. "Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation Building." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19684.
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Shortly after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the newly independent Central Asian republic of Tajikistan fell into a brutal civil war (1992-97) that exacerbated internal divisions based on ethno-regional groupings. In the following decade, the new government formed its own armed forces while maintaining the presence of the Russian 201st Motorized Rifle Division in the country. This made Tajikistan the only former Soviet republic that did not inherit the Soviet units located within its territory; thus, Tajikistan formed its own national military.
This dissertation examines the effect of military service on the development of national sentiments in the Tajikistan, focusing on three main points: 1)the practice of military recruitment, 2) the conditions within the national military, and 3) the available option for Tajikistan nationals to serve in active military units of the Russian Federation.
The autocratic Tajikistan government’s state symbolism is associated with the importance and glory of the military. However, the population has shown a strong distaste for service in this military, and the state’s approach to recruitment is both a response to this aversion and a contributor to it. I show that military recruiters’ use of an illegal but tacitly accepted practice of impressment called “oblava” (Russian: roundup) during bi-annual conscription drives has negative consequences for the development of national sentiments and state legitimacy. This conscription method is coupled with a lack of pay, training, adequate food, and health care during a member’s service. The conditions within the Tajikistan military stand in contrast to those within the Russian military, which has units based in Tajikistan and into which Tajikistan nationals may enlist as contract soldiers. I conclude by conceptualizing the majority of military service in Tajikistan as the state use of biopower to control young males in a territory with a rapid population growth rate but few economic opportunities while relying on the Russian Federation for its existential defense.
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Boudreau, Douglas L. "Conceiving the nation ; literature and nation building in Renaissance France and Post-Quiet Revolution Quebec /." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374762627.
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Bress, August H. "Mistakes, New and Old: Neoconservatives and the Consequences of Nation Building." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1390.
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The 2003 invasion of Iraq was one of the great blunders in American foreign policy. This thesis examines Neoconservative thought and policy, and its effect on the nation and state building effort in Iraq. It provides an analysis of the Iraqi Constitution and uses the faults of the Constitution to paint a picture of the larger instabilities and difficulties in Iraq today.
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Lyszkiewicz, Bartosz. "The construction of national identity in post-1918 Poland." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/3374.
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This thesis analyses the construction of the modern national identity in Poland following the state’s creation in 1918. Its central aim is to argue that although much of Poland’s national identity was, in fact, the product of the revolutionary eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the twentieth century, ethnocultural foundations proved essential in the process of nation building. In order to offer a novel approach to this issue this thesis will evaluate the programmes of the émigré organizations and political parties to demonstrate the role of the two national currents: ethnic/organic and civic/territorial, which developed during the nineteenth century and shaped competing definitions of Polish nation. Furthermore, this study will analyse the role of the pre-modern and early modern symbols in shaping the political currents in modern Poland. Locating and examining elements central to the definition of the nation will allow demonstration of how the distinctive national programmes were defined under successive administrations. This research argues that the rise of competing national identities in East-Central Europe, at the turn of the century, accelerated the dissolution of the common trait or national identity, shared by the elites across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deprived of legitimacy the authorities were unable to maintain the democratic system, gradually introducing authoritarianism, and by the late 1930s replacing the inclusive state model with the organic definition of the nation. This exclusive programme resurfaced following the Second World War and became a justification for the construction of an ethnically homogenous Poland. The Communist regime aimed to eradicate the pillars of national identity and to diminish the role of society in the state’s functioning; however, the nucleus of civil society which survived the period of persecution continued to grow in strength outside of the official channels. Effectively, this created a popular definition of the Polish nation in opposition to that of the regime. The competition between the ethnocultural and political definition of the nation remained a central issue over more than two decades following the collapse of the Communist regime.
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Frusetta, James Walter. "Bulgaria's Macedonia nation-building and state-building, centralization and autonomy in Pirin Macedonia, 1903-1952 /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/4143.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.Thesis research directed by: History. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Sari, Ozgur. "The Role Of Secularization Within The Turkish Nation-state Building Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605570/index.pdf.
