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Journal articles on the topic 'The Communist International'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 14 February 2022

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1

KRISTJÁNSDÓTTIR, RAGNHEIĐUR. "COMMUNISTS AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION IN SCOTLAND AND ICELAND, c. 1930 TO c. 1940." Historical Journal 45, no. 3 (September 2002): 601–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0200256x.

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In the period between 1935 and 1939, the international communist movement urged communist parties to strike a more nationalistic note in their propaganda. In Scotland this was met by what may seem as a surprising reluctance to move away from strict communist adherence to internationalism, and towards a more nationalistic approach to Scottish politics. This article aims at understanding how the interplay between the international and national political contexts resulted in this reluctance. It considers, in particular, the extent to which the national identity of Scottish communists influenced their approach to the national question. It places the ideas of Scottish communists in the context of Marxist-Leninist doctrine, and considers how these were adapted into the national political context. As a further aid in determining which factors were at work when Scottish communists tackled the national question, the attitude of Scottish communists is compared with that of their fellow communists in Iceland. By broadening the perspective in this way, it is argued, we can make sense of the paradox that it was indeed international communism that eventually turned Scottish communists into nationalists.

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2

Poeze, Harry A. "The Cold War in Indonesia, 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340999004x.

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Existing accounts of the Madiun incident or revolt of September 1948 suggest that it was a mainly domestic incident, with little direct link to international communism, whether through instructions or the international communist line. This paper argues that there were in fact strong links to both. The revolt was closely linked to the return of veteran communist Muso, who arrived from Europe after discussions with communists there, and with a mandate to help the PKI to reform its policies.

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3

Klehr, Harvey, Tim Rees, and Andrew Thorpe. "International Communism and the Communist International 1919-1943." American Historical Review 105, no. 1 (February 2000): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652460.

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4

BELOGUROVA, ANNA. "The Civic World of International Communism: Taiwanese communists and the Comintern (1921–1931)." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 6 (May 25, 2012): 1602–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000327.

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AbstractThe short history of the Taiwanese Communist Party (Taiwan gongchandang 台灣共產黨) (1928–1931) offers a window into the negotiative polity of international communism during the Third Period (1928–1934). The Party was established during the time when the Comintern intensified its operations in colonies and promoted the organization of communist parties there. Its demise was the result of government suppression that occurred as a reaction to their increased public activity in 1931, allegedly at the direction of the Comintern. This paper examines the Comintern's role in the Taiwanese communist movement and shows that the Taiwanese communists were active agents (rather than passive tools) in their relationship with the Comintern.

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5

Haynes, John Earl. "The Cold War Debate Continues: A Traditionalist View of Historical Writing on Domestic Communism and Anti-Communism." Journal of Cold War Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2000): 76–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/15203970051032381.

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This article reviews the huge Cold War-era and post-Cold War literature on American Communism and anti-Communism in the United States. These issues have long been the subject of heated scholarly debate. The recent opening of archives in Russia and other former Communist countries and the release of translated Venona documents in the United States have shed new light on key aspects of the American Communist Party that were previously unknown or undocumented. The new evidence has underscored the Soviet Union's tight control of the party and the crucial role that American Communists played in Soviet espionage. The release of all this documentation has been an unwelcome development for scholars who have long been sympathetic to the Communist movement.

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6

STANCIU, CEZAR. "Autonomy and Ideology: Brezhnev, Ceauşescu and the World Communist Movement." Contemporary European History 23, no. 1 (January 6, 2014): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777313000532.

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AbstractOne of Leonid Brezhnev's primary goals when he acceded to party leadership in the Soviet Union was to restore Moscow's control over the world communist movement, severely undermined by the Sino-Soviet dispute. Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania was determined to prevent this, in order to consolidate his country's autonomy in the Communist bloc. The Sino-Soviet dispute offered the political and ideological framework for autonomy, as the Romanian Communists claimed their neutrality in the dispute. This article describes Ceauşescu's efforts to sabotage Brezhnev's attempts to have China condemned by an international meeting of Communist parties between 1967 and 1969. His basic ideological argument was that unity of world communism should have a polycentric meaning.

