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1

Brey, Hansjōrg. "Turkey and the Cyprus question." International Spectator 34, no. 1 (January 1999): 111–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729908456851.

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2

Kovalskyi, Stanislav. "The Cyprus Question in the European Integration Processes (1960-2004)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.28-47.

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The article is devoted to the Cyprus issue in the context of the European integration processes from the Republic’s independence till the accession of Cyprus to the European Union in 2004. Forms and stages of Cyprus` integration policy were revealed in the article. The European integration was the main idea of the Cyprus history in the late 20th century and at the early 21th century. Therefore, the mentioned aspect became the subject of this research. Two lead strategies of the Cyprus policy towards European Communities were identified. The first one was the association within the framework of the customs union as a lead Cyprus policy in 1970-1980th. The second strategy was based on the principles of full membership in the European Union. The latter was occurring in the post Cold war era and had been succeeded in 2004. The home and foreign problems, formed so called Cyprus question, were characterized in the paper. Ethnic conflict’s consequences, artificial territorial division, unfinished peacekeeping operation were obstructing the European goal of the Cyprus Republic. European Commission considered Cyprus to be adjusted to the European high standards. Due to Greek Cypriot’s hard work for the juridical implementations and social and economic adaptations Cyprus was accepted to the EU. In the 1990s the European Union proposed its own way to maintain the Cyprus problem by proceeding intercommunion negotiations and UN Resolutions. This EU`s activity was failed in many points that was reflected in the paper. The British, Greek and Turkish opinion about the Cyprus integration was analyzed. The politic reaction of Greece and Turkey was also in the focus of view. An attention was paid to the Turkish community of Cyprus as a separated problem. The change of Turks Cypriots` status during integration policy of Cyprus was a prominent feature in attempting to solve Cyprus dispute. The Cyprus question is affecting the Turkish European policy badly. Therefore, this problem remains actual for the European history.
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3

Karakasis, Vasileios P. "Energy Security and the Cyprus Question." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 27 (July 15, 2015): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.27.1.

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In February 2014, Nikos Anastasiades, the President of the Republic of Cyprus and Dervis Eroglu, the Turkish-Cypriot leader, signed a Joint Declaration that established certain “ground-rules” upon which the then stalled peace talks -aiming at the island’s reunification- could be revived. The main stimulant prompting this evolution was the discovery of new energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean, and especially offshore the RoC. In October 2014, Turkish navigational warning notified mariners that Turkey would soon perform its seismic surveys in sea areas that encroach on Cyprus’s EEZ, raising concerns on the escalation of the intractable and protracted Cyprus conflict. Aim of this research project is to provide readers with an insight on how the flow between energy and power politics is played out in the Eastern Mediterranean. Suggesting that the existing tensions extend beyond the struggle over the existing material energy assets in the seabed of the Levant Basin, the project casts light upon the notion of energy security by setting forth the indicators it is composed of. While scrutinizing the statements of the leaders on these events and seeking to highlight the security discourses they are coming up with, the project resorts to discourse analysis.
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4

Kovalskyi, S. "The Cyprus Question in the Policy of the Jimmy Carter Administration." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 45–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-4.

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The article is devoted to the policy of the 39th President of the USА from the Democratic Party, Jimmy Carter, regarding the Cyprus problem. The foreign policy aspects of the Cyprus issue, such as negotiations with Greece, Turkey, Cyprus leaders, the development of peacekeeping projects and diplomatic maneuvers of US officials, are considered. Attention is also paid to less obvious details of the politics of the Democratic Party. The role of the Cyprus issue in the pre-election campaign of 1976 is analyzed, since the Cyprus problem remained unsolved as a result of the activities of the Republican Party. This argument was successfully used in election criticism of the opponents. An important aspect of the activities of the democratic party was the search for support from the ethnic communities of the United States, among which the American Greeks represented one of the most influential lobby. In connection with this, the connection of J. Carter with the American Greeks in the context of his policyaimed at resolving the Cyprus problem is traced. A gradual loss of popularity of the American president is shown, as one of the consequences of the unresolved Cyprus issue.
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5

Clerides, Glafcos. "The Cyprus Question: Prospects for a Settlement." American Foreign Policy Interests 20, no. 5 (October 1998): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.1998.10391973.

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6

McGarry, John. "Centripetalism, Consociationalism and Cyprus: The “Adoptability” Question." Political Studies 65, no. 2 (November 17, 2016): 512–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716666293.

