Journal articles: 'The choice of the candidate'

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Rahat, Gideon. "Candidate Selection: The Choice Before the Choice." Journal of Democracy 18, no. 1 (2007): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2007.0014.

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Fisher, Stephen D., Anthony F. Heath, David Sanders, and Maria Sobolewska. "Candidate Ethnicity and Vote Choice in Britain." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 4 (2014): 883–905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000562.

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This article develops and tests a set of theoretical mechanisms by which candidate ethnicity may have affected the party vote choice of both white British and ethnic minority voters in the 2010 British general election. Ethnic minority candidates suffered an average electoral penalty of about 4 per cent of the three-party vote from whites, mostly because those with anti-immigrant feelings were less willing to vote for Muslims. Ethnic minority voter responses to candidate ethnicity differed by ethnic group. There were no significant effects for non-Muslim Indian and black voters, while Pakistani candidates benefited from an 8-point average electoral bonus from Pakistani voters.

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Sanders, Mitchell S. "Unified Models of Turnout and Vote Choice for Two-Candidate and Three-Candidate Elections." Political Analysis 7 (1998): 89–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/7.1.89.

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In this article I use a theory of individual utility maximization to derive a unified model of electoral behavior that includes both candidate choices and turnout decisions. Compared to this new unified model, existing specifications for jointly considering turnout and vote choice are found to be theoretically or empirically lacking. I provide methods for testing my model in elections with two or three candidates, and I show that the parameters of these models can be estimated without difficulty using maximum likelihood techniques. Application of these unified models to the 1988 and 1992 American presidential elections illustrates the potential contrasts between unified models and models that consider only candidate choices.

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Aguilar, Rosario, Saul Cunow, and Scott Desposato. "Choice sets, gender, and candidate choice in Brazil." Electoral Studies 39 (September 2015): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2015.03.011.

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Cassel, Carol A., and Lee Sigelman. "Misreporters in Candidate Choice Models." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 3 (2001): 643. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449274.

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Cassel, Carol A., and Lee Sigelman. "Misreporters in Candidate Choice Models." Political Research Quarterly 54, no. 3 (2001): 643–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290105400308.

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Dix, Manfred, and Rudy Santore. "Candidate ability and platform choice." Economics Letters 76, no. 2 (2002): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0165-1765(02)00047-2.

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TOMZ, MICHAEL, and ROBERT P. VAN HOUWELING. "Candidate Positioning and Voter Choice." American Political Science Review 102, no. 3 (2008): 303–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055408080301.

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This article examines a fundamental aspect of democracy: the relationship between the policy positions of candidates and the choices of voters. Researchers have suggested three criteria—proximity, direction, and discounting—by which voters might judge candidates' policy positions. More than 50 peer-reviewed articles, employing data from more than 20 countries, have attempted to adjudicate among these theories. We explain why existing data and methods are insufficient to estimate the prevalence of these criteria in the electorate. We then formally derive an exhaustive set of critical tests: situations in which the criteria predict different vote choices. Finally, through survey experiments concerning health care policy, we administer the tests to a nationally representative sample. We find that proximity voting is about twice as common as discounting and four times as common as directional voting. Furthermore, discounting is most prevalent among ideological centrists and nonpartisans, who make sophisticated judgments that help align policy with their preferences. These findings demonstrate the promise of combining formal theory and experiments to answer previously intractable questions about democracy.

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Kirkland, Patricia A., and Alexander Coppock. "Candidate Choice Without Party Labels:." Political Behavior 40, no. 3 (2017): 571–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-017-9414-8.

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Howard, Kathryn A., Daniel Cervone, and Matt Motyl. "Could your candidate shoot someone on 5th Avenue and not lose votes? Identifying “lines in the sand” in ingroup candidate transgressions." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 10, no. 1 (2022): 272–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5453.

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How severely must a political candidate transgress in order to lose votes from supporters? What characteristics motivate people to vote for highly transgressive political candidates? By parametrically varying our novel, ecologically-valid scale of transgression severity across 70 voter-choice trials, the current study modeled the relationship between ingroup candidate transgression severity and voter choice to identify 1) The point of severity at which people abandon political ingroup members and vote for the outgroup, and 2) Ideological differences in this relationship. Across 70 trials, 493 Mturk participants chose to vote for an ingroup candidate or outgroup candidate after learning the ingroup candidate transgressed. A multilevel logistic model revealed the hypothesized relationships: people were more likely to abandon ingroup candidates as transgression severity increased, and participants with a stronger ideological identity were more likely to vote for transgressive ingroup candidates than less-identified individuals. Further, Republicans possessed a higher severity threshold than Democrats, such that they voted for the ingroup candidate for more severe transgressions than Democrats.

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Mohamad, Khairul Azmi, and Nooraini Othman. "Aspects of Political Leadership Relevant to Voters’ Choice and Preferences." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 4 (2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n4p11.

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This paper intends to analyse political leadership from the perspective of political behaviour of political leaders. There must be a reason for voters to decide which election candidate to vote. Political leadership as contextually described represent some of the most important elements for voters to decide whether or not a particular leader should be elected as Member of Parliament or State Legislative Assemblies in Malaysia. There are five aspects of political leadership forming leadership characters relevant to voters&rsquo; choice and preferences in any given election. They are loyalty, integrity, competency, commitment and resilience. The absence of these characters could render a particular candidacy a fatal. These five characters could be regarded as principle centred of a leader and in the same time the main features that would contribute to the success of an elected political leader. It is not only words best spoken by the candidate but also the campaigner&rsquo;s success in highlighting these characters to the voters that would open their eyes to vote the best candidate. In some cases, traditionally, at some constituency votes are given to the parties that have been traditionally representing the constituency. To a certain extent it is called the party&rsquo;s &lsquo;traditional seat&rsquo;. Now, voters do not only look to a party or the so-called &lsquo;traditional seat&rsquo; context. Today voters give high regards to who the candidates are and what are the qualities the candidates have.