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7

Tamulis, Bron. "The Communist International and US Communism, 1919–1929." New Political Science 38, no. 2 (March 22, 2016): 294–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2016.1153201.

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8

Kirschenbaum, Lisa A. "Exile, Gender, and Communist Self-Fashioning: Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria) in the Soviet Union." Slavic Review 71, no. 3 (2012): 566–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.3.0566.

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Focusing on the Soviet exile of the Spanish communist and orator Dolores Ibárruri (La Pasionaria), Lisa A. Kirschenbaum brings into dialogue two topics often treated in isolation: Soviet subjectivities and the selfunderstandings of international communists. During the Spanish civil war, the Soviet media popularized Ibárruri's performance of fierce communist motherhood. The article traces Ibárruri's efforts in exile to maintain and adapt this public identity by analyzing sources in two distinct registers, both of which blurred the boundaries between public and private selves: Ibárruri's “official” correspondence and her interventions in party meetings. Reading such sources as sites of self-fashioning, Kirschenbaum argues that Ibárruri was at once empowered and constrained by her self-presentation as the mother of the Spanish exiles. Ibárruri's case both internationalizes understandings of Stalinist culture and suggests the possibility of a history of international communism structured around the interconnected and diverse lives of individual communists.

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9

Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.

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This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in the end functioned as compliant tools of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinist ideology. Although CPNZ officials did not openly cooperate with Soviet intelligence, the Comintern engaged in clandestine operations with New Zealand Communists. The CPNZ invariably deferred to Moscow, altered its policies to accord with Soviet objectives, aligned its policy to suit ideological pronouncements from the Comintern, kept Moscow informed of internal developments, and sought and received financial assistance from Moscow.

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10

Raza, Ali. "Provincializing the International: Communist Print Worlds in Colonial India." History Workshop Journal 89 (2020): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbaa011.

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Abstract This paper charts communist print worlds in colonial India during the interwar period. Beginning in the early 1920s, self-declared ‘Communist’ and ‘Bolshevik’ publications began surfacing across India. Through the example of the Kirti Kisan Sabha (Workers and Peasants Party: a communist group in the north-western province of Punjab), and its associated publications, this paper will provide a glimpse into the rich, diverse and imaginative print worlds of Indian communism. From 1926 onwards, Kirti publications became a part of a thriving print culture in which a dizzying variety of revolutionary, socialist and communist publications competed and conversed with the equally prolific and rich print worlds of their political and ideological rivals. Removed on the one hand from the ivory towers of party intellectuals, dense treatises and officious theses, and on the other hand from the framing of sedition, rebellion and fanaticism in the colonial archive, Kirti publications show how the global project of communist internationalism became distinctly provincialized and vernacularized in British India.

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11

Ciobanu, Monica. "Rewriting and remembering Romanian communism: some controversial issues." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549472.

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This article examines the dynamic relationship between the two major dimensions of memory and justice in the context of post-communist countries: truth-telling and retroactive justice. This interdependent and uneasy relationship is illustrated by recent attempts at constructing a new historical narrative of the communist past in Romania in the wake of the de-secretization of the files of both the Communist Party and the communist secret police (Securitate). A systematic analysis of the activity of institutions that have been directly involved in research and public education about the recent past – the National Archives, the National Council for the Study of Securitate's Archives, and the Institute for the Investigation of Crimes of Communism – is undertaken. The work of these three institutional actors shows a direct relationship between truth-telling in its various forms (access to archives, opening the files and exhumations) and any subsequent retroactive justice and restitution. The main argument of the paper is that while deep-seated dichotomies between former communist and anti-communists in addressing the past still persist, a more nuanced way of seeing the regime that explores the ambiguous line that divides outright repression from cooptation is emerging.

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12

Camarero, Hernán. "Jacob A. Zumoff, The Communist International and US Communism, 1919-1929 (2014)." Archivos de historia del movimiento obrero y la izquierda, no. 8 (March 1, 2016): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.46688/ahmoi.n8.234.

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13

Ruotsila, Markku. "Jacob A. Zumoff.The Communist International and US Communism, 1919–1929." American Historical Review 120, no. 5 (December 2015): 1910–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.5.1910.