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Most assessments of power-sharing institutions focus on their functionality, that is, on their prospects for delivering peace, stability, and prosperity. This article focuses instead on the prior question of “adoptability,” that is, on whether particular power-sharing institutions can be accepted (agreed to) in the first place. While the adoptability question is scarcely touched on in the academic literature, it is just as important as the functionality question, as it hardly matters whether an institution is functional if it is not adoptable. The article examines the adoptability question through a close-up look at the negotiations in Cyprus. The evidence from there suggests that consociational power sharing is more likely to be adoptable than centripetal power sharing in contexts where agreement is needed.
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7

Kyriakou, Nikolas. "The Question of Missing Persons in Cyprus." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 19, no. 1 (March 2, 2017): 105–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15736512-01901023.

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8

Sitilides, J. "The Modern Geopolitics of the Cyprus Question." Mediterranean Quarterly 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 77–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2420230.

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9

Kitromilides, Paschalis M. "Milestones in the Historiography of the Cyprus Question." Historical Review/La Revue Historique 1 (January 20, 2005): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hr.180.

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10

Temiz, Kadir. "An Illustration of Sino-Turkish Relations: The Cyprus Question." Insight Turkey 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2018201.06.

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11

Talmon, S. "The Cyprus Question before the European Court of Justice." European Journal of International Law 12, no. 4 (September 1, 2001): 727–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/12.4.727.

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12

Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "BlockingEnosis: Britain and the Cyprus question, March‐December 1956." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 19, no. 2 (May 1991): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539108582838.

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13

Rappas, Alexis. "The Labor Question in Colonial Cyprus, 1936–1941: Political Stakes in a Battle of Denominations." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 194–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990172.

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AbstractTaking as a starting point two strikes in colonial Cyprus in the 1930s—the miners' strike in 1936 in which both Greek-Cypriots and Turkish-Cypriots were involved and the all-female spinners' strike in 1938—this paper looks at how the labor movement deeply transformed the political landscape of the island. In a society closely monitored by British colonial authorities and well acquainted with the Greek-Cypriot claim for Enosis, or the political union of Cyprus with Greece, the labor question became a locus, or “interstice of power structure,” articulating competing and mutually exclusive visions of Cyprus as a polity. More generally the paper investigates the modalities of formation of a collective group allegiance in a context of constraint.
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14

Hendrich, Béatrice. "Islamic Religious Education in Cyprus." Journal of Muslims in Europe 4, no. 1 (May 4, 2015): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-12341293.

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This article discusses Islamic Religious Education (re) in present day Cyprus on both the southern and northern sides the dividing line established in 1974.reis understood in its broadest sense to includereclasses in formal education, Qur’an teaching in a mosque-like environment or summer school instruction. First an introductory description of the political background of current Cyprus laws is depicted, followed by an illustration of the actors, past events and options for the future. Case studies on recent conflicts in north Cyprus highlight the political aspect of providing or rejectingre. Lastly, the article raises the question as to how the differing approaches torein north and south Cyprus could be integrated once the Cyprus Conflict has been settled.
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15

Koktsidis, Pavlos I. "Bi-Ethnic Federalism and the Question of Sovereignty: Understanding the Competitive Security Postures in Cyprus." Perspectives on Federalism 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2018): 244–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pof-2018-0038.

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Abstract When ethnic groups negotiate self-government arrangements, ‘ethnic sovereignty’ lies boldly at the heart of their security considerations. The constitutional nature of self-determination and the extent of territorial control can determine the degree of ethno-territorial sovereignty attributed to groups. However, in competitive contexts influenced by fear and mistrust, groups interpret these pillar elements in ways that increase their own sense of security. The present study argues that legal and political positions on sovereignty in Cyprus are largely built around the competitive security assumptions held by the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaderships, and explains how the divergent viewpoints and understandings of sovereignty reflect the underlying security fears and suspicion of parties. The analysis finds that the two ethnic leaderships in Cyprus have sought to accumulate a distinct ‘sovereignty capital’ in an effort to safeguard their own and overpower each other’s perceived security intentions in the event of federal collapse, making thus the attainment of settlement in Cyprus particularly elusive.
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16

OSIEWICZ, PRZEMYSŁAW. "Turkey and Its Position on the Cyprus Question Since 1974." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 7 (December 15, 2013): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2013.7.8.

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17

Milne, David. "One state or two? Political realism on the Cyprus question." Round Table 92, no. 368 (January 2003): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/750456739.

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18

MILNE, DAVID. "ONE STATE OR TWO? POLITICAL REALISM ON THE CYPRUS QUESTION." Round Table 368 (January 1, 2003): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358530309630.

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19

LOUCAIDES, LOUKIS G. "Is the European Court of Human Rights Still a Principled Court of Human Rights After the Demopoulos Case?" Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 435–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000094.