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Prianto, Andi Luhur, and Nina Yuslaini. "HOW LOCAL DEMOCRATIC BACKSLIDING? SINGLE CANDIDATE, PRAGMATISM AND UNCOMPETITIVE LOCAL HEAD ELECTION IN INDONESIA." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 9, no. 2 (2024): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v9i2.53451.

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This paper will examine how pragmatism has created rational choice behavior in candidate selection. Pragmatism has resulted in single candidates for local heads, which makes local democracy uncompetitive. The research method used is an explanatory approach that aims to explain how pragmatism as a rational choice behavior in the local government head election. Data were collected, compiled and analyzed using Nvivo 12 Plus software. The results showed that political parties as political institutions are very pragmatic in the selection of candidates for local heads. The incumbents utilized the support of almost all political parties based on clientelistic and programmatic relations. This has led the candidate selection process to prioritize pragmatic aspects, especially financial support, acceptability, and electability of candidates. The candidate selection process no longer determines ideological values at the official candidate selection process. Financial support for candidates has the highest priority for political parties in determining their endorsements in regional head elections. Meanwhile, the acceptability aspect refers to the dominant acceptance of all elites, cadres, and the mass base of supporters of the selected candidate. Electability is also a priority, although it is considered that electability trends are dynamic and able to change based on the level of competition. The behavior of political party elite actors and local head candidates eventually forms a rational choice pattern that makes local democracy backsliding.

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Silva, Érika Ronqueti Terra, and Emerson Wagner Mainardes. "O COMPORTAMENTO DO ELEITOR BRASILEIRO NA ESCOLHA DO CANDIDATO." Revista Gestão e Desenvolvimento 16, no. 1 (2019): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.25112/rgd.v16i1.1484.

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Este estudo se propôs a identificar as variáveis que afetam o comportamento do eleitor brasileiro na escolha de um candidato. Para tanto, realizou-se uma pesquisa de caráter descritivo, com corte transversal e dados quantitativos. Os resultados indicaram que dos sete domínios propostos no estudo – questões políticas, imaginário social, dimensão emocional, imagem do candidato, eventos atuais, eventos pessoais e questões epistemológicas – somente três afetaram o comportamento do eleitor brasileiro na escolha do melhor candidato: questões políticas, dimensão emocional e imagem do candidato. Ao final do estudo, constatou-se que, para a escolha do candidato, o eleitor brasileiro leva em consideração as questões políticas propostas no plano de governo, os sentimentos afetivos e, ainda, os traços de personalidade que constituem as características do candidato.Palavras-chave: Marketing. Marketing político. Comportamento do eleitor. Eleitor brasileiro. Campanha eleitoral.ABSTRACTThe present study is proposed for identifying the variables affecting the Brazilian voters' behavior on the choice of a candidate. For achieving such goal, a descriptive, cross-sectional research was performed, with quantitative data. The results indicate that from the seven domains proposed in that study, which are: Issues and Policies, Social Imagery, Emotional Feelings, Candidate Image, Current Events, Personal events and Epistemic Issues, only three affected the behavior of the Brazilian electorate in the choice of the best candidate: Issues and Policies, Emotional Feelings and the Candidate Image. As a conclusion, this study verified that for choosing the candidate, the Brazilian voter takes into consideration the issues and policies addressed in the government plan, the emotional affection feelings and the personality traits that constitute the candidate's characteristics.Keywords: Marketing. Political marketing. Voter behavior. Brazilian voter. Electoral campaign.

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Mcnamara, J. M., and E. J. Collins. "The job search problem as an employer–candidate game." Journal of Applied Probability 27, no. 4 (1990): 815–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3214825.

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In the standard job search problem a single decision-maker (say an employer) has to choose from a sequence of candidates of varying fitness. We extend this formulation to allow both employers and candidates to make choices. We consider an infinite population of employers and an infinite population of candidates. Each employer interviews a (possibly infinite) sequence of candidates for a post and has the choice of whether or not to offer a candidate the post. Each candidate is interviewed by a (possibly infinite) sequence of employers and can accept or reject each offer. Each employer seeks to maximise the fitness of the candidate appointed and each candidate seeks to maximise the fitness of their eventual employer. We allow both discounting and/or a cost per interview. We find that there is a unique pair of policies (for employers and candidates respectively) which is in Nash equilibrium. Under these policies each population is partitioned into a finite or countable sequence of subpopulations, such that an employer (candidate) in a given subpopulation ends up matched with the first candidate (employer) encountered from the corresponding subpopulation. In some cases the number of non-empty subpopulations in the two populations will differ and some members of one population will never be matched.

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Mcnamara, J. M., and E. J. Collins. "The job search problem as an employer–candidate game." Journal of Applied Probability 27, no. 04 (1990): 815–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021900200027996.