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14

Mat Yazid, Mohd Noor. "Indonesian Relations with the Eastern Europe, Soviet Union and China before 1965: Systemic and Domestic Factors." Review of European Studies 8, no. 3 (July 19, 2016): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v8n3p253.

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<p>This article discusses the Indonesian relations with Eastern Europe Communist states, Soviet Union and China Communists before 1965 and how the systemic and domestic factors influenced Indonesian decision. Indonesian foreign relation was closer to communist state after President Sukarno’s official visits to Moscow and Beijing in 1956. Why President Sukarno foreign relations closer to communist states? What was the international political situation that influenced Sukarno to lean to East bloc? What was the domestic situation that influenced Sukarno to do so? Why Indonesian closer relation with the communist not began earlier than 1956? Among the main discussions in this article are: the Indonesian-Soviet Union relations, Indonesian-China relations, Communist ideology and Indonesian relations with Eastern European Communists states. Indonesian relations with Communists state changed dramatically after the Indonesian Coup of September 1965 and the collapsed of President Sukarno and the formation of “new order” regime under Suharto in Indonesia. The changes of domestic politics in Indonesia after September 1965 strongly influenced the Indonesian relations with the Communists states.</p>

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15

IANDOLO, ALESSANDRO. "Unforgettable 1956? The PCI and the Crisis of Communism in Italy." Contemporary European History 23, no. 2 (April 2, 2014): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000046.

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AbstractThe Italian left has always perceived 1956 as an extraordinary year, because of the succession of international events that supposedly shocked many Italian militants and convinced them to abandon communism and the Italian Communist Party. On the contrary, this article claims that the real reasons for the crisis of communism in Italy had little to do with international events and must be found instead in the momentous economic and social changes that Italy was experiencing at the time. Unforgettable 1956 was therefore only a moment in a longer-term process that was destined to change communism in Italy. The article is based on previously unused documents now available at the Italian Communist Party Archive.

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16

Curthoys, Barbara. "The Communist Party and the Communist International (1927 - 1929)." Labour History, no. 64 (1993): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27509165.

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17

Smith, Evan. "Policing Communism Across the ‘White Man's World’: Anti-Communist Co-operation between Australia, South Africa and Britain in the Early Cold War." Britain and the World 10, no. 2 (September 2017): 170–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2017.0274.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, the British Commonwealth faced the twin ‘threats’ of decolonisation and communism, with many across the Commonwealth seeing decolonisation as the first step towards communist dictatorship. Recent scholarship has shown that the British attempted to ‘manage’ the decolonisation process to prevent socialist movements or national liberation movements sympathetic to the Soviet Bloc from coming to power. Therefore Britain, along with the Dominions, co-ordinated their intelligence services to combat the communist threat across the Commonwealth. This paper explores how this co-ordination of anti-communist efforts was implemented in Britain, Australia and South Africa in the early Cold War era, which involved the breaking of strikes using the armed forces, the close monitoring of ‘persons of interest’ and the (attempted) banning of the Communist Party. It also seeks to demonstrate that the history of anti-communism, similar to communism, has an international dimension that is only starting to be investigated by historians.

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18

Kit-ching, Chan Lau. "The Perception of Chinese Communism in Hong Kong 1921–1934." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 1044–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019299.

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This article attempts to present the impression made by Chinese communism in Hong Kong during the germinal period of the Chinese Communist Movement from 1921, when the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was founded, to 1934, when the communist presence in Hong Kong and Guangdong had virtually disappeared and communist activities were not to be revived until shortly before the outbreak of China's war with Japan. The early perception of communism and its importance have to be understood in the context of the dual society of the colony, with the British as the ruler and the Chinese as the ruled in almost totally separate communities.

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19

Farràs, Josep Puigsech. "Spanish communism in exile: the unexpected resolution of the Communist International." Twentieth Century Communism 7, no. 7 (November 4, 2014): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864314813903953.

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20

Petersson, Fredrik. "Imperialism and the Communist International." Journal of Labor and Society 20, no. 1 (March 2017): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/wusa.12277.