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The objective of this study is to analyze the role of secularization within the Turkish nation-state building process between the late 19th and the early 20th centuryhereby an emphasis will also be on the relations between the state and religion. This study will consider the Religious Affairs Directory as the key institutional actor in this process. This institutional reflection of secularization will be studied as an interesting case of state controlled social change on and over religion in society. The state reproduces its legitimization and discourse over the Religious Affairs Directory, therefore some publications and khutbas of that institution in 2003 and 2004 will be analyzed. On the other hand, secularization was defined on 5th February 1937 in the 1924 Constitution with the law numbered 3115, as the separation of the state and religious affairs and the equal distance of the state&rsquo
s position towards all beliefs and believers. The contradiction between the state&rsquo
s definition and institutional application of secularization will be criticized. The first contradiction is the integration of state and religious affairs. The statist discourse legitimizes the state through the religious affairs and as it will be seen in the analyzed publications and khutbas of the Religious Affairs Directory, the statist and religious discourses overlap each other. Since this overlapping enables the integration of state and religious affairs through the Religious Affairs Directory as a constitutional institution, the applications of this institution contradict with the constitutional definition of Turkish secularization. The second feature of the Turkish secularization is that the state applies this practice over only one sect (Sunni-Hannifin) which is an obstacle for the state&rsquo
s position against all the religious beliefs. The legitimization of the state is being done through the Sunni-Hannifin denomination and by this way the state takes a side among the various beliefs. Lastly, as the results of the historical analysis of this study reveal, it will be understood that the practice of manipulating the religion under the hegemonic state ideology is a tradition inherited from the late Ottoman period. The Republic of Turkey, which realized secularization within a constitutional definition and through institutional transformations, has continued to integrate the state with religion.
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Spence, Cynthia. "Education, self-government and the building of a First Nation." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ31306.pdf.
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Miklavcic, Alessandra. "The Mauritians in Canada, between globalization and nation-state building." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43393.pdf.
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Iratni, B. "Foreign policy and nation-state building in Algeria, 1962-1985." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387498.
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Orman, Jon. "Language policy and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2007. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1572.
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While not essential, the link between language and national identity is nevertheless often a highly important and salient one, a fact illustrated by the centrality of linguistic concerns in many nationalist discourses throughout the world. As a result of this linkage, it is understandable that those seeking to create or manipulate national identities have habitually attempted to do so through the formulation and implementation of language policy and planning. This thesis develops a broad theoretical framework for the study of national identity and language policy. Of particular interest is the manner in which these two phenomena frequently interact and the societal consequences of that interaction. South Africa represents a fascinating historical and contemporary context in which to investigate the effect of language policy and planning on the formation of social identities. From the earliest stages of European colonisation to the present day, successive governing regimes have attempted to manipulate the various ethnic and national identities of the South African population to suit their own ideological agendas. In the post-apartheid era, much has been made of the government's official policy commitment to promote 'nation-building' through the institutionalisation of genuinely multilingual practices in public life. In reality, though, public life in present-day South Africa is notable for its increasingly monolingual-English character. This contradiction between official policy and actual linguistic practices is symptomatic of the hegemony of an implicit 'English-only' ideology that permeates most governmental and public organisations. This has led to a situation of highly salient language-based identity conflict between many Afrikaans speakers resentful of the decreasing presence of Afrikaans in public life and those loyal to the de facto monolingual model of nationhood promoted by the ANC. But perhaps the most pernicious consequence of this increasing dominance of English has been its entrenchment of elitist governing practices that ensure the continued socio-economic marginalisation of African language speakers who constitute the large majority of South African citizens. If language planners are to convincingly address this problem, it is clear that a radically alternative model of language policy and national integration needs to be promoted and adopted.
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Pritchard, Eleanor Mary. "Albanian law and nation-building in northern Albania and Kosovo." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:10190994-b043-46f4-8f6f-306c85570877.