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In the standard job search problem a single decision-maker (say an employer) has to choose from a sequence of candidates of varying fitness. We extend this formulation to allow both employers and candidates to make choices. We consider an infinite population of employers and an infinite population of candidates. Each employer interviews a (possibly infinite) sequence of candidates for a post and has the choice of whether or not to offer a candidate the post. Each candidate is interviewed by a (possibly infinite) sequence of employers and can accept or reject each offer. Each employer seeks to maximise the fitness of the candidate appointed and each candidate seeks to maximise the fitness of their eventual employer. We allow both discounting and/or a cost per interview. We find that there is a unique pair of policies (for employers and candidates respectively) which is in Nash equilibrium. Under these policies each population is partitioned into a finite or countable sequence of subpopulations, such that an employer (candidate) in a given subpopulation ends up matched with the first candidate (employer) encountered from the corresponding subpopulation. In some cases the number of non-empty subpopulations in the two populations will differ and some members of one population will never be matched.

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16

Maes, Marc. "De formele aanstelling van de partijvoorzitters in België, 1944-1990." Res Publica 32, no. 1 (1990): 3–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v32i1.18851.

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Most party by-laws are too inexhaustive and vague to be adequate guidelines for describing party chairmanship or predicting the actual proceedings of chairman elections. Although nearly all party by-laws prescribe competitive elections, one candidate elections occur in 68 % of the cases and in nearly 25% of all cases the unique candidate is elected by acclamation only. Also, when more candidates are presented, the preferences of the party oligarchy are mostly made very clear.The small number of elections that involve real choice even diminishes when reelections or the appointment of interim chairman are taken into account: the percentage of "more than one candidate"-presentation drops from 32 % to respectively 19% and 16% . In Flemish parties there is less opportunity for choice then in Francophone parties: 22 % versus 38% "more than one candidate"-presentation (elections and re-elections). Moreover, the chairman elections of the Francophone parties involve larger electoral bodies : e.g. in some parties and already in 41 % of the cases (elections and re-elections) all partymembers have a right to cast their vote. A possibility that exists in none of the Flemish parties. As far as the evolution over time is concerned: there is a general and salient tendency towards more opportunities for real choice and larger electoral bodies.But taken together opportunities for real choice remain scarce : in general party chairmen are not actually chosen by the formally empowered party organs; before formal elections are held choices are mostly made already !

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Le Foulon, Carmen, and Catherine Reyes-Housholder. "Candidate sex, corruption and vote choice." Electoral Studies 69 (February 2021): 102270. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102270.

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Ehlers, Lars, and John A. Weymark. "Candidate stability and nonbinary social choice." Economic Theory 22, no. 2 (2003): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00199-002-0279-6.

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Blais, André, Elisabeth Gidengil, Agnieszka Dobrzynska, Neil Nevitte, and Richard Adeau. "Does the Local Candidate Matter? Candidate Effects in the Canadian Election of 2000." Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, no. 3 (2003): 657–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778810.

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This article ascertains the impact of local candidates on vote choice in the 2000 Canadian election. The authors show that 44 per cent of Canadian voters formed a preference for a local candidate and that this preference had an effect on vote choice independent of how people felt about the parties and the leaders. The findings suggest that the local candidate was a decisive consideration for 5 per cent of Canadian voters, 6 per cent outside Quebec and 2 per cent in Quebec. Although preference for a local candidate had a similar effect on urban and rural voters, as well as on voters of varying degrees of sophistication, the findings revealed that rural voters and more sophisticated voters were more likely to have formed a preference for their local candidate. As a consequence, the local candidate was more likely to be a decisive consideration for more sophisticated rural voters.

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Nasiruddin, Nurfadilah, Asriani Asriani, Zainuddin Losi, and Ahmad Amiruddin. "Pengaruh Debat Capres dan Cawapres Pemilihan Umum 2024 Terhadap Keputusan Memilih Generasi Z Di Sulawesi Barat." Kybernology : Journal of Government Studies 4, no. 1 (2024): 64–80. https://doi.org/10.26618/kjgs.v4i1.14690.

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The aim of this research is to determine the influence of the debate between presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2024 general election on the decision to vote for Generation Z in West Sulawesi. The object of this research is the debate between presidential and vice presidential candidates in the 2024 presidential general election, the sampling is generation Z. The sampling technique used is nonprobability sampling. The data collection technique used in this research is a descriptive research method using survey and interview methods. The results of this research are that the debate between presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates did not completely influence generation Z's choice of voting decisions in the 2024 election. This research shows that the majority of generation Z before the debate was held had already had their choice of presidential candidate and vice presidential candidate for the reason that it was in accordance with own choice, although to a small extent influenced by watching the debate.

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Fernando, Antonio, and Dwi Windyastuti Budi Hendrarti. "HUBUNGAN ANTARA IKATAN PRIMORDIAL, IDENTIFIKASI KEPARTAIAN PEMILIH DAN PEMAHAMAN PROGRAM CALON LEGISLATIF DENGAN PILIHAN POLITIK ETNIS TIONGHOA DI DAPIL DKI JAKARTA III DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF DPR RI 2." Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 7, no. 1 (2021): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/pi.v7i1.30876.

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Participation of the Chinese community in Indonesian politics has been significant every year. In fact, not only as voters, currently there are Chinese legislative candidates who have successfully passed to the DPR. Therefore, this research was conducted to determine the primordial attachment, party identification, and comprehension of the legislative candidates’ program on the political choices of the Chinese community. This research was conducted using quantitative methods. Data were collected from 250 respondents through a questionnaire with google form which was distributed through social media. The questionnaire contains information needed for research including the choice of the respondent’s party and respondent’s response to statements regarding primordial attachment, party identification, and comprehension of legislative candidates’ program. The results showed that of the three variables, only the comprehension of the legislative candidate’s program had a relationship with Chinese community political choices. These results are in accordance with the theory of voting behavior with a rational approach by Anthony Downs, which assumes that voters in determine their choices will act rationally by considering the pros and cons of choosing a legislative candidate. In other words, the Chinese community who became the respondents in this research were rational because they could calculate the advantages and disadvantages of choosing a candidate by considering the programs offered by the legislative candidate.