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21

Rupnik, Jacques. "The international communist movement revisited." Journal of Communist Studies 3, no. 3 (September 1987): 318–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523278708414881.

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22

Streets-Salter, Heather. "The Noulens Affair in East and Southeast Asia." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 4 (November 26, 2014): 394–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02104006.

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In June 1931, British authorities in Singapore arrested a Comintern operative using the name Joseph Ducroux. An address book found on his person then led the Shanghai Municipal Police to Hilaire Noulens and his wife, both Comintern agents, who were collectively in charge of funneling all monies and communications between the Comintern, the Chinese Communist Party, and Communist organizations throughout East Asia. The arrest of the Noulens, and the material found in their apartments, compromised hundreds of Communists and their international networks in East and Southeast Asia. The case materials themselves, found in British, French, and Dutch archives, expose the ways the Comintern’s Far Eastern Bureau used Soviet capital and an international cast of characters to combat European imperialism in East and Southeast Asia during the interwar period. Although these efforts suffered from serious weaknesses, European colonial administrators nevertheless worried constantly about the specter of an all-powerful Soviet machine bent on world domination. Their response was cross-colonial collaboration to undermine and destroy the Comintern’s activities in the region. This article explores the circumstances surrounding the Noulens Affair, as it came to be known, to argue that the global struggle between communism and anti-communism that marked the years of the Cold War after 1945 cannot be adequately understood without reference to this earlier, interwar period.

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23

Carew, Anthony. "Conflict Within the ICFTU: Anti-Communism and Anti-Colonialism in the 1950s." International Review of Social History 41, no. 2 (August 1996): 147–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113859.

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SummaryFormed as an anti-communist labour international, the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) nevertheless experienced internal conflict over the appropriate approach to communism. The different perspectives of the two largest affiliates, the British TUC and the American AFL-CIO, caused disharmony and ultimately near organizational paralysis until it forced a change of leadership. Caught between these rival positions, the ICFTU secretariat's relations with the AFL-CIO were initially the most strained, but as the International extended its activity in Africa, in a bid to outflank communist organization among labour, relations with the TUC also deteriorated over the correct stance on nationalism and colonialism.

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24

CONNOR, EMMET O. "COMMUNISTS, RUSSIA, AND THE IRA, 1920–1923." Historical Journal 46, no. 1 (March 2003): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x02002868.

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After the foundation of the Communist International in 1919, leftists within the Socialist Party of Ireland won Comintern backing for an Irish communist party. Encouraged by Moscow, the communists hoped to offset their marginality through the republican movement. The Communist Party of Ireland denounced the Anglo-Irish treaty, welcomed the Irish Civil War, and pledged total support to the IRA. As the war turned against them, some republicans favoured an alliance with the communists. In August 1922 Comintern agents and two IRA leaders signed a draft agreement providing for secret military aid to the IRA in return for the development of a new republican party with a radical social programme. The deal was not ratified on either side, and in 1923 the Communist Party of Ireland followed Comintern instructions to ‘turn to class politics’. The party encountered increasing difficulties and was liquidated in January 1924. The communist intervention in the Civil War highlights the contrast between Comintern and Russian state policy on Ireland, and was seminal in the evolution of Irish socialist republicanism.

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25

Gaido, Daniel. "Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 131–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341515.

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During its first four congresses, held annually under Lenin (1919–22), the Communist International went through two distinct phases: while the first two congresses focused on programmatic and organisational aspects of the break with Social-Democratic parties (such as the ‘Theses on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’, adopted by the first congress, and the 21 ‘Conditions of Admission to the Communist International’, adopted by the second), the third congress, meeting after the putsch known as the ‘March Action’ of 1921 in Germany, adopted the slogan ‘To the masses!’, while the fourth codified this new line in the ‘Theses on the Unity of the Proletarian Front’. The arguments put forward by the first two congresses were originally drafted by leaders of the Russian Communist Party, but the initiative for the adoption of the united-front policy came from the German Communist Party under the leadership of Paul Levi. This article explores the historical circumstances that turned the German Communists into the pioneers of the united-front tactic. In the documentary appendix we add English versions of two documents drafted by Levi: the ‘Letter to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Germany’ on the Kapp Putsch, dated 16 March 1920, and thekpd’s ‘Open Letter’ of 8 January 1921, which gave rise to the united-front tactic.