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AbstractOn 10 May 2001, the European Court of Human Rights delivered its judgment in the case of Cyprus v. Turkey pronouncing on the legal consequences of Turkey's invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus since 1974. The Court found Turkey responsible for continuing violations of the right to the home and property of Greek-Cypriots. Invoking the Namibia principle, the Court found that remedies in the occupied part of Cyprus may be regarded as domestic remedies of Turkey and that the question of their effectiveness was to be considered in the specific circumstances in which it arises. On 1 March 2010, the Court decided that a Commission in the occupied area was a remedy that should be exhausted by the complainants for the above violations. Significant legal questions were determined relating to the effectiveness of this remedy with far-reaching consequences concerning the right to home and property as well as other aspects of human rights and international law.
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20

Reid, Duncan. "Anglicans and Orthodox: The Cyprus Agreed Statement." Journal of Anglican Studies 8, no. 2 (December 16, 2009): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174035530999026x.

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AbstractThe article takes the form of a report on the current state of the international Anglican–Orthodox theological dialogue. It offers a critical reading of the Church of the Triune God: The Cyprus Agreed Statement of the International Commission for Anglican–Orthodox Theological Dialogue, 2006, outlining the major issues considered, together with points of convergence and continuing disagreement. Starting from acknowledged areas of previous agreement on questions of the Triune God and the nature of the Church, the statement gives special consideration to the issues arising from the ordination of women in provinces of the Anglican Communion. It considers the historical practice of ministry in both churches and the possibility of reception of new expressions of ministry. The theological question at the heart of these considerations is whether the ordination of women constitutes a church dividing matter. For this reason the statement gives some consideration to the terminology of heresy, schism and reception.
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21

Michael, Michalis. "Local authorities and conflict in an Ottoman island at the beginning of the nineteenth century." Turkish Historical Review 2, no. 1 (2011): 57–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187754611x570954.

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AbstractThis article studies the 1804 revolt in Cyprus and its repression. The protagonists of this revolt reveal a particularly complex situation in an area of the Ottoman periphery such as Cyprus at the beginning of the nineteenth century. By codifying the realities revealed to us by this revolt we can remark the existence and parallel action of three different Ottoman authorities in Cyprus during this period. The relation of these three authorities is complicated. Competition between them to expand their responsibilities is constant, as well as their forced collaboration in an effort to maintain order on the island. With regard to their power and importance this is even more difficult since during this period the tenure of an official in Ottoman Cyprus could be short (muhassıl), longer (divan tercümanı), or even permanent (archbishop of Cyprus). The questions that the analysis of this revolt tries to answer are many: who are the Ottoman authorities in Cyprus at the beginning of the nineteenth century? Why is it mainly the Muslims on the island who revolt and especially those living in Nicosia? What was the reaction of the central administration and the island's authorities and how was the revolt finally repressed? Another question concerns the possibility that the 1804 revolt was due to harsh competition between multiple authorities in such a small locality. If this is the case, can we consider this period as the culmination of the establishment process of one authority as the most powerful political power institution? Finally, what does the involvement of the French consul in Cyprus in such a difficult situation show?
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22

Özgit, Hale, and Ali Öztüren. "Conclusion: how could tourism planners and policymakers overcome the barriers to sustainable tourism development in the small island developing state of North Cyprus?" Worldwide Hospitality and Tourism Themes 13, no. 4 (May 31, 2021): 545–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/whatt-03-2021-0049.

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Purpose This theme issue sought to find answers to the question: How could tourism planners and policymakers overcome the barriers to sustainable tourism development in the small island developing state of North Cyprus? The purpose of this paper is to draw on the collaborative work of tourism academics and practitioners featured in this issue. Design/methodology/approach A thematic analysis of the articles in this collection draws together the key outcomes related to the strategic question, with particular reference to the contribution to knowledge, policy and practice and the implications for further applied research in relation to sustainable tourism development in North Cyprus and small island developing states (SIDS) more generally. Findings The main finding is that insufficient and/or ineffective collaboration is one of the main obstacles in managing sustainable tourism in North Cyprus. More diversification of tourism products and better conservation of natural, cultural, economic and environmental resources are also needed. It is argued that this can be achieved through planning and policy improvements that focus on facilitating sustainable tourism development. Originality/value This paper reflects on the strategic question discussed in this theme issue, and it contains a descriptive analysis of the results and recommendations for policymakers and tourism sector practitioners. The recommendations include: the development of sustainable tourism practices by harnessing technological advances and by raising the awareness of policymakers and tourism stakeholders. This paper and the collection of articles that it draws on, is the first to explore different academic and practitioner perspectives on ways of overcoming obstacles and managing and developing sustainable tourism in the SIDS of North Cyprus.
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23

Rynkowski, Michał. "Religious Liberty Under the European Convention on Human Rights." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 10, no. 2 (April 16, 2008): 217–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x08001221.