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Fernando, Antonio, and Dwi Windyastuti Budi Hendrarti. "HUBUNGAN ANTARA IKATAN PRIMORDIAL, IDENTIFIKASI KEPARTAIAN PEMILIH DAN PEMAHAMAN PROGRAM CALON LEGISLATIF DENGAN PILIHAN POLITIK ETNIS TIONGHOA DI DAPIL DKI JAKARTA III DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF DPR RI 2." Jurnal Politik indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) 7, no. 1 (2021): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jpi.v7i1.30876.

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Participation of the Chinese community in Indonesian politics has been significant every year. In fact, not only as voters, currently there are Chinese legislative candidates who have successfully passed to the DPR. Therefore, this research was conducted to determine the primordial attachment, party identification, and comprehension of the legislative candidates’ program on the political choices of the Chinese community. This research was conducted using quantitative methods. Data were collected from 250 respondents through a questionnaire with google form which was distributed through social media. The questionnaire contains information needed for research including the choice of the respondent’s party and respondent’s response to statements regarding primordial attachment, party identification, and comprehension of legislative candidates’ program. The results showed that of the three variables, only the comprehension of the legislative candidate’s program had a relationship with Chinese community political choices. These results are in accordance with the theory of voting behavior with a rational approach by Anthony Downs, which assumes that voters in determine their choices will act rationally by considering the pros and cons of choosing a legislative candidate. In other words, the Chinese community who became the respondents in this research were rational because they could calculate the advantages and disadvantages of choosing a candidate by considering the programs offered by the legislative candidate.

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Darwin, Rizkika Lhena. "POST-PEACE: THE VICTORY OF INDIVIDUAL CANDIDATES AND POLICY PERFORMANCE IN PIDIE, ACEH." Jurnal Politik Profetik 10, no. 2 (2022): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a2.

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Electoral democracy has provided opportunities for candidates from individual path. Therefore, political parties do not become the single way to win the political election. This paper explores the victory of individual candidates in Pidie, Aceh, amid the difficulty of individual candidates winning against candidates from political parties which happened in other regions. This paper argues that the victory of individual candidates was strongly influenced by the risk of the policy performance of the ruling party in the previous period. The findings of this research are (1) individual candidates have no difference with political party’s candidate as they are not coming from social activist who bring alternative issues to the citizen. It only differs from its administrative requirements. (2) Pidie is an area where the majority of political parties support one candidate, so the presence of individual candidates becomes an alternative. (3) People's voting behavior in post-conflict areas tends to lead to rational choice, where past government policies become a consideration in voting in the next election. Thus, individual candidates in the context of regional elections will not affect the quality of democracy that takes place in Indonesia. Furthermore, in the positive side, people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. But the positive side is that people are increasingly maturing in politics because they make performance considerations the basis of their political choices. Strengthening the model of rational choice voting behavior will support the quality of elections and democracy that takes place in Indonesia.

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Kempe, David. "An Analysis Framework for Metric Voting based on LP Duality." Proceedings of the AAAI Conference on Artificial Intelligence 34, no. 02 (2020): 2079–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/aaai.v34i02.5581.

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Distortion-based analysis has established itself as a fruitful framework for comparing voting mechanisms. m voters and n candidates are jointly embedded in an (unknown) metric space, and the voters submit rankings of candidates by non-decreasing distance from themselves. Based on the submitted rankings, the social choice rule chooses a winning candidate; the quality of the winner is the sum of the (unknown) distances to the voters. The rule's choice will in general be suboptimal, and the worst-case ratio between the cost of its chosen candidate and the optimal candidate is called the rule's distortion. It was shown in prior work that every deterministic rule has distortion at least 3, while the Copeland rule and related rules guarantee distortion at most 5; a very recent result gave a rule with distortion 2 + √5 ≈ 4.236.We provide a framework based on LP-duality and flow interpretations of the dual which provides a simpler and more unified way for proving upper bounds on the distortion of social choice rules. We illustrate the utility of this approach with three examples. First, we show that the Ranked Pairs and Schulze rules have distortion Θ(√n). Second, we give a fairly simple proof of a strong generalization of the upper bound of 5 on the distortion of Copeland, to social choice rules with short paths from the winning candidate to the optimal candidate in generalized weak preference graphs. A special case of this result recovers the recent 2 + √5 guarantee. Finally, our framework naturally suggests a combinatorial rule that is a strong candidate for achieving distortion 3, which had also been proposed in recent work. We prove that the distortion bound of 3 would follow from any of three combinatorial conjectures we formulate.

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Lefkofridi, Zoe, Nathalie Giger, and Anne Maria Holli. "When All Parties Nominate Women: The Role of Political Gender Stereotypes in Voters’ Choices." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (2018): 746–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000454.

