Relevant bibliographies by topics / The changed leadership in North Korea

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'The changed leadership in North Korea'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 19 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The changed leadership in North Korea"

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K. Armstrong, Charles. "Trends in the Study of North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 70, no. 2 (May 2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911811000027.

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North Korean leader Kim Jong Il can be criticized for many failings, but if one of his goals has been keeping his country in the global media spotlight, he has been wildly successful. Of course, North Korea gets this international attention for all the wrong reasons: military provocations, a clandestine nuclear program, a bankrupt economy, an atrocious record on human rights, and an eccentric if not deranged leadership. Some of the accusations leveled against North Korea in the Western media and popular press may have a basis in fact, others are more questionable. But until recently, substantive knowledge of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) was notable mainly for its absence. Before the 1990s, little was written about the DPRK beyond official North Korean propaganda and its opposite, anti-North Korean propaganda from the South. Much of this has changed, both because of new sources of information (including material from North Korea's former communist allies), but more importantly because of the growing interest in the subject after South Korean democratization in the late 1980s and the first US-North Korean nuclear crisis of the early 1990s.
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Cha, Victor D. "The North Korea Question." Asian Survey 56, no. 2 (March 2016): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.2.243.

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The North Korean state under a young and unproven leader faces severe challenges. The regime will not change because of a leadership transition or because of the West’s hope of reform. It could crack because its ideology is at odds with the country’s incremental societal change.
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Ren, Xiao. "Managing volatile asymmetry: China’s emergence from the Korean dilemma." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 23, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120980159.

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Among the most complicated issues in contemporary Chinese foreign policy is that of the Korean Peninsula and North Korea in particular. Critics have long complained, often internally, that China dare not use, and did not know how to use, the leverage it possessed. Why was this the case given that the relationship with North Korea is an asymmetric one with China the much more powerful side? Has China managed this asymmetry better more recently, and why? This article tries to address these questions. The relationship changed significantly in recent years when the Xi Jinping leadership decided to take unprecedented measures. Those actions have been consequential. China has emerged from being embarrassed by North Korea’s nuclear and missile development to re-establishing itself as central to Korean and Northeast Asian security.
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Min, Woo-Jun, and Sukhee Han. "Economic sanctions against North Korea: The pivotal role of US–China cooperation." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 2 (March 19, 2020): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920901896.

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At the beginning of 2018, North Korea halted its long-range nuclear- and ballistic-missile development programs and announced that it was willing to denuclearize. Soon afterwards, it reached out to countries including the US, China and South Korea. This sudden change in behavior marked the end of six years of extreme isolation under Kim Jong-un’s leadership. To explain why North Korea decided to reach out when it did, the present study examines the 2006–2018 economic sanctions levied on North Korea under the US maximum-pressure policy, carried out partly in cooperation with China. The findings suggest that economic sanctions were ineffective between 2006 and 2016 for two reasons: the lack of cooperation between the US and China, and China’s policy of assisting North Korea. In 2006–2016, China and North Korea had shared values and high volumes of trade; there were no clear signs of cooperation between the US and China. However, as trade between China and North Korea began to decrease in late 2017 and early 2018, there were signs of cooperation between the US and China, and changes in North Korean behavior. North Korea came to the negotiating table largely to lift the economic sanctions, which were strengthened by cooperation between the US and China. Increased economic pressure compelled North Korea to normalize its relations with the US, China and South Korea.
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Denisov, V. "Home Policy Changes in North Korea and its Possible Impac t on the Situation in North-East Asia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 4 (December 28, 2015): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2015-0-4-110-117.

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The article describes main events in the political life of North Korea after Kim Chen-In rise to power, his struggle with military leadership and attempts to strengthen the role of North Korea Labour Party accompanied by further indoctrination of the people. Main problems of economic development and the prospect of market regulation implementation are being assessed. Instability of the regime and attempts of South Korea, Japan and US pressurize North Korea along with nuclear problem being far from settlement is considered as one of main geopolitical threats in the North-East Asia.
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Shin, Gi-Wook, and David Straub. "The Evolving Sino-American Relationship and the Korea Problem." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, no. 02 (July 2015): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500116.