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The eighteenth annual meeting of the European Consortium for Church and State Research took place in Nicosia, Cyprus, in November 2007, the only divided capital city in the world. It was devoted to the question of how national courts respect and apply the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), particularly Article 9, in their jurisprudence. The conference gathered representatives of 26 European Union States (all except Malta) and was hosted by Mr Achilles Emilianides of the Cyprus Institute for Church and State Research. The conference was inaugurated in a ceremonial way, by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, the President of the Supreme Court, the Attorney General and the President of the European Consortium, Professor S. Berlingó from Messina.
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24

Mesda, Yasemin, and Sevinç Kurt. "Industrial Heritage Buildings in Cyprus." Prostor 29, no. 1 (61) (June 30, 2021): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.31522/p.29.1(61).8.

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This study focuses on the Nicosia Municipal Arts Centre [NiMAC] in Nicosia, one of the prominent historical industrial buildings in Cyprus, which has been re-functionalized as an art centre. The overall goal of this study is to examine and clarify the human experience of the NiMAC building as part of one’s lifeworld. The main argument of the research is that proposing an effective research design for examining how a person distinguishes the components of a re-used building is possible by human responses to architecture rather than focusing on the physical aesthetics of it. Hence, the purpose of the study is to make a multi-sensory analysis to grasp how a person develops an emotional attitude in the re-functioned space which can be the core assessment of the adaptive re-use purposes. In this context, this research basically explores the main research question which is about what spatial experiences the NiMAC building is offering to people after it is re-functioned when space is experienced in a multisensory approach. Methodologically, this research design is basically created by the hybrid use of first-person, existential, and hermeneutic tactics of the phenomenological approach.
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Mahmood Ahmed, Waleed. "European Union And the Cyprus Question: The problem of Europe syprus Relations." مجلة دراسات إقلیمیة 4, no. 9 (January 1, 2008): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/regs.2008.30134.

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26

Stefanidis, Ioannis D. "The Cyprus question, 1949-1952: British attitude, American reactions and Greek dilemmas." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1991): 212–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/byz.1991.15.1.212.

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27

Angeli, Ioannis, and Despina Odysseos. "QUALITY, SPEED, RELIABILITY, FLEXIBILITY AND COST OF PRODUCTS: THE CYPRUS CASE STUDY IN THE PAST AND TODAY." International Journal "Advanced Quality" 44, no. 4 (March 11, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25137/ijaq.n4.v44.y2016.p13-22.

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Cyprus joined the European Union (EU) ten years ago opening the gates to common market. Cyprus citizens and businesses are now living in a highly competitive business environment. There are many benefits of Cyprus joining the EU and removing any barriers from the free movements of goods like larger variety of products and services, more choices, opening into international markets and the increase of antagonism which lead to the reduction, in some cases of prices, and better products. So the main targets of the Cypriot companies were to adapt their way of doing business and to be able to face the challenges of the new antagonistic environment. However, the big question is up to what point they managed to meet the new internationally accepted targets? So the main purpose of this joined research work is to investigate the importance, within time, the behaviour of the Cyprus enterprises, in Mechanical products and goods in the island of Cyprus. Through a national survey, using an accepted sampling plan, the opinions of the customers/consumers as well importers and manufacturers were investigated. A questionnaire consisting of 22 questions, was used to investigate the importance of the five main targets or business performance parameters, quality, speed, reliability, flexibility and cost of products. The two groups of respondents (consumers and suppliers) were asked to evaluate the 5 business performance targets ten years ago (before joining EU) and today in the view of the new data of globalization and Cyprus becoming a member of the EU. In detail there was an attempt to find the degree of changes - improvements or the opposite, in achieving the 5 importance targets in the last decade. Many conclusions were revealed, such as, in which areas there was improvement and by how much, the agreements or disagreements between the two groups of respondents, which is the most important parameter now according to customers and many others. The methodology adopted is very useful to companies that they decide to follow the road of continuous improvement and identify customer views and expectations.
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28

Watkin, Henry Jay. "The cypriote surrender to Persia." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 154–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630076.

