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1
Zumoff, Jacob Andrew. "The Communist Party of the United States and the Communist International, 1919-1929." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1382502/.
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The American Communist movement, born out of a left-wing split from the American Socialist Party in 1919, was divided into several hostile organisations that understood very little about American politics, culture or society. In its early years, the Communist International (Comintern) repeatedly intervened into the American Party. Far from hindering the Party's understanding and appreciation of American conditions, this intervention helped transform the Party from a marginal sect of isolated immigrants in 1920, to an important part of American politics in the 1930s. This intervention stemmed from the desire of the early Comintern, under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky, to create an international revolutionary Communist movement. However, in the mid- 1920s, as the leadership and ideology of the Russian Communist party changed. Under the rubric of building 'socialism in one country', the Comintern now intervened more and more to create a stable, Pro-Stalin leadership. The first portion of this thesis, comprising the first four chapters, illustrates how between 1919 and 1923 Comintern intervention was necessary to politically and organisationally construct a Party. The Comintern helped achieve unity amongst the competing groups; forced the Party to take advantage of the opportunities for legal work; compelled the Party to intervene into the labour movement. The next four chapters examine the change in Comintern intervention between 1923 and 1929. During this period, internecine factionalism, increasingly devoid of a political basis,t ore the Party asunder,and sapped its ability to intervene into society. The Comintern continued to intervene, but largely to play one faction off against another. In the aftermath of the 1928 Sixth Congress, the Party leadership purged first its left, Trotskyist wing, led by James P. Cannon, and within the year, the right, Bukharnite, wing, led by Jay Lovestone. The Comintern then installed a pliant leadership that finally ended factionalism and carried the now Stalinised Party into the 1930s.The final chapter analyses the changing Communist perspective on the 'Negro Question', from ignoring black rights to championing the right of Southern blacks to independence. Here, the Comintern, acting on pressure from pioneer black Communists, insisted that the Party address this important issue.At the Sixth Congress, the Comintern adopted the theory that blacks in the American South were a oppressed nationality, and had the right to form a separate state. Whilst this programme was not in accord with reality, it forced the Party to aggressively fight for black rights, so that by the 1930s it was well known for its stand for black liberation.
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Black, Stephen P. "Crossing shadows Polish sovereignty, post-communist foreign policy and European security /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246590.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.Thesis Advisor(s): lTsypkin, Mikhail. Second Reader: Laba, Roman. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 01, 2010. DTIC Descriptor(s): Foreign policy, Europe, warfare, global, united states, strategy, security, theses, memory devices, integration, internal, history, Germany, crossings, eastern Europe, Poland, bridges, shadows, east(direction), disintegration, central Europe, USSR DTIC Identifier(s): Poland, Eastern Europe, European security, theses Author(s) subject terms: Poland, Eastern Europe, European security Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print.
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Ferreira, John Kennedy. "Do socialismo utópico ao científico na América Latina: apontamentos sobre o encontro do comunismo latino-americano e a III Internacional Comunista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-11032016-141317/.
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O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo.The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.
4
Chun, Philip. "The Paths to Power in the Chinese Communist Party." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/867.
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China’s current crop of leaders has inherited a country full of promise. After the disastrous socialist transformation under Mao, Deng Xiaoping and his successors have implemented large scale, successful economic and social reforms and in less than two generations brought China to the forefront of the global economy. As a result they have gartered most of the praise, glory, and often, economic windfall, associated with China’s success. The goal of this thesis is to examine the complex, non-linear fashion in which China’s top leadership is chosen, and explore the best possible paths to ascend the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party. An investigation of China’s current governing leaders’ paths to power will be included to illuminate how various factors including merit, patronage, institutional role, and luck play a part in the ultimate makeup of China’s top leadership. Key findings show that family pedigree, faction loyalty, and exceptional performance in important roles, especially in provincial governments are the most influential variables when predicting Chinese leadership.
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Aranda, Michael J. "The Economic-Dynamics of the Military in Communist Regimes: A Comparison of Cuba, China and Vietnam." FIU Digital Commons, 2010. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/296.
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The present study focuses on the factors that can increase or decrease military-economic involvement in communist regimes. This anomalous form of military behavior, labeled as the Military Business Complex (MBC), emerged in various communist regimes in the 1980s. However, in the early 2000s, the communist governments of China and Vietnam began to decrease the number of industries managed by their military institutions, while these industries increased in Cuba. This current study asks why the Cuban MBC regime increased in the early 2000s, while the Chinese and Vietnamese ceased or reduced their MBC involvement. Through a comparative analysis of all three military institutions, this study argues that certain evolving elements within the communist-party-military spectrum in Cuba caused it to expand its military managed-economy. By highlighting the different patterns of MBC evolution in communist regimes, this study sheds light on the general phenomenon of how military institutions exert political and economic influence.
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Gruin, Julian Y. "Communists constructing capitalism : socio-economic uncertainty, Communist party rule, and China's financial development, 1990-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a70d4158-ac36-477c-accb-37f940071a0d.
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To what extent does China's experience of economic reform since 1989 compel a reconsideration of the ontological foundations of contemporary capitalist development? China's political economy remains characterized by a unique and resilient political structure (the Chinese Communist Party) that penetrates both 'private' (market) and 'public' (state) organizations. The conceptual rootedness of contemporary theories of comparative and international political economy in a distinctly Western historical experience of capitalist development hinders their ability to understand Chinese capitalism on its own terms—as historically, culturally, and globally embedded. To generate greater analytic traction in understanding China's otherwise paradoxical constellation of actors and dynamics, I argue that contemporary capitalism should be studied as a set of mechanisms for managing and exploiting socio-economic uncertainty, rather than according to the binary logics of state regulation and market competition. These mechanisms can be conceptualized as an overarching risk environment. On this basis, I trace how the cognitive frames, social institutions, and relational networks that emerged within the 'socialist market economy' in China's post-Tiananmen financial system have placed the Chinese Communist Party at the nexus of the state and the market. I argue that specific ideas emerged about how to manage the flow of capital, playing a significant role in underpinning expectations of financial growth and stability. During this period the financial system underpinned the CCP's capacity to both manage and exploit socio-economic uncertainty through the path of reform, forming a central explanatory factor in a developmental trajectory marked by a trifecta of rapid economic growth, macroeconomic stability, and deepening socio-economic imbalances. Rather than viewing the path of financial reform in China solely in terms of 'partial' or 'failed' free- market reform, it thus becomes possible to cast China's development in a new light as the product of a more concerted vision of how the financial system would enable a mode of economic development that combined the drive for capital accumulation with the distinctive socio-political circumstances of post-1989 China.