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AbstractDo political gender stereotypes exist in egalitarian settings in which all parties nominate women? Do they matter for candidate selection in systems of proportional representation with multiparty competition and preferential voting? To date, these questions remain unanswered because related research is limited to the U.S. case. Our pioneering study examines political stereotypes in one of the “least likely” cases, Finland—a global forerunner in gender equality. We find, first, that stereotypes persist even in egalitarian paradises. Second, when testing across settings of candidate choice, we find that the effect varies greatly: political gender stereotypes are powerful in hypothetical choices, but they work neither in favor of nor against female candidates when many “real,” viable, experienced, and incumbent female candidates are competing. Although in open-list systems with preferential voting, gender stereotypes can directly affect female candidates’ electoral success, in Finland, their actual impact in real legislative elections appears marginal.

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Smith, D. A., and C. J. Tolbert. "Direct Democracy, Public Opinion, and Candidate Choice." Public Opinion Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2010): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfp097.

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Kam, C. D., and E. N. Simas. "Risk Attitudes, Candidate Characteristics, and Vote Choice." Public Opinion Quarterly 76, no. 4 (2012): 747–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfs055.

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Abdulkadiroğlu, Atila, Yeon-Koo Che, and Yosuke Yasuda. "Expanding “Choice” in School Choice." American Economic Journal: Microeconomics 7, no. 1 (2015): 1–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/mic.20120027.

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Gale-Shapley's deferred acceptance (henceforth DA) mechanism has emerged as a prominent candidate for placing students to public schools. While DA has desirable fairness and incentive properties, it limits the applicants' abilities to communicate their preference intensities, which entails ex ante inefficiency when ties at school preferences are broken randomly. We propose a variant of deferred acceptance mechanism that allows students to influence how they are treated in ties. It inherits much of the desirable properties of DA but performs better in ex ante efficiency. (JEL D82, H75, I21, I28)

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Bukari, Gbensuglo Alidu, Justice Yaw Adua, and Mohammed Alhassan. "How Did Voters Decide in the 2012 and 2016 Presidential Elections in Ghana? The Implications for Future Elections." Applied Economics and Finance 10, no. 4 (2023): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v10i4.6566.

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This paper analysed the determinants and citizens’ choice of a presidential candidate in the Ghanaian 2012 and 2016 elections. The analysis utilised survey data obtained from respondents in the study areas. It examined perspectives of the individual voters on various issues matters pertaining to elections as well as their sentiments regarding personal and communal socio-economic outcomes. The findings revealed that voting for a presidential candidate in an election is influenced by individual voter access to income, education level, employment status, and development policy in the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections. The results also revealed that voters are influence by other factors such as the candidate's capacity to enhance and advance the national economy, political party affiliation, candidate orientation and likability. The findings of the analysis suggest that political parties and presidential candidates in an election in Ghana should give careful consideration to the elements and issues identified. Based on the findings, the we recommended that presidential candidates/or political parties should prioritise the issues identified in their campaign strategies and policy agendas.

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Abramson, Paul R., John H. Aldrich, Phil Paolino, and David W. Rohde. "“Sophisticated” Voting in the 1988 Presidential Primaries." American Political Science Review 86, no. 1 (1992): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1964015.

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Voters in multicandidate contests may confront circumstances under which it is in their interest to vote for a second- or even lower-ranked candidate. The U.S. electoral system, typically offering a choice between only two major contenders, rarely presents opportunities for this “sophisticated” voting. In presidential primaries, however, many plausible candidates may compete. We investigate the presence of sophisticated voting in the 1988 presidential primaries, using data from the National Election Study's Super Tuesday survey. We examine patterns of voting types based on ordinal measures of preferences among candidates and assessments of their chances of winning their party's nomination and estimate several models of choice, testing the multicandidate calculus of voting. Among both Republicans and Democrats, respondents' choices were consistent with the calculus of voting and thus with sophisticated voting.

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Van der Straeten, Karine, Jean-François Laslier, and André Blais. "Vote Au Pluriel: How People Vote When Offered to Vote Under Different Rules." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (2013): 324–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000036.

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AbstractThis article reports on an Internet-based quasi-experiment that took place during the French 2012 presidential election. We designed a website where French voters could vote under different voting rules. Based on the observation of more than 8,000 participants, we find that a substantial minority (10% to 15%) vote differently under the different systems, with 17% of the voters not voting for their preferred candidate in the one-round election, this percentage dropped to 12% in the alternative vote (first choice). Compared to the two-rounds election, at the aggregate level, the top two candidates get slightly more votes under one round, while the minor candidates obtain more first choices under the alternative vote. These findings are consistent with what the literature suggests about the impact of these voting systems on voters' choice.

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Harsgor, Liran, and Neil Nevitte. "Do Leader Evaluations (De)Mobilize Voter Turnout? Lessons From Presidential Elections in the United States." Politics and Governance 10, no. 4 (2022): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v10i4.5723.

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Do evaluations of presidential candidates in the US affect the level of voter turnout? Voters’ affections towards presidential candidates, we contend, can either stimulate or inhibit voter inclinations to turnout. Voters are more inclined to turn out when they have positive feelings towards the candidate with which they identify because they want “their” candidate to win. But citizens may also be more likely to vote when they dislike the candidate of the party with which they do not identify. In that case, voters are motivated to prevent the candidate from being elected. Utilizing the American National Election Studies data for 1968–2020, the analysis finds that the likelihood of voting is affected by (a) the degree to which voters’ affections towards the candidate differ from one another (having a clear‐cut choice between options) and (b) the nature of the affections (negative or positive) towards both in‐ and out‐party candidates.

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Grybkauskas, Saulius. "The Lithuanian Nomenklatura of the Period of Stagnation in the Eyes of the Soviet “Governor General”: the Clash during the Appointment of Petras Griškevičius." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 32 (2024): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2012.205.