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Distrust between the United States and China continues to grow in Northeast Asia. Among many contributing factors, the North Korea issue is one of the most important, as illustrated by the controversy over the possible deployment of the United States' THAAD missile defense system in South Korea. Thus, resolving or mitigating the Korea problem, a significant goal in its own right to both the United States and China, is also essential to reducing U.S.-PRC strategic distrust. China and the United States share long-term interests vis-à-vis the Korean peninsula. The question is how its resolution might be achieved. U.S. efforts to induce North Korea to abandon its nuclear and missile programs by offering incentives and imposing sanctions have failed, and Chinese attempts to encourage Pyongyang to adopt PRC-style economic reforms have not fared much better. With Washington, Beijing, and Pyongyang unlikely to change their approaches, the hope for any new initiative must rest with Seoul. South Korea's special relationships with the North, the United States, and the PRC, along with its status as a dynamic middle power, give it the potential to play a larger leadership role in dealing with North Korea. In doing so, South Korea should consult with the United States and China on a long-term strategy for inter-Korean reconciliation that would, for now, finesse the nuclear issue. Such a strategy would require U.S. and Chinese support of the South Korean leadership in addressing the Korea problem. The process of working together with Seoul to formulate and implement this strategy would allow both powers to ensure that their long-term interests on the peninsula are respected. Although there is no guarantee that such an effort will succeed, the worsening situation on and around the Korean peninsula and the U.S. and PRC's lack of progress all argue for this new approach, as do the potential benefits to the U.S.-PRC relationship.
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Cha, Young Koo, and Taeho Kim. "Prospects for Political Change and Leadership Succession in North Korea." Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 3, no. 2 (December 1991): 207–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163279109464263.

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Cha, Young Koo, and Taeho Kim. "Prospects for Political Change and Leadership Succession in North Korea." Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 3, no. 2 (December 1991): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10163279109464274.

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Ishiyama, John. "Assessing the leadership transition in North Korea: Using network analysis of field inspections, 1997–2012." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (April 27, 2014): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.003.

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This paper examines changes in the in the composition of the North Korean elite from 1997 to 2012, a particularly tumultuous period in the history of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). Specifically, the paper assesses the changing composition of the leadership networks around both Kim Jong Il and Kim Jong Un, using data from the entourages that accompanied the great leaders on their “on the spot guidance” inspection tours. The paper finds that there have been significant changes in the leadership elite since the succession of Kim Jong Un. The paper offers some observations regarding the implications these changes have on the receptivity of the regime to a normalization of relations with the West and future economic and political reform.
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Ishiyama, John, and Taekbin Kim. "Authoritarian survival strategies and elite churn: The case of North Korea." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 2 (June 2020): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865920920740.

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How do autocrats interact with authoritarian elites? This is a question that has gained increasing scholarly attention over the past decade. In this article, using the case of North Korea we develop a set of theoretical expectations for “elite churn” or changes in the composition of the elite (either in terms of promotions, demotions, or new entrants) resulting from moving around elites from office to office (or “elite shuffle”) and bringing in new elites. We test a number of theoretical expectations derived from the existing literature on elite management in autocracies and then examine these expectations using a panel data set of 351 members of the North Korean elite from 1948–2017. Taking into account leadership characteristics, threats to the regime (both internal and external), external opportunities, and structural factors, we find that the explanation for elite churn in North Korea is very leader specific, and is much more pronounced under Kim Jong Un than his predecessors. This suggests that Kim Jong Un’s position was much more tenuous than his father’s and grandfather’s and likely continues to be so.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The changed leadership in North Korea"

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Chen, Weirun. "The People's Republic of China's foreign policy towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea : From issue areas of the nuclear weapon, the possible reunification of two Koreas and the changed lesadership in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-19653.