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Gjoci, Nina Nazmije. "Remaking Albania: Public Memory of Communist Past." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1525868882263365.
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Hitrov, Todor Stoyanov. "Civil-Military relations in post-communist countries." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FHitrov.pdf.
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Nicklin, Sean. "The skies that bind: The evolution of civil aviation in Communist Europe and the role of international agreements." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28418.
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This thesis examines the development of civil aviation in Communist Europe from 1945 to 1970, focusing on political, legal, economic, and technological factors. Most of that region fell into the orbit of the Soviet Union, which provided aircraft, and encouraged isolation from the West in aviation matters. This isolation was compounded by the United States, which enacted a policy of Containment against Communist nations that enacted restrictions applying to aircraft and access to airspace. This limited the growth of Communist airlines and fostered interdependence within the Soviet sphere. Connections between East and West began to grow by the mid-1950s as restrictions were reduced, opening a market for air travel. The formation of air links and growing tourist travel indicated a current for European unity even during the height of the conflict, suggesting that the end of the Cold War started far earlier than the fall of the Berlin Wall.
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Antonovych, Myroslava. "The duty to punish human rights violations of a prior regime under international law : post-communist transitional cases." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21673.
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The thesis traces the concepts of such crimes under international law as genocide and crimes against humanity, of individual and collective responsibility for these crimes, and identifies the place of crimes of former communist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe among them. The thesis examines the sources of a duty to investigate and to punish human rights violations of a prior regime in international treaty and customary law which is not affected by a succession of States. An analysis of different methods by which post-communist democracies of Central and Eastern Europe come to terms with their past gives evidence of lustration (screening); condemning a previous regime and banning its ruling party as a criminal organization, and criminal proceedings against Communist Party officials. With specific reference to the example of Ukraine, where there exist valid grounds for accountability of the previous communist regime, it is argued that during the transitional period, justice could be achieved by way of outlawing the Communist Party of Ukraine. The accountability of the previous communist regime would be much facilitated by involving international law standards and international investigating bodies.
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Antonovych, Myroslava. "The duty to punish human rights violations of a prior regime under international law, post-communist transitional cases." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/MQ50920.pdf.
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Karini, Artan. "The role of international aid in public service reform and capacity building : the case of post-communist Albania." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2013. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-role-of-international-aid-in-public-service-reform-and-capacity-building-the-case-of-postcommunist-albania(649d15f5-c0c3-47eb-bfef-67dd969e387d).html.
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This research study investigates the role of international aid in public service reform and capacity building in the context of post-communist Albania. It takes a two-pronged approach towards exploring the interaction between the key research variables. First, challenging the technocratic, results-based management frameworks used by aid organizations, it offers a qualitative and critical assessment of the role of aid in a specific arena, administrative reform and capacity building, given its significance as key to (and conditionality for) the EU accession process. Secondly, the research points to the specificity of the national politico-administrative context and its ability to modify the process of policy transfer from aid organizations to the Albanian bureaucracy. In doing so, it attempts to illustrate the domestic challenges in the transfer process towards policy learning thus making a contribution to the debate over the (voluntary vs. coercive) administrative reform in Southeast Europe in relation to the politics of EU accession. Therefore, the findings of the study are two-fold. First, based on the multi-level analysis of policy transfer, the research provides an account of (aid-supported) policies/programmes and institutions/mechanisms of transfer towards administrative reform and capacity building. Thus, the analysis reveals the conflicting nature of international aid via the dichotomy between the ‘career’ versus ‘managerialist’ approaches promoted respectively by the EU and the WB as the drivers of administrative reform in post-communist Albania. The study maintains that aid towards administrative reform and capacity building has been confined to regulatory frameworks while its impact on the capacities of the public sector HRM functions has been rather limited. Besides, it claims that programmes and mechanisms of transfer have supported alignment with EU standards and compliance with global aid effectiveness agenda towards a broader public sector reform. The study concludes that while administrative reform and capacity building are conditionality for EU accession, the significantly reduced funding combined with the use of alternative policy incentives (signing into SAA in 2006 and admission into the Schengen agreement in 2010) might be taken to indicate a silent abandonment of administrative reform as a national matter. The findings suggest that this has indeed led to a complacent relationship between the EU and Albania, which may jeopardize the country’s chances of accession into the EU. The study also challenges the views of the literature locating Albania among countries which have adopted the hybrid NWS, drawing on both NPM and Weberian reform doctrines. Accounts of an adversarial and polarized political culture in which political patronage and high staff turnover persist, coupled with a hierarchy-/clan-based administrative culture may explain the ability of the national context not only to modify but also to block policy transfer. The findings imply that the Albanian case provides a ‘classic’ example whereby transfer based on reform doctrines has been used by governing elites to solidify their political position. While the above may explain non-transfer towards policy learning, the role of aid is also reduced by other factors including overreliance on NGOs as ‘implementation partners’, ‘mixed feedback’ to bureaucrats and ‘strong’ informal donor-beneficiary-contractor networks characterized by a certain ability to affect donor behaviour.
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Ford, Nicole M. "Measuring Trust in Post-Communist States: Making the Case for Particularized Trust." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7022.