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26

Haig, Fiona. "The Poznań Uprising of 1956 as Viewed by French and Italian Communists." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 2 (April 2016): 160–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00641.

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The Poznań uprising of June 1956, coming just a few months after Nikita Khrushchev's landmark “secret speech” at the Twentieth Soviet Party Congress, constituted the first real test of de-Stalinization. The uprising was a turning point in postwar Polish history and the precursor to subsequent bouts of unrest in Poland. Yet, the episode itself and its repercussions that year were overshadowed by more pressing and dramatic developments, especially the revolution in Hungary four months later. The responses of the leaders of the two largest non-ruling Communist parties to the Poznań rebellion have been well documented, but much less is known about how ordinary Communist Party members in Italy and France viewed the unrest. This article draws for the first time on the personal testimonies of more than fifty people who in 1956 were rank-and-file Communists from the federations of Var and Gorizia. The article looks in detail at the contemporary reactions to the anti-Communist rebellion. In so doing, it reveals much about ordinary Communists’ priorities, degrees of critical detachment, and level of commitment to the Soviet Union and the Communist cause.

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27

Spenser, Daniela. "Sobre Jacob A. Zumoff, The Communist International and US Communism, 1919-1929." Historia Mexicana 67, no. 4 (April 1, 2018): 1946. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/hm.v67i4.3586.

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28

Johanningsmeier, Edward P. "The Communist International and US Communism, 1919–1929, by Jacob A. Zumoff." American Communist History 14, no. 3 (September 2, 2015): 265–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2015.1103949.

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29

Belogurova, Anna. "The Chinese International of Nationalities: the Chinese Communist Party, the Comintern, and the foundation of the Malayan National Communist Party, 1923–1939." Journal of Global History 9, no. 3 (October 13, 2014): 447–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022814000205.

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AbstractIn the global ideological movements of the early twentieth century, notably communism, new political concepts moved across different cultures. Together with the process of internationalization, this led to problems concerning the translation and interpretation of linguistic terms. Based on little-studied sources deposited in the Comintern archive in Moscow, this article shows that, although the members of the newly formed Malayan Communist Party (1930) were virtually all Chinese, it became the first organization to discuss directly the possibility of a multi-ethnic Malayan nation within the borders of the Malay Peninsula. As the Comintern encouraged the establishment of ‘national’ communist parties, the ambiguity of the Chinese wordminzuresulted in the emergence of a discourse regarding the Malayan ‘nation’, which would be liberated from colonialism under communist leadership.

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Ruthchild, Rochelle Goldberg. "Becoming Communist." Aspasia 13, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2019.130114.

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Kelly Hignett , Melanie Ilic, Dalia Leinarte, and Corina Snitar, Women’s Experiences of Repression in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, London: Routledge, 2018, xiii, 196 pp., $123.09 (hardback), ISBN 978-1-138-04692-4.Lisa Kirschenbaum, International Communism and the Spanish Civil War: Solidarity and Suspicion, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015, xiii, 278 pp., $29.99 (paperback), ISBN: 978-1-131-622690-2.

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31

Segal, Gerald. "1989 yearbook on international communist affairs." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 650–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623202.

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Julian, Margaret. "Yearbook on international communist affairs 1987." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621940.

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Zi'en, C. "The Communist International of Queer Film." positions: east asia cultures critique 18, no. 2 (August 16, 2010): 417–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-2010-008.