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The article, based on the author’s conversation with Valery Charazov (born 1918), second secretary of the Lithuanian Communist party Central Committee (further LCP CC) 1967–1978, archive sources, and memoirs of other activists of that period, describes Charazov’s attitude to the situation in Soviet Lithuania after the death of the LCP CC first secretary Antanas Sniečkus, his evaluation of the Republic’s highest nomenklatura as well as his active role in appointing second secretary Petras Griškevičius as first secretary of LCP CC. Valery Charazov’s activity as LCP CC second secretary is similar to the activities of second secretaries of other republics, and it allows us to see the wider pattern of their activity throughout the Soviet Union. On the other hand, certain aspects allow us to see the Soviet Union–wide political processes from the local perspective of a republic. This is revealed though analysis of the actions of Charazov’s Lithuanian nomenklatura opponents – how they used their political connections with Ukrainian CP CC first secretary Shcherbitsky and with the Dnepropetrovsk political group which became entrenched during Leonid Brezhnev’s rule, as well as through the review of the political heritage of Antanas Sniečkus, who was also a client of the “shadow” USSR cardinal Mikhail Suslov. The article looks at the survey of the Lithuanian nomenklatura carried out by Valery Charazov. With this survey he sought to elect and present to Moscow the most suitable candidate to succeed Antanas Sniečkus. This survey and the character descriptions of candidates made in its wake was the informational basis that enabled the election of a candidate satisfactory to both Moscow and the local nomenklatura. The article presents the results of the survey carried out by Charazov. The following candidates were nominated for the position of LCP CC first secretary: chairman of the Council of Ministers of LSSR Juozas Maniušis, three LCP CC secretaries – Secretary for Industry and Construction Algirdas Ferensas, Secretary for Ideology Antanas Barkauskas, Secretary for Agriculture Rimgaudas Songaila – as well as the chairman of the party’s Vilnius city committee Petras Griškevičius, chairman of the LSSR labour unions’ committee Kazimieras Mackevičius, and head of LCP CC Organisational-party work division Vytautas Astrauskas. In the 47 interviews with contemporary party and Soviet leaders, the candidacy of Petras Griškevičius gained the most support. This activist was the first choice of 12 persons, and was considered a potential candidate (among others) – by 29 persons. Antanas Barkauskas was the first choice of one of those interviewed and was considered a possible candidate by 11 persons; Rimgaudas Songaila was no one’s first choice, but was seen as a possible candidate by 9 persons; Kazimieras Mackevičius, like Songaila, was not anyone’s preferred candidate, but 6 representatives considered him a possible candidate. Charazov’s survey revealed how unpopular Maniušis, who was viewed as one of the favourites, was. No one considered him as a first choice and 17 people considered him a possible candidate. Arguably, the main result of Charazov’s survey was the genuine characterisation of the nominees. It was distinguished from other formal responses of the time by the open identification of negative character traits of the candidates and a rather accurate description of their personalities.

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Cassino, Dan, and Cengiz Erisen. "Priming Bush and Iraq in 2008: A Survey Experiment." American Politics Research 38, no. 2 (2010): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x09346799.

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Using a question-order experiment, half the respondents in a national RDD (random digit dial) likely voter survey taken just prior to the 2008 Presidential Primary election were primed to think about President Bush and the war in Iraq before making their candidate choice. Results show that the priming had a significant effect on their candidate choice, and that priming individuals to think about the war significantly aided the candidacy of eventual Democratic nominee Barack Obama, more than doubling his support, and hurt then Republican front-runner Rudy Giuliani, cutting his support almost in half.

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Hafiz Izuddin Abd Hamid, Aqbal, and Alizi Alias Hafiz Izuddin Abd Hamid. "The‎ Influence of Attraction Effect on Hiring Decisions: Does Experience Matters?‎." Journal of Research in Psychology 2, no. 3 (2020): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/jrp.v2i3.1726.

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Evidence suggests that the contextual factor of attraction effects such as decoy and phantom candidates affect the task of choosing a single job candidate from a small set of comparable finalists. Nevertheless, the number of studies of the attraction effect on the job-finalist choice is relatively small and bound to methodological gaps (i.e., vulnerable to invariant sample and individuals’ differences). The present study examined the influence of decoy and phantom candidates on job-finalist choice as well as differences of such influence based on participants’ background. By using a within-subject, experimental design, 98 participants of different backgrounds (i.e., personnel selection workers and personnel selection students) were recruited to play the roles of hiring managers in three simulated employee selection scenarios. Results from McNemar’s chi-square revealed the following: (i) participants tend to choose the target candidate in decoy condition over control condition, (ii) participants tend to choose the target candidate in phantom condition over control condition and (iii) no difference in the number of participants who chose the target candidate in decoy and phantom conditions. Besides, results from further analysis on participants’ backgrounds showed: (i) the effect of a decoy candidate is significant among students but not among workers (ii) the effect of phantom candidate is not significant among both workers and students, and (iii) the difference between the effects of decoy and phantom candidates is significant among workers but not among students. The implications of these findings were discussed, and recommendations for future research are provided.

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Drory, Amos, and Ilana Ritov. "Intrapersonal Conflict and Choice of Strategy in Conflict Management." Psychological Reports 81, no. 1 (1997): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1997.81.1.35.