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While the literature on democracy and its relationship to trust provides little consensus regarding the role of trust, researchers have emphasized the importance of generalized trust over particularized in relation to democracy. This research marks a departure from this consensus, and exposes the neglected role of personal relationships in fostering successful democracy.
One of the key measurements of democracy in a country is social trust. There are three forms of trust: generalized, particularized and institutional. Previously, the measurement of social trust focused on the importance of generalized trust, that is, trust in those we do not know (Putnam, 1993; Fukuyama, 1995, et. al). Generalized trust is marked as having the greatest benefits for democracy. Those who are generalized trusters have the will to bridge across ethnicities and join civic groups in larger numbers. Institutional trust is society's trust in its institutions. Countries ranking high on institutional trust are also believed to have positive democratic outcomes. By contrast, particularized trust is often dismissed because it is seen as highly atomizing and, therefore, incapable of making bridges to ethnic others resulting in a bankruptcy of democratic values. Thus, the combination of institutional and generalized trust has been the main crux of measurement and understanding in relation to a country's ability to democratize.
The problem with this approach is two fold: first, it assumes the unidimensionality of trust and ultimately resigns a country of trusters to one category or the other with often negative impacts. The reality is, we are not solely one truster or the other: we are a combination of each form of trust. Secondly, this approach is Western in focus and does not account for the differentiation within cultures and is therefore unable to truly account for trust in a society. Nor does it account for new forms of trust and civil society in the new digital age. Recently, some questions about the legitimacy of this approach have surfaced and new methods have been employed to ascertain the true nature of social trust, however these methods have also fallen short (Gibson 2001; Bhary, et. al. 2005). Because trust is one measure used to determine the amount of democracy in a nation or the ability for it, accurate description is vital.
Here, the author will take a new approach and focus on the importance of the often overlooked particularized trust, as well as control for the importance of institutionalized trust. Using Khodyakov's (2007) research on trust and the Soviet case as the launching pad, the author will empirically examine trust in the former Soviet Union today. Using the most recent World Values Survey data, a new trust variable will be constructed that will be better able to capture the true, dynamic nature of trust. Placing this new trust variable in a Bayesian hierarchical linear model which will control for country level variables, it will be revealed that particularized trust can and does have positive impacts on support for democracy, debunking current notions to the contrary.
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Durmishi, Odeta. "Competing Urban Visions For The Capital Of Albania: International Projects For Tirana City Centre." Master's thesis, METU, 2008. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12610112/index.pdf.
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This thesis concentrates on urban regeneration as a strategy of urban transformation in general and in the context of post-communist countries in particular. The spatial transformations in cities resulted by the urban renewal and regeneration processes are currently under discussion in Albania. The present research is based on three pillars: a review of the urban transformation, renewal and regeneration in the West and in post-socialist cities in particularexploring the historical formation and transformation of the Tirana city centre
and finally the regeneration of the city centre through a series of international competitions as a completely new model introduced by the municipality. The thesis focuses particularly on the international competition organized to obtain the master plan for the regeneration of the Tirana city centre
it compares the main concepts, ideas and features of the three shortlisted entries: Those of Architecture Studio, Mecanoo Arkitekten and Boles and Wilson. The winning master plan is evaluated with regard to the objectives of the regeneration, its integration with the existing built environment and open spaces, as well as the process of implementation. Within this framework, the thesis aims to study and evaluate this process to direct the urban development through a master plan competition completed by a series of urban design and architectural competitions. The process of regeneration of the centre of Tirana illustrates that despite the increased capacity of the citizens in Albania in participating in the decision making of the government, the public participation in the planning process was a difficult task despite the efforts of the Municipality. Yet, the enthusiasm that the new vision of Tirana brings is considerable.
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Coggins, Bridget L. "Secession, recognition & the international politics of statehood." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1154013298.
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Horne, Cynthia Michalski. "Are NMEs our enemies? : non-market economies and western trade policies /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10703.
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Lacerda, Felipe Castilho de. "Octávio Brandão e as matrizes intelectuais do comunismo no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-19092017-143451/.
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Este trabalho busca elucidar a formação do pensamento comunista no Brasil por meio da análise da primeira recepção do marxismo de matriz bolchevista e sua apropriação por Octávio Brandão. Como apontou Roger Chartier, é mister que os historiadores atentem às condições e aos processos que, muito concretamente, portam as operações de construção de sentido, visando uma história social dos usos e interpretações, referidos às suas determinações fundamentais e inscritos nas práticas específicas que os produzem. Por isso, enseja-se um estudo sobre a formação comunista e suas práticas culturais a partir da análise da edição, da construção do sentido da leitura e do itinerário intelectual de um dos principais responsáveis pela formação militante, Octávio Brandão. O recorte cronológico circunscreve a primeira década de existência do Partido Comunista do Brasil e o momento logo anterior, quando Octávio Brandão publica seus primeiros trabalhos. O estudo da edição comunista e de suas práticas de leitura nos direciona, portanto, à compreensão da recepção do marxismo por parte de Brandão e seus camaradas da direção pecebista nos anos 1920.This work intends to elucidate the constitution of Communist thought in Brazil through the analisis of the first reception of Bolshevik marxism and its appropriation by Octávio Brandão. As pointed out by Roger Chartier, it is vital that historians pay attention to the conditions and processes that very concretely carry the operations of sense building. So that this work aims to study the Communist education and its Cultural practices through the analisis of publishing, of the building up of the sense of reading and of the intelectual itinerary of one of the most important responsibles for the Communist education, Octávio Brandão. The period approached is the first decade of Brazilian Communist Party existence and the just previous moment, when Octávio Brandão publishes his first Works. The study of Communist publishing and its Reading practices conducts to the comprehension of marxism reception by Brandão and his comrades of the PCB during de 1920.
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Getreuer, Melanie Lynn. ""From the Depths Of The Earth, We, The Men Underground, Will Start Singing": Globalization and Blue-Collar Workers in Post-Communist Poland and Russia." Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/444.