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At present there appears to be general agreement that Cyprus entered the Persian Empire some time between c. 545 and 539. It will be argued here that this event did not occur until 526 or 525. The point involves other, much broader issues. Any power wishing to control Cyprus must possess a substantial navy. When, then, did Persia acquire sufficient naval strength to control the eastern Mediterranean? This last problem in turn raises the question of when the Persians annexed the countries of the Levant and Asia Minor from which they drew the whole of their fleet. Finally, because elaborate theories concerning the development of sixth century Cypriote sculpture have been built upon the conclusion that Cyprus submitted to Persia c. 545, a revision of that date will have important repercussions upon the history of Cypriote art.
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29

Knapp, A. Bernard. "Maritime Narratives of Prehistoric Cyprus: Seafaring as Everyday Practice." Journal of Maritime Archaeology 15, no. 4 (October 16, 2020): 415–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11457-020-09277-7.

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Abstract This paper considers the role of seafaring as an important aspect of everyday life in the communities of prehistoric Cyprus. The maritime capabilities developed by early seafarers enabled them to explore new lands and seas, tap new marine resources and make use of accessible coastal sites. Over the long term, the core activities of seafaring revolved around the exploitation of marine and coastal resources, the mobility of people and the transport and exchange of goods. On Cyprus, although we lack direct material evidence (e.g. shipwrecks, ship representations) before about 2000 BC, there is no question that beginning at least by the eleventh millennium Cal BC (Late Epipalaeolithic), early seafarers sailed between the nearby mainland and Cyprus, in all likelihood several times per year. In the long stretch of time—some 4000 years—between the Late Aceramic Neolithic and the onset of the Late Chalcolithic (ca. 6800–2700 Cal BC), most archaeologists passively accept the notion that the inhabitants of Cyprus turned their backs to the sea. In contrast, this study entertains the likelihood that Cyprus was never truly isolated from the sea, and considers maritime-related materials and practices during each era from the eleventh to the early second millennium Cal BC. In concluding, I present a broader picture of everything from rural anchorages to those invisible maritime behaviours that may help us better to understand seafaring as an everyday practice on Cyprus.
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30

Rizas, Sotiris. "Review of Koumas's Μικρά κράτη, συλλογική ασφάλεια, Κοινωνία των Εθνών: Η Ελλάδα και το ζήτημα του αφοπλισμού 1919-1934 [Small states, collective security, League of Nations: Greece and the disarmament question, 1919-1934]." Historein 14, no. 1 (October 8, 2013): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.248.

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Manolis Koumas, Μικρά κράτη, συλλογική ασφάλεια, Κοινωνία των Εθνών: Η Ελλάδα και το ζήτημα του αφοπλισμού 1919-1934 [Small states, collective security, League of Nations: Greece and the disarmament question of Disarmament, 1919-1934] (in Greek), Nicosia: University of Cyprus Publications, 2012, 336 pp.
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31

Burke, John. "An Eternal Balancing Act: Cyprus, Britain, and the Refugee Question in the SBAs." Journal of Modern Greek Studies 35, no. 2 (2017): 539–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mgs.2017.0030.

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32

Gumpert, Gary, and Susan J. Drucker. "The Question of Identity in a Divided Media Landscape : The Case of Cyprus." Res Publica 39, no. 2 (June 30, 1997): 281–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v39i2.18593.

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The military operations of 1974 in Cyprus led to the formation of two autonomous areas houding Turkish Cypriots in the north and the Greek Cypriots in the south. The island is divided by the "Green Line", patrolled by U.N. peace keeping forces.Movement is blocked and communication severed. There are multiple and conflicting Cypriot identities and feelings of nationalism ranging from pride in being Cypriots, to feelings of connection to Hellenic heritage, and cultural along with political and economic ties to Greece. A Turkish Cypriot identity linked to a distinct religious and linguistic background co-exists with Turkish settlers living in the independent north yet tied to Turkey. This article examines the division from a communication perspective taking into account language, religion, the visual landscape and the media landscape on each side ofthe "Green Line" along with interlocking media landscapes with Greece or Turkey in order to explore influences shaping collective identity and nationalism.
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33

Osiewicz, Przemysław. "The Cyprus Talks 2015–2017: Their Course, the Outcome, and Consequences for the European Union." Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej, no. 14 (December 31, 2020): 141–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/rie.2020.14.9.

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The main aim of the article is to present political consequences of the failure of the Cyprus talks 2015–2017 for the European Union. Although its institutions and representatives were engaged in the negotiation process there, the issue seems to be more complex when it comes to defining what their role was. One can find the answer to such a question analysing the course and the final outcome of the negotiation process in Cyprus. The main research question are as follows: What was the course of bicommunal negotiations? What brought the negotiations to a halt in 2017? How did the European Union engage in the process? What are political consequences of the talks failure for the European Union? The selected method is sources analysis and the technique is qualitative content analysis. On this basis one can study, for example, selected speeches, declarations as well as official documents. As regards the main sources, these are selected EU and UN documents, monographs, and academic articles.
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34

Tasoulas, Argyrios. "Decolonization of Cyprus and position of the Soviet Union (1953-1959(." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 2 (February 2020): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2020.2.33136.