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The effect of intrapersonal conflict is investigated with respect to an initial choice among alternative strategies for management of interpersonal conflict. In this study 140 members of an academic institution were asked to consider an hypothetical situation in which a candidate for a position has to be selected and their personal preference among the candidates is in opposition to that of another senior member of the organization. The choice of a strategy for management of interpersonal conflict was affected by inner conflict associated with one's own preference among the candidates. When the set of available candidates induced inner conflict, the respondents were more inclined to use avoidance, accommodation, collaboration, and compromise, and less likely to use competition.

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Arceneaux, Kevin, and Ryan J. Vander Wielen. "Do voters prefer educated candidates? How candidate education influences vote choice in congressional elections." Electoral Studies 82 (April 2023): 102596. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2023.102596.

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Kropko, Jonathan, and Kevin K. Banda. "Issue Scales, Information Cues, and the Proximity and Directional Models of Voter Choice." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 4 (2018): 772–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918760729.

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One of the most important questions in the study of democratic politics centers on how citizens consider issues and candidate positions when choosing whom to support in an election. The proximity and directional theories make fundamentally different predictions about voter behavior and imply different optimal strategies for candidates, but a longstanding literature to empirically adjudicate between the theories has yielded mixed results. We use a survey experiment to show that the way that candidates’ issue positions are described can cue citizens to choose a candidate that is preferred under the expectations of either the proximity or the directional theory. We find that directional voting is more likely when the issue scale is understood to represent degrees of intensity with which either the liberal or the conservative side of the issue is expressed and that proximity voting is more likely when an issue scale is understood to be a range of policies.

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Vooren, Melvin, Carla Haelermans, Wim Groot, and Henriette Maassen van den Brink. "Employers’ preferences for IT-retrainees: evidence from a discrete choice experiment." International Journal of Manpower 40, no. 7 (2019): 1273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijm-01-2019-0001.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present the results of a discrete choice experiment (DCE) on the competencies of potential information technology (IT)-retrainees. The results give insights in the monetary value and relative returns to both soft and hard skills. Design/methodology/approach The authors apply a DCE in which the authors propose seven pairs of hypothetical candidates to employers based in the municipality of Amsterdam, the Netherlands. These hypothetical candidates differ on six observable skill attributes and have different starting wages. The authors use the inference from the DCE to calculate the marginal rates of substitution (MRS). The MRS gives an indication of the monetary value of each skill attribute. Findings Employers prefer a candidate who possesses a degree in an exact field over a similar candidate from another discipline. Programming experience from previous jobs is the most highly valued characteristic for an IT-retrainee. Employers would pay a candidate with basic programming experience a 53 percent higher starting wage. The most high-valued soft skill is listening skills, for which employers are willing to pay a 46 percent higher wage. The results of this paper show that both hard and soft skills are important, but not all soft skills are equally important. Originality/value The results on the returns to skills provide guidelines to tailor IT training and retraining programs to the needs of the business environment. A key strength of this paper is that the authors have information on the preference orderings for different skills and kinds of experience.

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Cyntia, Ninda, and Tomi Oktavianor. "The Behavior of Elite Voters in The Election of Regional Heads." International Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (IJSAS) 2, no. 1 (2023): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/ijsas.v2i1.16.

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Researchers used descriptive qualitative methods and three data collection techniques, namely observation, interviews, documents related to the research, and key informants, including voters, religious leaders, and Damang (traditional leaders). The data processing procedure is to collect data first, then reduce the data, present the data, and draw conclusions. The results of the study show that elite voters choose because of the factors of position, education, work, and religion. It is the sociological approach that voters tend to use. This is due to the fact that voters base their decision on the candidate's figure more than anything else. factors of the community determine their political choices, especially on the religious side. They are more likely to choose based on the similarity of their religion. Voters tend to see the figure of the candidate as being given a gift, even though it may be in the form of money or goods, which is not enough to influence someone's decision to make a choice. Voters' orientation to developing issues, especially socio-political ones, and one's orientation to candidates, as well as choosing self-direction with which alternative is the maximum for him, is a consideration in choosing a candidate.

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Cargile, Ivy A. M., and Lisa Pringle. "Context Not Candidate Sex: A Case Study of Female Vote Choice for Mayor." Urban Affairs Review 56, no. 6 (2019): 1659–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087419861697.

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It is expected that women who run for office will receive significantly more support from women relative to male voters. However, evidence for this gender affinity has been mixed. In fact, recent experimental studies, and elections, have not found it to exist for female candidates. To test the presence of gender affinity, we examine the case where voters have the opportunity to elect the first female mayor in a major US city. Using exit poll data, we find that women (and men) who cited gender as an important quality in choosing a candidate were significantly more likely to support the female candidate, but only a small portion of voters felt gender was the most important candidate quality. For the majority of women, we find that there were confounding factors, such as uncertainty of the female candidate’s leadership skills and issue positions, which prevented her from gaining the majority she needed to win.

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Glazer, Amihai, and Bernard Grofman. "Must Liberals Always Vote for Liberals and Need the More Competent Candidate Always Be Preferred?" British Journal of Political Science 19, no. 1 (1989): 154–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005391.

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Anthony Downs's model of voter choice is customarily interpreted to mean that each voter chooses the candidate whose positions are closest to the voter's. Actually, however, this is too simple a picture of Downs's views. Downs anticipated ideas of prospective and performance-based retrospective voting. He recognized that voters evaluate candidates in terms of their past performances and expectations about future performance, and may discount issue proximity to a candidate if the candidate is not expected to be able to live up to his campaign promises on the issue in question.