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Thesis advisor: Paul T. ChristensenCompares globalization's impact on blue-collar workers in Poland and Russia, asking two major questions: Is conventional wisdom about globalization's impact on labor accurate in the Polish and Russian contexts? What shape has Poland and Russia's reintegration into the globalized system taken since the collapse of communism? Following the collapse of communism from 1989 to 1991, there was a great international effort to reintegrate Poland and Russia (and the whole of the former Soviet Union more generally) into the global system. Now, more than ten years later, there is some doubt about the success of this mission. Clearly, Poland and Russia are in different positions vis a vis the international system. While Poland is a member of NATO and has just joined the EU, Russia continues to struggle to find its place globally. It is part of the CIS and has obserer status in the WTO, but remains outside NATO and is conflicted about its relationship with its neighbors. The two countries in certain respects, then, represent the extremes on a scale of post-communist global reintegration. Labor, in turn, has been an historically important force for establishing and consolidating democracy. Therefore, it warrents scrutiny
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Plantamura, Patricia M. "Impacts of U.S. Foreign Policy and Intervention on Guatemala: Mid-20th Century." Scholar Commons, 2013. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4745.
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International Relations theory includes realist concepts of sovereign nation-states interacting in an anarchic world as they rationally determine their own national interests based upon ever-changing competition for power. In this interplay for power, nation-states may affect each other politically, economically, ideologically or militarily. This thesis focuses on effects of U.S. foreign policy and U.S. intervention in Guatemala in the time period surrounding the Guatemalan Revolution (1944-1954), with its "liberation" in 1954, and then into the early 1960s as the Guatemalan state began to be militarized. In this thesis I will answer the following question:
How did the United States affect the sovereign nation of Guatemala,
through economic policy, Cold War rationale, and military operations
and thereby contribute to and facilitate the establishment of the nature of the Guatemalan counterinsurgency state?
Through historically documented and officially acknowledged events an assessment will be made as to how these three elements singularly and also collectively influenced the internal workings of the Guatemalan state.
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Lima, Aruã Silva de. "Comunismo contra o racismo: autodeterminação e vieses de integação de classe no Brasil e nos Estados Unidos (1919-1939)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-23112015-134031/.
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O presente trabalho é resultado de uma investigação a respeito da relação estabelecida entre comunistas e organizações negras nos Estados Unidos e Brasil entre as décadas de 20 e 30 do século XX. Foi estudado o percurso duplo por onde trafegaram ideias comunistas no sentido das organizações negras e como estas mesmas organizações influenciaram a agenda política dos comunistas no que tange às questões raciais. Foi possível concluir que as mudanças nas políticas da Internacional Comunista em relação à questão negra obedeceram tanto a critérios internos dos Partidos Comunistas nacionais como às flutuações políticas da União Soviética.This work is result of an investigation about the relationship established between communists and black organizations in the United States and Brazil between 20s and 30s of the 20th century. It was studied the double path on which communists ideas transited towards black organizations and how these very organizations influenced the communist political agenda regarding racial issues. It was possible to conclude that the political shifts in the Communist International with regard to the black question obeyed to internal criterias within national Communist Parties as well as to the political fluctuations in the Soviet Union.
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Moullec, Gaël. "Retours sur l'URSS : pour une histoire générale du projet soviétique." Thesis, Mulhouse, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019MULH4707.
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Le bouleversement des sources historiques permet de penser une histoire générale du projet soviétique qui élargi les perspectives des deux écoles occidentales de pensée historique engagées dans une tentative de définition de la nature du système politique soviétique. Ces études s'attachaient alors principalement aux phénomènes politiques internes - limités aux luttes de personnes ou de factions et faisaient l'économie d'analyses sur la société soviétique, sur le rôle du mouvement communiste internationale et du renseignement et, enfin, sur la place prise par l'Union soviétique dans les relations internationales. Le projet soviétique est une construction inscrite dans le temps par une accumulation de décisions politiques et d'actions concrètes, le réel tournant - le point crucial - de consolidation du système semble être ce qu'il est convenu d'appeler les Grandes purges des années 1937-1938. Au-delà du nombre des victimes, statistiquement faible par rapport aux pertes de la Guerre civile, de la collectivisation ou plus encore, de la Grande guerre patriotique, cet événement a inscrit dans la mémoire collective : - une peur généralisée - d'autant plus importante qu'à l'époque la « logique » réelle de cette opération est inconnue ; - des possibilités d'ascension sociale qui s'ouvraient devant les plus jeunes générations, les « nouveaux venus ». Une nouvelle élite dont les principaux représentants restent aux commandes de l'URSS jusqu'à sa disparition constitue la base active du système soviétique. Si la Russie soviétique nait de la révolution d'Octobre 1917, si l'Union soviétique émerge en 1922, il faut toutefois attendre la fin des années 1930 pour voir surgir un système, soviétique ou stalinien, qui détermine pour les décennies ultérieures, jusqu'en 1991, les principaux paramètres du projet soviétique et continue d'influencer la Russie d'aujourd'huiThe overturning of historical sources makes it possible to think of a general history of the Soviet project which broadens the perspectives of the two Western schools of historical thought engaged in an attempt to define the nature of the Soviet political system. These studies focused mainly on internai political phenomena limited to the struggles of individuals or factions and without giving a truc attention to analysis on the Soviet society, the role of the international communist movement and intelligence and, finally, on the place taken by the Soviet Union in international relations. The Soviet project is a construction inscribed in time by an accumulation of political decisions and concrete actions, the real turning point - the crucial point - of consolidation of the system seems to be what is known as the Great Purges of the years. 1937-1938. Beyond the number of victims. statistically small compared to the losses of the Civil War, collectivization or even more, of the Great Patriotic War, this event has written in the collective memory: a generalized fear - all the more important since, at the time, the real "logic" of this operation is unknown; opportunities for social advancement that opened up to younger generations, the "newcomers". A new elite whose main representatives remain at the controls of the USSR until its disappearance constitutes the active base of the Soviet system. If Soviet Russia is boni of the revolution of October 1917, if the Soviet Union emerges in 1922. however, it is necessary to wait until the end of the 1930s to see a system emerge, Soviet or Stalinist, which determines for the following decades, until in 1991, the main parameters of the Soviet project and continues to influence Russia today
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Bernardinis, Silvia de. "O programa econômico dos comunistas na Itália nos governos de unidade nacional (1943-1947)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03092013-092459/.