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This article examines the process of decolonization of Cyprus and support of the Soviet Union in the struggle against British colonialism. The author substantiates why the case of Cyprus deserves special attention, and how its national characteristics alongside other factors, including the position of Great Britain, Greece, and Turkey impacted decolonization process of the island. It is underlined that the Soviet policy in support of national identity of the Cypriots, as demonstrated by diplomatic steps in the United Nations Security Council in 1954-1958, pursued two directions: weakening of British positions in the Eastern Mediterranean, and initiation of a split in relations between the two NATO members – Greece and Turkey, using their national interests in Cyprus. The unpublished Greek and Soviet materials served as methodological framework for this research. The author leans on the archival foreign policy materials of the Russian Federation, diplomatic and foreign policy archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Greece, as well as the Foundation of the Prime Minister of Greece Konstantinos Karamanlis. The use of vast array of sources on the three languages dedicated to the topic allowed concluding that the tactics of the Soviet Union pertinent to Cyprus question of 1953-1959, was ineffective, since the gap between Greece and Turkey and NATO has been overcome after signing the Cyprus Agreements of 1959. A sovereign Cyprus State within the framework of the Non-Aligned Movement, and political protection of the Cypriot Communists (the strongest Communist Party in the region), would be the best way for ensuring Soviet security, since these subjects could control the use of the British military facilities, and thus, expand Soviet influence in the region.
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35

Tsardanidis, Charalambos, and Stelios Stavridis. "The Cyprus Problem in the European Parliament:A Case of Successful or Superficial Europeanization?" European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 1 (February 1, 2009): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009008.

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There is a vast literature on Europeanization but to date it has not concentrated on its impact on EU institutions. There is an emerging literature on the external relations of transnational parliaments (including the European Parliament’s external policies), some of it labelled ‘parliamentary diplomacy’, but it remains an under–studied area all the same. The original contribution of this article is to bring those trends together in a specific attempt to identify if there is a Europeanization of the European Parliament (EP) on a specific international issue: the Cyprus problem. That particular question is extremely important because the EU’s enlargement policy is considered to be its most effective Europeanization process. As the Republic of Cyprus has now joined the EU and Turkey has begun accession negotiations, the role of the EP is extremely relevant. After reviewing briefly the existing literature on Europeanization, and on the external relations of the EP, the article considers in more detail the EP’s empirical record on the Cyprus problem. It identifies three distinct stances and phases. It concludes by arguing that a shifting EP stance on the Cyprus problem shows signs not of a successful Europeanization, but rather of a superficial one, which depends largely on changing circumstances and national preferences.
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Andrews, Justine. "Conveyance and Convergence: Visual Culture in Medieval Cyprus." Medieval Encounters 18, no. 4-5 (2012): 413–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342114.

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Abstract While the trajectory of transmission of art in the Mediterranean has often been understood as West to East, here I will consider the transmission of artistic sources to Cyprus from both the West and East. These trajectories open a dialogue regarding the question of how the many sources that underpin Cypriot medieval art converged on the island. Focusing on commissions of the Lusignan dynasty, as well as other powerful communities such as the Orthodox Greeks and the Genoese, this paper shows that the social and political identity of these groups was constantly in flux; the artistic styles they used to express themselves changed according to their shifts in status. Thus, their use of artistic and architectural styles was strategic and both reflected and shaped the family’s changing political and economic position in the Mediterranean.
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Sfetas, Spyridon. "The legacy of the Treaty of Lausanne in the light of Greek-Turkish relations in the twentieth century: Greek perceptions of the Treaty of Lausanne." Balcanica, no. 46 (2015): 195–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1546195s.

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The Treaty of Lausanne and the compulsory exchange of populations between Greece and Turkey became the basis both for the reorientation of their foreign policies and for the establishment of close relations of friendship and cooperation between the two countries. But the Cyprus question and the Aegean conflict affected bilateral relations. It had a negative impact on the Treaty of Lausanne.
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38

Trimikliniotis. "The national question, partition and geopolitics in the 21st century: the Cyprus problem, the social question and the politics of reconciliation." Global Discourse 8, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2018.1461440.

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39

Knappett, Carl, Vassilis Kilikoglou, Val Steele, and Ben Stern. "The circulation and consumption of Red Lustrous Wheelmade ware: petrographic, chemical and residue analysis." Anatolian Studies 55 (December 2005): 25–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000648.