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34

Suzdaltsev, Ilya. "Modern English Historiography of the Communist International: A General Overview." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013465-9.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the 21st-century English-language historiography of the Communist International. Contemporary historians are showing increasing interest in the study of this international organization. Three available conceptual approaches to this topic (“traditionalist”, “revisionist”, and “post-revisionist”) are considered and characterized, the works of historians from Great Britain, the USA, Canada, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand are analyzed. The article demonstrates an increase in research interest in the Communist International. In a fairly large volume of studies, there are monographs and articles devoted to the organization both directly (the historiography of the Comintern, the activities of its sections around the world, etc.) and indirectly, i.e., to related issues such as the history of communism, in particular, and the left forces, in general, international relations of Soviet Russia, the communist movement in individual countries, etc. These studies touch on the period of the Comintern's activity from 1920 to the end of the 1930s, including several controversial issues: the impact on the policy of the national communist parties of the “The Twenty-one Conditions”, united front tactics, Bolshevization, Stalinization, and the Popular Front. The author believes that most of the studies (especially those published in the first decade of the 21st century) are based on studies published long before the 2000s, however, archival materials are being used in increasing volumes, which makes modern research more objective. This gives grounds for a conclusion about the revision of the historiographic tradition of the Comintern that existed in the 20th century: new approaches (“revisionist” and “post-revisionist”) entailed a change in emphasis and a revision of some established points of view. Authors adhering to these approaches rely mainly on modern literature (including Russian) and a wide source base represented by materials from both national archives and the Russian State Archives of Social-Political History.

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35

Yahuda, Michael. "Deng Xiaoping: The Statesman." China Quarterly 135 (September 1993): 551–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000013916.

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Alone of the world's Communist leaders, Deng Xiaoping has charted a course that has combined for his country rapid economic development, successful economic reform and openness to the capitalistic international economy with continued dictatorship by the Communist Party. Under his leadership Communist rule in China has survived the demise of Communism in Eastern Europe and the disintegration of the Soviet Union-the motherland of Communism. In the process the regime has weathered the ending of the Cold War and has become more engaged with the Asia-Pacific region. But Deng's reputation at home and abroad has been badly tarnished by his ruthlessness in masterminding the Tiananmen massacre of 4 June 1989. But that ruthlessness is absolutely central to Deng's political philosophy and strategy. For him it is the basis of order at home which alone ensures that the economic policies of reform and openness can be carried out without undermining Communist Party rule through the spread of liberal influences. In so far as statesmanship requires moral dimensions it will be necessary in assessing the quality of Deng's statesmanship to consider the meaning of statesmanship itself.

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36

Goretti, Leo. "Truman's bombs and De Gasperi's hooked-nose: images of the enemy in the Communist press for young people after 18 April 1948." Modern Italy 16, no. 2 (May 2011): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.557222.

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With the elections of 18 April 1948, for Italian Communists the prospect of coming to power in the short term vanished. In the aftermath of the elections, the sustained confrontation of the Cold War at the international level and the unfavourable political context in Italy deeply shaped the tone and content of the Communist press, including the educational magazines for young militants. This article deals with the representations of the political enemies in the press for young Communists between 18 April 1948 and the electoral campaign against the legge truffa in 1953. Attention is paid to how the Communist press portrayed, in particular by visual means, the different subjects that made up the ruling anti-Communist bloc: the US government; Christian Democrats; the Catholic Church; and, finally, the Italian business world. In particular, the analysis underlines the relevance that a ‘nation-’ and ‘gender-’ related discourse had in the construction of political enemies.

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Hall, Rosalie Arcala. "Politics in the Frontline: Local Civil-Military Interactions in Communist Counterinsurgency Operations in the Philippines." Philippine Political Science Journal 27, no. 1 (December 21, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-02701001.

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This article examines the interaction of local army units and town/village leaders in several communist frontline communities in Southern Iloilo, in the light of changes in the national government’s policy response after 1986. Civil-military engagement in the frontline is asymmetrical and premised on different understandings of the nature and assessment of the communist threat. For soldiers, the communists are embedded in the community, and pose a serious threat. Local leaders downplay the rebel threat and view the communists as outsiders, but express a nuanced view of the different roles locals play in the communist movement and factional affiliation of rebels in their area. Except for paramilitary formation, the military devises all counterinsurgency programs while civilian leaders and the police are confined to implementation. The Municipal Peace and Order Councils do not serve as institutional means for local civilian leaders to oversee military operations, but rather as venues for local commands to obtain logistical support. Civil-military interface on human rights concerns has become less confrontational and oriented towards soldiers carrying firearms in public, abuse of local generosity particularly in quartering and food provision, and complaints procedure for minor infractions.