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A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam.This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.
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Miller, Daniel Quentin. "John Updike and the Cold War : drawing the Iron Curtain /." Columbia, Mo. [u.a.] : Univ. of Missouri Press, 2001. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/327515422.pdf.
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Bell, James. "Economic Statecraft and Ethnicity in China." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1527196412862614.
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Celik, Rozelin, Josefine Persson, and Adam Tkáč. "Who Cares? : A Comparison of Consumer Perceptions of CSR Between Western and Eastern Europe." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75705.
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Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) is a topic that has been widely researched and is still a progressing and important subject to study. Many researchers have focused on the importance and risks of CSR but have been unsuccessful in conducting research that brings forth managerial implications regarding the challenges and complexity that comes from contextual differences. Furthermore, little attention has been assigned to consumer awareness, perception of CSR as well as analysing differences in related markets such as developed Western European countries (WECs) and emerging Post-Communist countries (PCCs) of Eastern Europe. This research is essential as theoretical ground and for managers to be able to successfully adapt and implement their CSR strategies to various markets, something that is beneficial for gaining a long-term competitive advantage. This study wishes to fill the existing research gap by gaining an insight into the differences in perceptions of CSR between consumers from WECs and PCCs. The outcomeof this study contributes to the existing frame of research regarding consumers’ perceptionson CSR and the importance of adapting a firm's CSR strategies to differentiating perceptions when operating in various international markets. The research was executed by using a qualitative method, carrying out three focus groups with participants originating from the two different regions respectively, and later mixed in a third group. The outcome from these focus groups was analysed using relatedtheoretical frameworks such as Carroll’s pyramid for corporate social responsibility (1991)and Dhanapal, Vashu, and Subramaniam (2015), who explores influencers affecting consumer perception. The findings conclude that CSR is gaining awareness among consumers across both regions, who agree that companies should be engaged in CSR, whereas members from PCCs desires a higher commitment than is currently done. Consumers are willing to pay a higher price when they know that the companies implement philanthropic projects. However, for WECs, this depends on the price of the product, and for PCCs, on whether the activities are locally implemented or not. Finally, this study concluded that companies can gain a competitive advantage by concentrating on social CSR in the PCC region and environmental CSR in the WEC region since the findings indicate that these are the most prioritised issues in each region. Furthermore, managers should adapt their CSR strategies based on these findings in order to relate to the consumer, create legitimacy, and gain trust.
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Blocteur, Marie. "Les principes communs de la justice internationale." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010255.
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De nombreuses juridictions internationales coexistent désormais sur la scène judiciaire internationale. Au-delà de leur variété et de l'autonomie dont jouissent ces cours et tribunaux, n'est-il pas possible, cependant, de distinguer des principes qu'ils auraient en partage et qui les rattacheraient à un même ensemble? Si oui, cela emporte-t-il certaines conséquences? C'est à ces questions qu'entend répondre la présente thèse. À l’examen, les juridictions internationales reposent sur un certain nombre de principes communs relatifs à l’exercice de la justice. Encore faut-il déterminer quel est le degré de convergence dans l’application de ces principes par les juridictions internationales et mesurer l’écart entre leur application interne et leur mise en oeuvre internationale. Finalement, malgré des niveaux variables d’homogénéité observés, une approche internationale de la justice se dessine. Il apparaît ensuite que le partage de ces principes fédère ces juridictions internationales. En effet, les principes en jeu ne sont pas seulement généraux et communs. Ils sont également fondamentaux. Ils engendrent dès lors la formation d’un ensemble juridictionnel cohérent, cette « justice internationale » qui dépasse la seule référence à un conglomérat hétéroclite de juridictions internationales. Cette fonction judiciaire internationale conduit à la mise en relations informelle de ces cours et tribunaux internationaux et assure la montée en puissance, malgré certaines faiblesses.
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Yuen, Kwok-kuen Patrick, and 袁國權. "Macau Grand Prix international community." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31984344.
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Bacon, Paul. "Liberalism, community and international relations." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298098.
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Yuen, Kwok-kuen Patrick. "Macau Grand Prix international community." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B25950642.
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Frankowski, Hyuma, Kate McKeown, and Joel Mulligan. "Building an International Cycling Community." Thesis, Blekinge Tekniska Högskola, Avdelningen för maskinteknik, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:bth-4120.
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With the increasing population and development of cities, addressing urban transportation is predicted to become a greater challenge. Cycling presents the opportunity to address urban mobility demands without the same degree of environmental, economic and social costs associated with conventional motorized transportation. The intent of this paper is to identify the commonalities and differences between cycling organisations, and what some examples of actions that take advantage of opportunities between these organisations could be. Backcasting from scientifically derived sustainability principles within the Framework for Strategic Sustainable Development was used to validate our research topic. Qualitative research proceeded in four phases. Methods included: literature reviews, field visit, interviews, five-level and SWOT analyses, brainstorming and prioritisation. Research found communication and knowledge transfer within and between cycling organisations could be improved, but doing so requires leadership and resources that are usually lacking. Research also found that there is a desire to present cycling in an inspiring way, but there is a lack of expertise in doing so despite the current unprecedented increase in interest, initiatives and resource allocation related to cycling. As cycling gains more support, it will likely encourage a progressive shift throughout the entire transportation sector toward more sustainable development. This ultimately can play a significant role in moving toward a sustainable society.Please contact the authors by email.
