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Books on the topic 'The changed leadership in North Korea'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 19 February 2022

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1

Buzo, Adrian. Politics and Leadership in North Korea. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY :: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315643090.

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2

Kim Jong Il's leadership of North Korea. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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3

Corporation, Rand, ed. Leadership change in North Korean politics: The succession to Kim Il Sung. Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 1988.

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4

The guerilla dynasty: Politics and leadership in North Korea. London: I.B. Tauris, 1999.

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5

Tokchaeja wa sijang kyŏngje: Pukhan hyŏndaehwa rŭl wihan lidŏsip = The dictator and market economy : leadership for modernization of North Korea. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Hanul Ak'ademi, 2014.

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6

United States. Congress. House. Committee on International Relations. The Peace Corps Safety and Security Act of 2004, the North Korea Human Rights Act of 2004, Assistance for Orphaned and Vulnerable Children in Developing Countries Act of 2004, Participation of Taiwan in the World Health Organization, the U.S. International Leadership Act of 2003, and other purposes, and various resolutions and concurrent resolutions: Markup before the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, second session ... March 31, 2004. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.

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7

Lim, Jae-Cheon. Kim Jong-Il's Leadership of North Korea. Taylor & Francis Group, 2011.

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8

Buzo, Adrian. Politics and Leadership in North Korea: The Guerilla Dynasty. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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9

Politics and Leadership in North Korea: The Guerilla Dynasty. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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10

Buzo, Adrian. The Guerilla Dynasty: Politics and Leadership in North Korea. Westview Press, 1999.

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11

The Guerilla Dynasty: Politics and Leadership in North Korea. Westview Press, 1999.

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12

Lim, Jae-Cheon. Leader Symbols and Personality Cult in North Korea: The Leader State. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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13

Lim, Jae-Cheon. Leader Symbols and Personality Cult in North Korea: The Leader State. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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14

North Korea Under Kim Jong Il: From Consolidation to Systemic Dissonance. State University of New York Press, 2007.

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15

North Korea Under Kim Jong Il: From Consolidation to Systemic Dissonance. State University of New York Press, 2006.

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16

Bui, Ngoc Son. Constitutional Change in the Contemporary Socialist World. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198851349.001.0001.

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This book explores and explains how and why the five current socialist countries (China, Cuba, Laos, North Korea, and Vietnam) have changed their constitutions since the fall of the Cold War and the rise of globalization. It demonstrates that constitution-making, replacement, and amendment in the contemporary socialist world display the dynamic constitution, party institutionalization, power distribution, rights universalization, and economic marketization. The function of this progressive constitutional change is to facilitate the active role of the party-state in improving the living conditions of local residents. Integrating comparative constitutional law and social sciences, this book explains the intellectual foundations, legal-institutional aspects, and political economy of socialist constitutional change. This book identifies five divergent models of socialist constitutional change depending on the prominence of influential factors: universal convergence (Vietnam), ethnic integration (Laos), historical reservation (Cuba), exceptional attitude (China), and personal rule (North Korea).

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17

Christine, Gray. 5 The use of force against terrorism: a new war for a new century? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198808411.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the impact of the ‘war against terror’ on international law. The US invasion of Afghanistan in response to the massive terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 led to a fundamental reappraisal of the law of self-defence. The US response to 9/11 was to announce ‘a different kind of war against a different kind of enemy’—a global war on terrorism. Many writers now argue that 9/11 and subsequent state practice have changed the law on self-defence, but the legal situation is not so clear-cut. More recently, the rise of ISIS in Iraq and Syria, and the military response by the USA and other states since 2014, have given rise to renewed debate about the scope of self-defence. And President Trump’s foreign policy with regard to North Korea and Iran has once again raised questions about the controversial doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence.

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18

Futter, Andrew. The Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790501.003.0030.

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Since the end of the cold war, the global landscape of weapons of mass destruction has changed considerably. Three additional states have openly acquired a nuclear capability—India, Pakistan, and North Korea—and a fourth, Iran, may be trying to do the same. Meanwhile, other states were forced to give up or agreed to abandon their nuclear capabilities or ambitions. At the same time, the threat of ‘loose nukes’ and the associated challenge of nuclear security have acquired existential significance given the possibility of nuclear terrorism, the impact of the 9/11 terrorist attacks, and the damage caused by the A. Q. Khan network. Europe remains a key ‘nuclear theatre’ with UK, French, Russian, and NATO nuclear forces deployed in the region, and this seems unlikely to change anytime soon. The aim of this chapter is to explore the nature and implications of a second nuclear age for European military thinking and strategy.

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19

Weddle, Kevin J. The Compleat Victory:. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195331400.001.0001.

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In the late summer and fall of 1777, after two years of indecisive fighting on both sides, the outcome of the American War of Independence hung in the balance. Having successfully expelled the Americans from Canada in 1776, the British were determined to end the rebellion the following year and devised what they believed a war-winning strategy, sending General John Burgoyne south to rout the Americans and take Albany. When British forces captured Fort Ticonderoga with unexpected ease in July of 1777, it looked as if it were a matter of time before they would break the rebellion in the North. Less than three and a half months later, however, a combination of the Continental Army and militia forces, commanded by Major General Horatio Gates and inspired by the heroics of Benedict Arnold, forced Burgoyne to surrender his entire army. The American victory stunned the world and changed the course of the war. In the end, British plans were undone by a combination of faulty strategy, distance, geography, logistics, and an underestimation of American leadership and fighting ability. Taking Ticonderoga had misled Burgoyne and his army into thinking victory was assured. The campaign’s outcome forced the British to rethink their strategy, inflamed public opinion in England against the war, boosted Patriot morale, and, perhaps most critical of all, led directly to the Franco-American alliance. Weddle unravels the web of contingencies and the play of personalities that ultimately led to what one American general called “the Compleat Victory.”

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20

Mehta, Rupal N. Delaying Doomsday. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190077976.001.0001.

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Why are states willing to give up their nuclear weapons programs? This book presents a new theory for how external inducements supplied by the United States can convince even the most committed of proliferators to abandon weapons pursuit. Existing theories focus either on carrots or sticks. I explore how using both positive and negative inducements, in the shadow of military force, can persuade both friends and foes not to continue their nuclear weapons pursuit. I draw on worldwide cross-national data on nuclear reversal, case studies of Iran and North Korea, among other countries, and interviews with diplomats, policy-makers, and analysts. I show that the majority of proliferators have been persuaded to reverse their nuclear weapons programs when offered incentives from the United States. Moreover, I demonstrate that these tools are especially effective during periods of leadership transition and can work on both allies and adversaries. My theory and evidence also suggest a broader conception of counterproliferation than currently exists, identifying how carrots and sticks used together can accomplish one of the international community’s most important policy objectives.

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