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Solomon, Peter H., and Kaja Gadowska. "Legal change in post-communist states: Contradictions and explanations. Introduction." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 51, no. 3 (July 29, 2018): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2018.07.004.

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Reformers had high hopes that the end of communism in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union would lead to significant improvements in legal institutions and the role of law in public administration. However, the cumulative experience of 25 years of legal change since communism has been mixed, marked by achievements and failures, advances and moves backward. This special issue of the journal Communist and Post-Communist Studies documents the nuances of this process and starts the process of explaining them. This introductory essay draws on the findings of the articles in this issue to explore the impact of three potential explanatory factors: regime type, international influences, and legal (or political) culture. Regime type matters, but allows for considerable variation within authoritarian and democratic states alike and the possibility of reversals. The influence of international organizations (like the European Union) is also far from predictable, especially once states have joined the organization. Finally, legal cultures and political traditions play a large role in explaining developments in individual countries, but there is nothing inevitable about their impact.

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Claeys, Jos. "Christelijke vakbonden van hoop naar ontgoocheling : Het Wereldverbond van de Arbeid en de transformatie van het voormalige Oostblok na 1989." Trajecta. Religion, Culture and Society in the Low Countries 29, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 49–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tra2020.1.003.clae.

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Abstract The implosion of Communism between 1989 and 1991 in Central- and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the following socio-economic transitions had a strong impact on Western European social movements. The international trade union movement and trade unions in Belgium and the Netherlands were galvanized to support the changing labour landscape in CEE, which witnessed the emergence of new independent unions and the reform of the former communist organizations. This article explores the so far little-studied history of Christian trade union engagement in post-communist Europe. Focusing on the World Confederation of Labour (WCL) and its Belgian and Dutch members, it reveals how Christian trade unions tried to recruit independent trade unions in the East by presenting themselves as a ‘third way’ between communism and capitalism and by emphasizing the global dimensions of their movement. The WCL ultimately failed to play a decisive role in Eastern Europe because of internal disagreements, financial struggles and competition with the International Confederation of Trade Unions.

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Jordan, Bill. "Themed Section on Social Policy in Central Europe." Social Policy and Society 1, no. 2 (March 28, 2002): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147474640200026x.

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The transition to democracy and markets in the post-communist countries has produced many losers. Survey research has indicated that the populations of most of these states look back to the later decades of these regimes as ones of relative security and prosperity. The gainers have been those who valued freedom, and possessed the material resources (because of political or mafia connections) or social capital (because of their experience in the second economy under communism) to use it to their advantage. The recent electoral victory of the former communists in Poland, and the routing of Solidarity, indicate the depth of anxiety about the social consequences and costs of transition.

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Zack-Williams, Alfred. "Pan-Africanism and Communism: the Communist International, Africa and the diaspora, 1919–1939." Review of African Political Economy 43, no. 150 (October 2016): 681–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2016.1249707.

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Høgsbjerg, Christian. "Pan-Africanism and Communism: the Communist International, Africa and the Diaspora 1919–1939." Race & Class 56, no. 1 (July 2014): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396813519948.

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Shevel, Oxana. "The Post-Communist Diaspora Laws." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (November 19, 2009): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409353182.

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In the 1990s, a number of post-Communist states adopted diaspora laws that defined the target group ethno-culturally, thus seemingly confirming the continued relevance of Hans Kohn’s distinction between ethnic Eastern and civic Western nationalism. This article, however, posits that while Kohn’s dichotomy may be valid, its related implications are often not. The ethnic content of the diaspora laws, and the content of ethnic nationalism behind them, is much more nuanced, and not all ethnically tinted diaspora polices are discriminatory or otherwise contrary to international standards. Using the case of the 2001 Hungarian Status Law and the European organizations’ reaction to it, the first part of the article draws attention to the often neglected fact that international standards do not ban ethnically based policies altogether but allow for some distinctions in treatment based on ethno-cultural criteria. The second part of the article focuses on the case of Ukraine and further challenges the accuracy of the civic-ethnic dichotomy by showing how the politics of the Ukrainian diaspora law was driven not by a clash between civic and ethnic nationalism but by a more complex tension between different variants of ethnic nationalism, a neo-Soviet imperial vision, strategic bargaining, and changes in electoral fortunes for unrelated reasons. The Ukrainian case also shows how, in addition to international norm diffusion, another—and rather counterintuitive—path towards internationally compliant diaspora legislation may be the presence of substantial domestic divisions on the national issue, which forces the elites to compromise on a less ethnic law.