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Grandjonc, Jacques. "Communisme/Kommunismus/Communism : origine et développement international de la terminologie communautaire prémarxiste des utopistes aux babouvistes : 1785-1842 /." Trier : Karl-Marx-Haus, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371662013.
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Goulène, Alain. "La Joint Venture, une technique juridique de coopération avec l'Europe de l'Est : l'exemple roumain." Nice, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995NICE0021.
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La joint venture internationale est l'une des techniques juridiques qui montre la mieux le mouvement vers la transnationalisation du droit. Cette opération met en place une nouvelle personne morale contrôlée par deux ou plusieurs unis par une confiance réciproque très forte. En tant que personne morale, la joint venture peut prendre n'importe quelle forme sociale prévue par un droit national. Cet instrument qu'est la société commerciale est soumis à un droit des sociétés qui ne peut être que national. En revanche, parce que les liens juridiques qui se créent entre les partenaires se réalisent par des contrats internationaux, ceux-ci sont soumis à un droit choisi par les parties et sont également caracterisées par la très grande liberté des parties. La joint venture contient par conséquent une bivalence droit des sociétés national contrat international. Cette bivalence se retrouve dans toute les joint ventures, notament dans celles constituées en Europe de l'Est, pays dits en transition. La Roumanie est l'exemple le plus significatif de cette transition politique, économique et juridique. L'objet de la recherche est de vérifier que la technique est la joint venture est adaptée à cet environnement roumain en transition. En effet, d'une part parce que la joint venture à une société commerciale de droit national, elle permet une intervention économique de l'état par le biais de la législation sur les sociétés commerciales. Cette intervention est d'autant plus importante lorque le partenaire roumain est lui même contrôlé par l'État, ce qui constitute aujourd'hui le cas le plus fréquent. D'autre part, parce que la joint venture est un ensemble de contrats internationaux, il sera possible de limiter les effets de l'ordre public national en internationalisant l'opération. Cette internationalisation se réalise par les règles habituelles de droit international privé et par réference à l'arbitrage commercial internationalThe international joint venture is the best legal device to point out the movement toward a transnational trend of the law. This operation sets up a legal entily, controlled by two or several partners bound together bw deep mutual trust. As a legal entity, joint ventures may have any corporate shape provided for by national law. The corporation, as an insturment, is governed by corporation law, that is only national law. On the other hand, as the legal ties which are set up between parners are affected through international agreements, the latter are submitted to any legal system chosen by the parties and are also characterized by the parties'wide freedom. Joint venture therefore include a twofold resulting from linked on the one hand to national corporation law and and the other hand to international agreements. This aspect can be found in any joint venture, specially those set up in eastem european countries, which are said to be countries in transition. Rumania is the most significant illustration to this political, economical and legal transition. Indeed, on the one side, because thue joint venture is a corposation under national law, ot enables the state's economic intervention through enactment of corporation law. This intervention is more significant when the rumanian partner is itself controlled by the state, which is the most frequent case today. On the other side, it will be possible to limit the effects of national public policy with the internationalizing of the operation. This internationalizing is done troblic policy with the internationalizing of the operation. This internationalizing
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Nasho, Ah-Pine Elda. "Une communauté de sécurité en Europe ? : l'exemple des Balkans occidentaux." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAH034.
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Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s
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Kaapanda, M. N. "Decolonisation and the narration of international community." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ63080.pdf.
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Mascarenhas-Keyes, Stella. "Migration and the international Catholic Goan community." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400545.
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Davis, Lori E. "Global community creating a living learning community for international and American students /." [Muncie, Ind. : Ball State University], 2009. http://cardinalscholar.bsu.edu/685.
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Sandström, Karl. "Shadowlands - Responding to Terrorism in the International Community." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23915.
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Skugglandskap - Att svara på terrorism i det internationella samfundet Diskussionen är fokuserad på det problematiska förhållandet mellan en ny hotnivå från internationell terrorism, och internationell rätt som den är utformad idag. En utgångspunkt för diskussionen är antagandet att internationell rätt inte ger användbara verktyg för en internationell kontra-terrorism. Den statiska fokusen på mellan-statliga relationer och krigsbrott lämnar en bred grå-zon där både internationell terrorism och kontra-terrorism kan utvecklas under okontrollerade former. Saken kompliceras ytterligare av både krig och terrorisms förandrade natur. Det är ett slags "skugglandskap" där gränserna mellan internationell terrorist och kontra-terrorist, likaväl som mellan kombatant och icke-kombatant, riskerar att suddas ut bortom igenkänning. Internationell rätt har kommit att förlita sig på nationella lagar för för att handskas med förövarna av internationell terrorism. Det här beroendet har skapat en situation där stater som inte är villiga, eller förmögna, att stoppa terrorister från att operera från baser på deras territorium, har blivit fristader. Det verkar komma en förändring, men det är en förändring framdriven av stater med nog styrka att agera, inte av det internationella samfundet självt. Den underliggande tesen är att internationell rätt behöver anpassas till denna nya verklighet. Uppsatsen försöker besvara hur detta kan genomföras genom att granska de verktyg och konventioner som finns idag, samt diskutera angreppsvinklar och lösningar på problem inte täckta i, eller rent av skapade av, dessa. SLutligen föreslås en modell för en domstol för internationell terrorism som ett konstruktivt sätt att föra situationen under det internationell samfundets kontroll innan antingen terrorism eller kontra-terrorism spinner bortom kontroll.Shadow Lands-Responding to Terrorism in the International Community- The discussion is focused on the problematic relationship between a new level of threat from international terrorism, and international law as it is shaped today. A basis for the discussion is the assumption that international law does not provide applicable tools for an international counter terrorism. The static focus on inter-state relations and wartime offences leaves a wide grey area where both international terrorism and counter terrorism can evolve in uncontrolled conditions. Matters are complicated further by the changing nature both of war and terrorism. It is a “Shadow Lands” of sorts, where the demarcations between international terrorist and counter terrorist, as well as between combatant and non-combatant, could become blurred beyond distinction. International law has come to rely on national legislation to take care of perpetrators of international terrorism. This dependency has created a situation where states not willing, or able, to stop terrorists operating from bases in their territory become safe havens.There appears to be a change to this on the rise, but it is a change driven onwards by states powerful enough to take action, not the international community itself.The underlying thesis is that international law needs to adapt to this new reality. The discussion attempts to answer the question how this can be achieved by examining the tools and conventions available today and discuss approaches and solutions to problems not covered by, or originating in, these. Finally, there is suggested a type model for a court on international terrorism as a constructive way to bring the situation under the control of the international community before either terrorism, or counter terrorism, spins out of hand.