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The purpose of this research is to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In order to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the author will take advantage of the constructivist approach and from that view the author will give the three specific issue areas to look at the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the nuclear weapon program, the possible reunification of two Koreas, the changed leadership in North Korea, respectively. Through these three specific issue areas, we can go tohave a general understanding about what is the People’s Republic of China’s governments’foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The conclusion will be made on the basis of the three specific events and through that we can realize and conclude the standpoints of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.
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Lim, Jae-Cheon. "Kim Jong Il's leadership of North Korea /." London : Routledge, 2009. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780415481953.

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Lim, Jae-Cheon. "Kim Jong Il and his leadership." 2007. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/243774934.html.

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Hsiao-Husan, Huang, and 黃筱萱. "The Comparison of North Korea Policy between Administrations of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak –from Leadership Cognitive Approach Perspective." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/11925547312853276152.

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碩士
國立中興大學
國際政治研究所
97
Abstract In Northeast Asia and Asian Pacific region, the Korean Peninsula possesses the crucial strategic position. Especially during recent six months, the tension, igitated by Pyongyang’s possession of nuclear weapon and the aggressive demonstration of force, has pervaded the Peninsula, and imposed the security pressure on the neighboring nations as well. According to the vast differences in North Korea policy between South Korea’s previous and current administrations, the orientation of the policy varies. This thesis, therefore, assumes the differences in policy made by two administrations would be related to the style of the leadership. First, the three variables, which are the Reaction to Political constraints, the Openness to Information, and the Motivation for Action, would be taken from leadership cognitive approach perspective provided by Margaret G. Hermann to analyze and generalize the leadership style of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak. Second, the analysis would be focused on the influences of the leadership style of two leaders on the formulation and the implementation of the North Korea policy, and compare the content of the policy. Finally, the thesis concludes with the finding that the North Korea policy and the degree of the implementation of two leaders would affect the relation between South Korea and Pyongyang, the U.S.A., Japan, China, and Russia as well as the impact on the security of the region. The decisively influence on the formulation of the policy by the cognition of the leadership is found by fllowing the approach; therefore, the analysis acquires the highly explanation on the research of the North Korea policy affected by the individual cognition of Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak.
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Books on the topic "The changed leadership in North Korea"

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Buzo, Adrian. Politics and Leadership in North Korea. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090.

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Kim Jong Il's leadership of North Korea. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Corporation, Rand, ed. Leadership change in North Korean politics: The succession to Kim Il Sung. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1988.

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The guerilla dynasty: Politics and leadership in North Korea. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999.

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Tokchaeja wa sijang kyŏngje: Pukhan hyŏndaehwa rŭl wihan lidŏsip = The dictator and market economy : leadership for modernization of North Korea. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Hanul Ak'ademi, 2014.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. The Peace Corps Safety and Security Act of 2004, the North Korea Human Rights Act of 2004, Assistance for Orphaned and Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2004, Participation of Taiwan in the World Health Organization, the U.S. International Leadership Act of 2003, and other purposes, and various resolutions and concurrent resolutions: Markup before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session ... March 31, 2004. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.

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Lim, Jae-Cheon. Kim Jong-Il's Leadership of North Korea. Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.

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Buzo, Adrian. Politics and Leadership in North Korea: The Guerilla Dynasty. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Politics and Leadership in North Korea: The Guerilla Dynasty. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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Buzo, Adrian. The Guerilla Dynasty: Politics and Leadership in North Korea. Westview Press, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "The changed leadership in North Korea"

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Zhe, Jin. "“Hereditary Succession” and the DPRK Leadership." In China and North Korea, 241–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137455666_15.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Approach March: 1912–50." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 1–28. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-1.

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Buzo, Adrian. "The enemy on all sides: 1950–70." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 29–68. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-2.

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Buzo, Adrian. "The tide turns: 1970–80." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 69–92. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-3.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Dwindling options: 1980–6." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 93–116. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-4.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Tactical retreat: 1987–94." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 117–50. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-5.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Triage: 1994–2004." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 151–202. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-6.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Regroup and strike: 2004–11." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 203–30. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-7.

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Buzo, Adrian. "The young marshal takes command: 2011–16." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 231–70. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-8.

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Buzo, Adrian. "Final perspective." In Politics and Leadership in North Korea, 271–88. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090-9.

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