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My thesis explores the roles in Albanian nation-building of the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin, an early-twentieth century codification of northern-Albanian customary practices, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, a late-twentieth century movement to conciliate blood feuds in Kosovo. To understand them, we need to know: what both were, in their own terms; their significance; and how they relate to other aspects of nation-building, and comparative examples. I draw on participant-observation fieldwork, archive work and extensive interviews. Nation-building is necessarily complicated and the Albanian case particularly so. The existence of an Albanian nation was contested by neighbouring peoples, and its characteristics, by Albanians themselves. In this complex context, the text of the Kanun, and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve, give us good insights into Albanian understandings of the nation, and associated nation-building activities, at pivotal points in national history. While the nation-building projects of the region had many elements in common, prominent ideas of a ‘national’ legal tradition are a distinctive aspect of the Albanian case. Both the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjin and the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve need to be understood as aspects of nation-building. In the context of a crumbling Ottoman Empire, by presenting Albanian customary practices in the form of a legal code, the Albanian codifier made claims about the contents and the people from whom they came. The Kanun demonstrated the existence of a distinct people with a tradition of self-governance and mediation; and made significant contributions to the crucial process of language standardisation. In the context of the 1990s break-up of Yugoslavia, ideas of an Albanian legal tradition re-emerged in Kosovo, in the Pajtimi i Gjaqeve which presented intra-Albanian disputes as national concerns, and drew on traditional values and customary practices to effect conciliations. Subsequently, the Movement itself has become a national resource, through reference to which important ideas about the nation are expressed.
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Kenrick, David William. "Pioneers and progress : white Rhodesian nation-building, c.1964-1979." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a9e3ff0d-dfca-4e19-8adc-788c3e7faf9f.
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The thesis explores the white Rhodesian nationalist project led by the Rhodesian Front (RF) government in the UDI-period of 1965 to 1979. It seeks to examine the character and content of RF nation-building, arguing that it is important to consider the context of wider global and regional trends of nationalism at the time. Thus, it places the white Rhodesia within wider 'British World' studies of settler societies within the British Empire, but also compares it to other African nationalist movements in the 1960s and 1970s. It studies white Rhodesian nationalism on its own terms as a sincere, albeit unrealistic, alternative to majority-rule independence, and considers how the RF adapted over the period in its continuing attempts to justify minority-rule in an era of global decolonisation. Two thematic sections examine the RF's nation-building project in systematic detail. The first section, on symbolism, considers Rhodesia's processes of 'symbolic decolonisation'. This involved white Rhodesians creating new national symbols not associated with Britain or the British Empire. Processes by which new national symbols were chosen are used as a lens to explore white Rhodesian debates about their 'new' nation after the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) was taken in 1965. They reveal the ambiguities and complexities at the heart of the RF's nation-building project; a project that was frequently exclusionary and hotly contested at every opportunity. The second section explores how history was used to help create and defend the nation, adding to studies of the use of history in nationalist projects. It considers a range of non-professional sites of history-making, demonstrating the complicated relationships between these different sites and the state's wider nationalist agenda. It also explores how history was invoked to justify and defend minority-rule independence both before and after UDI.
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Ali, Zahra. "Women and Gender in Iraq : between Nation-Building and Fragmentation." Paris, EHESS, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EHES0101.
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Cette recherche s'intéresse aux questions de genre et à l'activisme politique des femmes irakiennes, à travers une étude socio-historique de leurs expériences sociales, économiques et politiques depuis la formation de l'État irakien moderne, ainsi qu'une ethnographie détaillée du contexte, de la teneur et du sens politique de leur activisme dans l'Irak post-invasion. Tout au long de cette thèse, j'explore l'activisme politique contemporain des irakiennes en reposant sur une approche socio-historique et intersectionnelle étudiant l'imbrication des questions de genre, de nation, d'État et de religion. Je soutiens ainsi qu'explorer l'activisme politique des femmes nécessite un regard sur la manière dont les questions liées aux femmes et au genre ont été définies historiquement, notamment en fonction des divergentes appréhensions de la nation, de l'évolution de l'État postcolonial, des relations État-société et des différentes compréhensions et expressions de l'islam. En adoptant ce cadre d'analyse complexe socio-historique et intersectionnelle, j'explore ethnographiquement et problématise les notions de droits des femmes, de féminisme, d'activisme politique pour les droits des femmes islamiste ou séculier. Je soutiens ainsi que lier le féminisme postcolonial à l'intersectionnalité à travers une approche socio-historique et ethnographique, permet de dépasser les dichotomies simplistes telles que culture/économie, féminisme/religion, activisme pour les droits des femmes séculier/islamiste et local/global. Je propose d'enraciner le genre, la classe, les relations. État-société, et