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Wolikow, Serge. "Le Parti communiste français et l'Internationale communiste (1925-1933)." Paris 8, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA080523.
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Le travail entrepris, centre sur le PCF, se déploie sue les deux plans, national et international, politique et syndical, puisque l'étude de l'Internationale communiste va de pair avec celle du syndicalisme rouge. La chronologie événementielle courte est combinée avec l'obervation des évolutions sur le moyen terme. Les années vingt éclairent la situation du PCF dans les années trente. En 1933-34, le mouvement communiste retrouve des pratiques et des réflexions déjà constituées en 1926-27, puis éclipsées. La stratégie et l'activité communistes, insérées dans la société française mais partie prenante de l'Internationale communiste, sont au centre de la thèse. L'importance, méconnue, de la période 1926-27 est mise en valeur. L'élaboration et les conséquences de l'orientation classe contre classe sont étudiées dans leurs dimensions idéologiques et pratiques. Sont également examinés les modes d'organisation et de fonctionnement du PCF et de l'IC durant cette période. Une part importante est réservée aux analyses et aux théorisations économiques et politiques communistes. Enfin les activités des directions du PCF et de la CGTU sont étudiées, avec leurs imbrications, jusqu'en 1934The study wich deals with french communist party, is developped on two different levels, national and international, unionistic and political. Short and middle times are mixed up. The twenties light up the situation of the FCP during the thirties. In 1934 the communist movement meets again reflexions and activities already set up in 1926 but vanished afterwards. The main point of the thesis consists in studying communist strategy and activity both among french society and Comintern. Communist organization as well as ideological productions concerning political and economical analysis and theory are considered
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Enasri, Abdelaziz. "Les firmes en participation internationale." Aix-Marseille 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995AIX24001.
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Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier certains aspects stratégiques qui découlent de la formation de joint-ventures internationales. Le gouvernement local du pays qui accueille la joint-venture participe à la prise de décisions, soit en aidant les firmes locales, soit en imposant des taxes ou des tarifs sur les firmes étrangères qui participent à la joint-venture; le but de ce gouvernement est d'accroître le bien-être social. Les problèmes liés à la dissuasion de l'entrée, le transfert de technologie, la confidentialité des technologies des firmes multinationales, ainsi que l'instabilité de ce genre de coopération nous a amené à investir dans une approche qui permet d'expliquer mieux ce genre de coopération. Voir les trois derniers chapitres de cette thèse. Dans les trois premiers chapitres de la thèse nous avons exposé certains résultatsThe aim of this thesis is to study some strategical aspects in order to form an international joint-venture. In order to maximise the welfare of this country, the local government how receives the joint-venture participates in decision -making by subsiding national firm or and imposing a tax and tariff to foreign firm. The most problem engendered by entry deterrence, technology transfer, asymmetric information concerning the technology owned by multinational firms, and the instability merit a special investigation concerning this form of cooperation. We have exposed in last three chapters of this thesis our work concerning international joint-venture. In the three first chapters of this thesis, we have exposed the existing literature concerning joint-venture
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Weaver, Samantha. "International financial statement analysis : the reaction of the UK investment community to international accounting differences." Thesis, University of Reading, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308086.
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Cox, Marcus. "The making of a Bosnian State : international law and the authority of the international community." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272101.
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Bourrinet, Philippe. "Aux origines du courant international communiste des conseils la gauche communiste hollandaise : du tribunisme au "conseillisme /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37612218p.
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Sutch, P. D. E. "Constructing an international community : a developmental communitarian account of the politics and philosophy of international relations." Thesis, Swansea University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.639137.
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This thesis critically explores contemporary liberal international relations theory. It argues that philosophical, empirical and epistemological challenges to the dominant liberal cosmopolitan position require a re-examination of a tradition of liberal thought that cultivates ideas drawn from the often obscured non-Kantian ancestry of liberal theory. This tradition is presented here as developmental communitarianism. This tradition is constructed to present the Hegelian-liberal theory of Mervyn Frost, the communitarian-liberal theory of Michael Walzer and the political liberalism of John Rawls as important alternatives to the current orthodoxy of Kantian cosmopolitanism. After an exploration of the current empirical and theoretical debates that explore the issues surrounding globalization, interdependence and the philosophical justification of international relations theory this thesis argues that constructivist reasoning provides the only secure grounding for a political theory of international relations. The requirements of constructivist reasoning, taken principally from the work of Onora O'Neill, are simply that acceptable international relations theory must be accessible to all relevant others. That is, it must not rely upon dubious or highly contestable pedicates. Cosmopolitanism, despite a rich and much called upon history and O'Neill's comprehensive development of its grounding principles, cannot and does not fulfil these requirements. The arguments it uses in defence of contemporary liberal claims that urge the creation of a greater human rights culture, or claim to have discovered the necessity of a greater ius-cosmopoliticum or to insist on the dissolution of sovereign boundaries, are shown to be wanting in many respects. In seeking to establish a genuinely constructivist liberal theory the principal claim of this thesis is that the developmental communitarian method of Frost, Walzer and Rawls and the reconstructed conceptions of liberal international ethics that they offer shows the way forward for a just liberal solution to the problems of contemporary international politics.
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Byers, Sean. "Seán Murray, the Irish Republican left and international communism, 1916-1962." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.604659.