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GRZYMALA-BUSSE, ANNA, and PAULINE JONES LUONG. "Reconceptualizing the State: Lessons from Post-communism." Political Theory 30, no. 4 (August 2002): 529–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591702030004002.

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The (re)building of the post-communist states offers new perspectives both on the state and on the multiple transitions that followed communism. Specifically, it shifts our analytical focus from states as consolidated outcomes and unitary actors to the process by which states come into being and into action in the modern era. This process consists of elite competition over policy-making authority, which is shaped and constrained by existing institutional resources, the pacing of transformation, and the international context. The four ideal types of state-building that result are exemplified by the post-communist experience: democratic, autocratic, fractious, and personalistic.

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Duan, Zhongqiao. "‘Caudine Forks’: Can Capitalism Be Leapt Over?" Politics 15, no. 3 (September 1995): 161–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1995.tb00135.x.

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The article shows that, according to Marx, capitalism is a necessary stage leading to communism, and the backward countries have to pass through capitalism, if they cannot get the material conditions to establish communist society from the developed capitalist countries.

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Swain, Geoffrey. "The Cominform: Tito's International?" Historical Journal 35, no. 3 (September 1992): 641–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00026017.

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AbstractAlthough it is now recognized that the Stalin-Tito dispute was sparked off by Tito's desire to intervene decisively in the Greek civil war, the ideological context of that decision has never been fully explored. This article suggests that, since the early days of the Second World War, Tito had been committed to establishing a popular front ‘from below’, i.e. under clear communist control. He did this not only in Yugoslavia, but used his position in the war-time Comintern to persuade other communist parties to do the same. As a result he was dissatisfied with the all-party coalition governments established with Stalin's consent throughout Europe in 1945. Tito favoured a communist offensive, while Stalin, aware of the international position of the Soviet Union, favoured a more cautious approach. When Stalin summoned the first meeting of the Cominform in September 1947 and made Tito its de Facto leader, Tito mistakenly assumed he was to head a new international committed to a revolutionary offensive not only in Eastern Europe but in Greece and even Italy and France.

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Garver, John W. "The Chinese Communist Party and the Collapse of Soviet Communism." China Quarterly 133 (March 1993): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000018178.

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The collapse first of Communist rule of the USSR and then of the USSR itself was without question one of the pivotal events of the era. Since China's 20th-century history has been so deeply influenced by Soviet developments, it is important to examine the impact of these events on China. This article asks, first, whether the top leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), had a deliberate policy towards the decline of Soviet Communism, and if so, what was the nature of that policy? Did the CCP attempt to assist their comrades in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) as the latter battled for survival during 1990 and 1991?

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Häberlen, Joachim C. "Between global aspirations and local realities: the global dimensions of interwar communism." Journal of Global History 7, no. 3 (October 19, 2012): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022812000265.

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AbstractThis article explores the global dimension of communism during the interwar period. It criticizes a literature that either depicts communist parties as small ‘red armies’ obeying any order from Moscow, or focuses exclusively on the local level and ignores any international aspects. The article first discusses attempts of communist leaders to create a ‘world party’ based in Moscow. It next analyses the conflicts between a globally acting communist leadership and rank-and-file members concerned about their local circumstances. Finally, it highlights the role that internationalism played on the local level. Such an approach – which locates ‘the global’ on the local level, both in terms of how internationalist ideas informed people's behaviour in local contexts and in terms of how they resisted forms of globalism – might provide a means for bridging the gap between global and local histories.

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Morgan, W. John. "Cultural policy, Stalinism and the Communist International." International Journal of Cultural Policy 12, no. 3 (November 2006): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10286630601020322.

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Cheng, Enfu, and Jun Yang. "The Chinese Revolution and the Communist International*." Third World Quarterly 41, no. 8 (June 26, 2020): 1338–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2020.1763169.

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