les appartenances géographiques, ethniques, religieuses et confessionnelles dans leur contextes complexes et multidimensionnels, tout en gardant en vue les structures objectives vectrices d'inégalité comme le colonialisme et l'impérialismeThis research explores gender issues and women's political activism in contemporary Iraq via a socio-historical study of women's social, economic and political experiences since the formation of the modern Iraqi state, as well as a detailed ethnographic account of the context, content, and political significance of post-invasion women's political activism. Throughout this thesis, I explore contemporary Iraqi women's political activism using a socio-historical and intersectional approach, which includes the study of the relationship between gender, nation, state and Islam. I argue that exploring Iraqi women's political activism requires looking at the way gender and women's issues have been socio-historically defined - according to conflicting notions of nationhood, the evolution of the postcolonial state and state-society relations - as well as different understandings and deployments of Islam. In adopting this complex socio-historical and intersectional framework of analysis, I ethnographically explore and problematize notions of women's rights, feminism, Islamist and secular women's rights activism. I propose that linking postcolonial feminism to intersectionality through a socio-historical and ethnographic approach allows one to go beyond simplistic dichotomies - such as culture/economy, feminism/religion, secular/Islamist women's rights activism and local/global. I suggest to ground gender, class, statehood, and geographic, ethnic, religious and sectarian belongings within their complex and multilayered contexts of deployment, while bearing in mind global structures of inequality such as colonialism and imperialism
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Aburahma, Wafaa. "History Textbooks in Conflict: Security, Nation-Building and Liberating Curriculum." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1497549655338847.
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Glenn, John. "Identities in transition : the Soviet legacy in Central Asia." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243144.
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Usta, Ali Deniz. "The Reconstruction Of The Past In The Process Of Nation Building In Kazakhstan." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608897/index.pdf.
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In this thesis, the purpose is to analyze the path that the nation building process in Kazakhstan has been following in the post-Soviet period through examining the various policies implemented and the official rhetoric and discourses stated by the Kazakh policymakers. The ethno-symbolist approach of Anthony D. Smith and the views of Walker Connor and Willfried Spohn on nationalism and national identity have been utilized in the analysis of the research. The Soviet Nationalities Policy is examined to be able to better understand the post-Soviet nation-building, because the policies implemented under this comprehensive project, which had been outlined by the Bolsheviks, had deep political, cultural, demographic and linguistic impacts on the process in Kazakhstan. The ethnic situation has also been laid down in order to highlight under which ethnic circumstances the nation building process has been taking place. After analyzing the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the post-Soviet policies about language, education, employment, culture and national symbols, the statements of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the move of capital, this study claims that post-Soviet nation building process and nationalism in Kazakhstan have both ethnic and civic components whereby the nation building process in Kazakhstan is a more ethnic process than it is civic.
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Kankuzi, Sydney Friendly. "Mediating the nation? The manifestation of the ideological project of nation building in Malawian public service broadcasting." Thesis, Ulster University, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.667764.
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Canning, John Gordon. "From yankees to queÌbeÌcois : nation-building and national identity in Quebec's eastern townships." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269362.
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Holzer, Georg-Sebastian. "Somaliland : ein Beispiel für erfolgreiche Staatsbildung in Afrika /." Frankfurt, M. Berlin Bern Bruxelles New York, NY Oxford Wien Lang, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997135077/04.
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Keller, Derek R. "A clash of military traditions meritocracy, modernization, and neo-traditional challenges to United States Foreign Internal Defense (FID) policy." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FKeller.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Berger, Marcos (Mark T.) ; Sepp, Kalev I. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Foreign Internal Defense (FID); Military Traditions; Meritocracy; Nation-building; State-Building; Vietnam; El Salvador; Colombia. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-59). Also available in print.
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Clapton, William. "Risk and hierarchy within international society : liberal interventionism in the post-cold war era /." Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2009. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20100224.155255.
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Heleta, Savo. "Post-war reconstruction and development: a collective case study." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008049.
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Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries.
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Muranovic, Azra. "A Straitjacket Peave Agreement : A Study on Nation-Building and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48655.
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This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.