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This thesis focuses on Irish communism and the republican left, using Seán Murray’s political career as a nexus between Ireland and the international context. Using newly released and previously under-utilised archival material, the thesis concentrates on two main issues. Firstly, it addresses Murray’s relationship with the international communist movement, challenging and adding nuances to extant research on Irish ‘Stalinism’. Murray had a firm grasp of Marxist-Leninist theory, tactics and methods of organisation. Yet he endured a complex and difficult relationship with the international communist hierarchy and with the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in particular. Murray developed independent, nationally specific policies and tactics for the Communist Party of Ireland (CPI), often arguing for a liberal interpretation of Comintern policy. In fact, on a number of occasions, he anticipated shifts in Comintern thinking. Secondly, the thesis examines socialist republicanism between 1916 and 1962 from Murray’s perspective. It argues that a proclivity to pursue communist-republican alliances brought out in Murray both the crudest and most advanced forms of socialist republican thinking. Unique in his era, Murray combined aspects of Marxism-Leninism with fundamentally Connollyist analyses of Irish conditions and demonstrated an understanding of imperialism on two levels. He failed to develop a communist-republican synthesis. However, in the final analysis, he articulated an inclusive, left social democratic vision of republicanism which drew upon diverse sources of inspiration.
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Pironon, Valérie. "Les joint ventures : Contribution à l'étude juridique d'un instrument de coopération internationale." Paris 2, 2002. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247109319.
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Issues de la pratique des affaires aux Etats-Unis, les joint ventures sont devenues sous l'influence de la pratique internationale des instruments de coopération internationale permettant d'organiser le contrôle conjoint d'une entreprise dans l'intérêt commun de deux ou plusieurs partenaires indépendants. L'étude du montage de la joint venture dans la pratique (première partie) permet de saisir l'originalité du schéma contractuel dont la répétition a permis aux arbitres de dégager des règles d'interprétation spécifiques. Le complexe contractuel qui est à sa base (Titre 1) est unifié grâce au contrat de joint venture qui fait figure de contrat cadre de coopération (Chapitre 1), et exécuté au moyen de contrats d'application interdépendants (Chapitre 2). Les structures de l'entreprise (Titre 2) incitent à distinguer les joint ventures personnalisées dans lesquelles l'opération est conduite par le truchement d'une personne morale distincte (Chapitre 1), et les joint ventures non personnalisées qui demeurent contractuelles ou prennent la forme d'une société en vertu du droit compétent (Chapitre 2). L'unité de l'opération est assurée par une technique contractuelle particulière au terme de laquelle le groupement personnalisé est contractualisé pour permettre le contrôle conjoint de l'entreprise, le groupement non personnalisé organisé pour faire face à sa durée et à sa complexité. L'analyse de l'accueil de la joint venture dans l'ordre international (deuxième partie) conduit à constater que ce schéma contractuel original s'est répandu tout en étant soumis aux droits nationaux et non du fait de son autonomie par rapport à ces derniers. L'institutionnalisation de la joint venture (Titre 1) a permis à de nombreux pays à économie dirigée de s'ouvrir à l'investissement étranger (Chapitre 1), et offre aujourd'hui encore dans plusieurs Etats un cadre juridique pour la réalisation d'un investissement (Chapitre 2). En l'absence de réglementation spécifique, la reconnaissance de la joint venture (Titre 2) dépend de la détermination du droit applicable (Chapitre 1) et de l'intervention des lois de police (Chapitre II). L'application des méthodes traditionnelles de détermination du droit compétent doit ainsi être adaptée à l'existence d'un complexe contractuel et souvent d'une société qui est forcément qualifiée et régie par un droit étatique, tandis que les lois de police sont appelées, notamment en droit de la concurrence et en droit du travail, à prendre en considération la fonction singulière de la joint venture : le contrôle conjoint d'une entreprise.
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Wolfe, Christian J. "Clinging to Power: Authoritarian Leaders and Coercive Effectiveness." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1629981480039829.
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Kiprota, Sally Jebet. "The East African Community (EAC) achievements and challenges since 2001." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10945.
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Includes bibliographical references.This thesis explores the achievements and challenges of the East African Community (EAC), since its revival. The study while focusing on functionalism as the theoretical concept, examines the progress that the EAC has made towards achieving its goals and objectives, and highlights EAC’s integration challenges. Despite being in its formative stages and facing integration challenges, the five East African countries; namely Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi, are fully determined to integrate the region economically, socially and politically.
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Chahine, Gaby. "La joint venture sociétaire internationale : modélisation et contraintes." Montpellier 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004MON10046.
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La joint venture est une opération du commerce international. Elle procède d'un complexe contractuel hiérarchisé et tourné vers la réalisation d'un objectif économique commun. Le montage est formé d'un accord de base et de plusieurs autres contrats satellites. L'accord de base est un acte constitutif de la coopération, mais aussi un acte de prévision et de gestion des risques inhérents à la coopération internationale. Enfin l'accord de base est un acte d'accompagnement et d'organisation du contrôle conjoint de l'entreprise. La joint venture est aussi un opérateur qui est introduit sur un marché interne sous la forme d'une société de capitaux. La cohabitation du contrat et de la société est ainsi une première source de difficultés. En effet, la finalité est de dissocier, au sein de la société, la connexion radicale entre le capital et le pouvoir afin d'instaurer une règle d'égalité. L'évolution de la joint venture dans un contexte international est la seconde source de difficultés. Il est dès lors nécessaire de déterminer le droit applicable. Cependant, les difficultés de localisation de la joint venture marquent les limites des solutions du DIP et appellent le recours à d'autres solutions alternatives telles que la lex mercatoria.
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Martin, Robert Joseph. "Community development within selected regional sectors of southwest China as understood by international specialists." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Nicholls, Shelton Michael Anthony. "Economic integration in the Caribbean community (Caricom) : from federation to the single market." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338496.
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