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Levin, Irwin P., Robert M. Rouwenhorst, and Heather M. Trisko. "SEPARATING GENDER BIASES IN SCREENING AND SELECTING CANDIDATES FOR HIRING AND FIRING." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 33, no. 8 (2005): 793–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2005.33.8.793.

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A two-stage procedure (consideration set formation and final choice) was used to track the emergence of gender biases in hiring and firing decisions. Participants were allowed to select their own strategy for narrowing choice options (which candidates to retain or which candidates to delete). Each of the two experiments included a condition where job candidates were considered for hiring and a condition where current employees were considered for firing. Candidate features varied across experiments but the initial set always included 18 females and 18 males with comparable credentials. In both experiments male and female respondents selected candidates of their own sex for hiring and both males and females selected mostly male candidates for firing. In each experiment the bias showed up only in the final-choice stage.

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Christensen, Henrik S., Marco S. La Rosa, and Kimmo Grönlund. "How candidate characteristics affect favorability in European Parliament elections: Evidence from a conjoint experiment in Finland." European Union Politics 21, no. 3 (2020): 519–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520929765.

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Previous literature has studied voter behavior in European Parliament elections. However, it remains unclear how candidate characteristics affect favorability of EP candidates since it cannot be taken for granted that these characteristics work as in national elections. We therefore use a conjoint analysis to examine how gender, left-right ideology, issue focus, political experience, representative focus, citizenship, and attitude towards European integration affected EP candidate favorability during the 2019 campaign in Finland. Results show that while traditional candidate characteristics matter, their impact is dwarfed by effects of traits particular to the EP elections. Hence, it is imperative to observe the particularities of EP elections to understand candidate choice.

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van Keulen, Mendeltje. "The Barroso Drama: Kroes At All Cost To the Roots of the Dutch Presidency's Failure." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (2005): 211–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002117.

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Dutch debate on choice of candidate for European Commission. Criticism EP on Neelie Smit Kroes's candidacy. Dutch incapacity to find a solution. National inter-party struggles and impact on European affairs.

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Martin, Danielle Joesten. "Playing the Women’s Card: How Women Respond to Female Candidates’ Descriptive Versus Substantive Representation." American Politics Research 47, no. 3 (2018): 549–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18776622.

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When presented the choice between a male and female candidate, it is commonly assumed that women prefer a female candidate. But as more policy and ideologically diverse women run for office, this assumption may not hold true. Using an experimental design embedded in a nationally representative survey, I test how voters respond to female candidates with ideologies and abortion positions similar and contrary to their own preferences. I find that women, generally, prefer a female candidate, but support for a female candidate among women decreases significantly when she has a contrary ideology or policy position. Whether women prefer descriptive or substantive representation also is conditioned on individual-level characteristics. This study advances our understanding of voters’ responses to female candidates’ varying ideological and issue positions, which is increasingly important as more women run for office. Although women are more likely than men to give female candidates the benefit of the doubt, not just any female candidate will do—she needs to appeal to women on issue and ideological grounds too.

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Cox Han, Lori, and Brian Robert Calfano. "Conflict and Candidate Selection: Game Framing Voter Choice." American Politics Research 46, no. 1 (2017): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17715258.

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Political campaigns are often likened to a game typified by conflict. We consider whether using a conflict frame visually emphasizing the contested aspect of partisanship affects candidate support in the 2016 presidential election. Using a nationwide survey experiment ( N = 975) that randomly assigns participants to different visual frames depicting politics as conflictual or process-based, we find that participants exposed to the conflict frame show significantly higher odds of supporting Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, while rejecting Hillary Clinton. The conflicting frame also increases self-reported participant anger, which decomposition analysis shows increases support for Trump and Sanders while decreasing it for Clinton (and that we offer as a preliminary finding). Avenues for future research are then considered.

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Marquette, Jesse F., and Katherine A. Hinckley. "Voter turnout and candidate choice: A merged theory." Political Behavior 10, no. 1 (1988): 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00989380.

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Myerson, Roger B., and Robert J. Weber. "A Theory of Voting Equilibria." American Political Science Review 87, no. 1 (1993): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938959.

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A voting equilibrium arises when the voters in an electorate, acting in accordance with both their preferences for the candidates and their perceptions of the relative chances of various pairs of candidates being in contention for victory, generate an election result that justifies their perceptions. Voting equilibria always exist, and the set of equilibria can vary substantially with the choice of voting system. We compare equilibria under the plurality rule, approval voting, and the Borda system. We consider a candidate-positioning game and find that the plurality rule imposes little restriction on the position of the winning candidate in three-candidate races, while approval voting leads to a winner positioned at the median of the voter distribution. We contrast campaign activities intended to influence voter preferences with activities meant to influence only perceptions of candidate viability.

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Ondercin, Heather L. "Is it a Chasm? Is it a Canyon? No, it is the Gender Gap." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 611–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0040.

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Abstract Many speculated that we would observe a gender gap in vote choice of historic proportions in the 2018 midterm elections. However, the 2018 gender gap was similar to gender gaps in previous elections. I argue that the gender gap is not about a specific candidate or election but is driven by gender differences in partisan attachments. Variation in the gender gap in Senate and gubernatorial elections highlight that the gender gap does not advantage a particular candidate or party and that women candidates do not increase the size of the gender gap. Race and class intersect with gender to shape the partisan attachments and vote choice of men and women. Finally, while the candidates and events surrounding the 2018 election likely did not impact the gender gap in 2018, I discuss how the 2018 election will shape the gender gap in future elections.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The choice of the candidate'

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