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AbstractRed Lustrous Wheelmade ware is one of the most recognisable classes of pottery from the Late Bronze Age of the east Mediterranean. Yet both its production source and the nature of its contents and use remain a source of some debate. These questions are tackled here through an intensive programme of scientific analysis involving 95 samples of Red Lustrous Wheelmade ware and related wares from seven sites in Turkey, Cyprus and Egypt. Petrography and instrumental neutron activation analysis are combined in the study of the ceramic fabrics, with a view to specifying the source of this ware; while gas chromatography and gas chromatography-mass spectrometry are used to analyse absorbed and visible residues in and on the sherd samples, in the hope of shedding light on vessel contents and possible use. The results of the fabric analysis show the ware to be extremely homogeneous, indicative of a single source: northern Cyprus is at present the most likely candidate, although further analysis, particularly of clay samples from the region in question, would certainly be desirable. The residue analysis suggests that Red Lustrous Wheelmade ware might have been used to carry some kind of plant oils, possibly perfumed, and that in some instances the vessel interior was coated with beeswax as a sealant.
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40

Bozkurt, Umut, and Nicos Trimikliniotis. "Incorporating a Class Analysis within the National Question: Rethinking Ethnicity, Class, and Nationalism in Cyprus." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 20, no. 2 (April 3, 2014): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2014.909162.

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41

Franklin, Mark. "Sovereignty and the Chicago Convention: English Court of Appeal Rules on the Northern Cyprus Question." Air and Space Law 36, Issue 2 (April 1, 2011): 109–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2011015.

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42

Hatzivassiliou, Evanthis. "Greece and the Arabs, 1956-1958." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 16 (1992): 49–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307013100007540.

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In the second half of the 1950s, Greek foreign policy was dominated by the Cyprus question, while in the Middle East the same period was marked by a series of crises. The developments in the Middle East were important to the Greek government partly because Cyprus’s fate depended primarily on British decisions — and these decisions were connected to Britain’s position in the Middle East. Simultaneously, the turbulence in the region endangered the Greek communities in it, mainly the large community in Egypt. Yet, it may be said that Athens was rather slow in making an approach to the Arabs, on whose votes the United Nations debates on Cyprus largely depended: such approach took place only in Spring 1956, after the British had deported the Greek Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios, and after the new government of Constantinos Karamanlis had scored its first electoral victory.
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Russell, Anthony, and A. Bernard Knapp. "SARDINIA AND CYPRUS: AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW ON CYPRIOTES IN THE CENTRAL MEDITERRANEAN." Papers of the British School at Rome 85 (January 10, 2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246216000441.

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Recent research reveals what we term a ‘discourse of certainty’ regarding an assumed predominant socio-economic and cultural impact of Late Bronze Age Cypriotes or Mycenaeans on the local peoples of Sardinia and/or Sicily and Italy, not least in terms of a systematic, seaborne trading network extending from the Cyprus to the Tyrrhenian Sea. ‘Minimalist’ approaches to such a phenomenon have a long and venerable but more limited pedigree. In this study, we question why minimalist views have been so summarily dismissed in much current literature that seeks to evaluate an eastern Mediterranean presence or influence in the central Mediterranean. We focus on Sardinia, and on the range of Cypriot or ‘Cypriot-type’ materials found there. We consider the nature of the Cypriot–Sardinian relationship, and suggest that we should decouple foreign objects from foreign agents. We question several of the perceived Cypriot influences on Sardinian artefacts, and consider possible alternative mechanisms and routes of exchange between the east and central Mediterranean. We outline and discuss the array of presumed or actual Cypriot artefacts found on Sardinia, and argue that these do not add up to a ‘significant’ corpus of Late Cypriot materials and connections.
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44

Kıralp, Şevki. "1967-1974 Döneminde Kıbrıs Sorunu ve Türkiye ile Yunanistan’ın Kıbrıs Politikaları / The Cyprus Question in the Period 1967-1974: Turkish and Greek Policies on Cyprus." Journal of History Culture and Art Research 7, no. 2 (July 2, 2018): 444. http://dx.doi.org/10.7596/taksad.v7i2.1437.

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<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>The main goal of this paper is to analyze political attitudes of Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot, as well as Turkish and Greek politics towards the Cyprus Question from 1967 to 1974. The relevant period played a crucial role in shaping the political process leading to the Greek <em>coup</em> and Turkish intervention of 1974. Therefore, it might be presumed that analyzing the political developments within this period is likely to provide a contribution for the literature. The historical research covered by this paper starts with 1967 since it was the year that the Junta of Colonels seized power in Greece. Additionally, in late 1967, a Turkish Cypriot village was attacked by Greek Cypriot forces led by General Grivas. As a consequence Turkey asked for, and obtained the removal of the Greek forces that were, in a way contradictory to Zurich-London treaties, stationed on the island in 1964. The historical research ceases with 1974 incidents since the Greek <em>coup </em>and the Turkish intervention overwhelmingly re-shaped the political destiny of Cyprus. This study examined historical sources written in Turkish, Greek and English (archival materials, newspapers and memoires) to shed light on the relevant political developments. The research conducted by this paper reached to the conclusion that the Greek Cypriot leaders tried to limit Turkish Cypriots’ veto rights by amending the constitution, and the Turkish Cypriot leaders tried to provide local autonomy for their community. Moreover, while there were significant conflicts and tensions between Greece and Greek Cypriot leaders, the relations between Turkey and Turkish Cypriot leaders were based on harmony and cooperation. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu çalışmanın temel amacı, 1967-1974 yılları arasında adadaki Türk ve Rum toplumları ile Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ın Kıbrıs Sorununa nasıl yaklaştıklarını incelemektir. Bu dönemin Kıbrıs, Türkiye ve Yunanistan’ın siyasi tarihleri açısından önem taşıyan 1974 gelişmelerini şekillendiren bir süreç olmasından ötürü, ilgili tarafların bu yıllardaki siyasetlerini incelemenin literatüre katkı sağlayacağı düşünülmektedir. 1967, Yunanistan’da Albaylar Cuntasının iktidara geldiği, bir yandan diplomatik çabalar sürerken diğer yandan General Grivas komutasındaki Rum askeri birliklerinin bir Türk köyüne saldırdığı, bunun sonrasındaysa Türkiye’nin tutumunu sertleştirerek adaya 1964 yılında Zürih-Londra antlaşmalarına aykırı biçimde yerleştirilen Yunan birliklerinin Kıbrıs’tan çıkarılmasını sağladığı bir yıl olmasından ötürü tarihsel incelemenin başlangıç noktası olarak uygun görülmüştür. Araştırmanın tarihsel kapsamının 1974 yılı ile sonlanmasının sebebi ise, adanın siyasal kaderini büyük oranda etkileyen iki gelişmenin, Yunan Cuntasının Kıbrıs’ta yaptırdığı darbe ile Türkiye’nin Kıbrıs Harekâtının o yıl yaşanmasıdır. Araştırma; Türkçe, Yunanca ve İngilizce tarihsel belgeler (arşivler, gazeteler ve hatıratlar) inceleyerek ilgili tarafların Kıbrıs siyasetlerine ışık tutmaya çalışmıştır. İncelenen dönemde Kıbrıslı Rum liderlerin anayasal değişiklikler vasıtasıyla adadaki Türk toplumunun veto haklarını sınırlandırmaya, Kıbrıslı Türk liderlerin ise ada Türkleri için yerel yönetimde özerklik hakkı elde etmeye çalıştıkları görüldü. İncelenen dönemde Yunanistan ile Kıbrıs Rum liderleri arasında ciddi çatışmalar ve görüş ayrılıkları yaşanırken Türkiye ile Kıbrıs Türk liderleri arasında uyum ve işbirliğinin egemen olduğu da çalışma tarafından ulaşılan dikkate değer bir sonuçtur.</p>
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Fasli, Mukaddes, and Farnaz Pakdel. "Assessing Laguna District's Spatial Qualities in Gazimagusa, Northern Cyprus." Open House International 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 74–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ohi-01-2010-b0008.

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This study assesses the Laguna District's spatial qualities in Gazimagusa. Gazimagusa is a coastal settlement that possesses long golden beaches. However, almost all sea fronts are closed to the public. There is both a physical and a visual barrier along the sea-shore. The Laguna District is the only area in the city, where the sea-shore is open to the public. Therefore, this district is an important area. In this study, three indicators and eleven determinants are used to assess the spatial qualities of the Laguna District. The indicators are natural and physical aspects as well as existing functions and activities in the district. In this research, the determinants are used in question form for assessing the spatial qualities of the Laguna District. The first part of this paper discusses some theoretical issues related to the significance of sea fronts in respect of coastal settlements and the spatial qualities of the coastal districts. Observation and physical analysis methods are used for assessing the spatial qualities. According to findings, some recommendations are given for improving the spatial qualities of the Laguna District.
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46

Betz-Heinemann, Khalil Avi. "CAZA RECREATIVA, ¿POR QUÉ? UN ESTUDIO DE CASO ETNOGRÁFICO E HISTÓRICO DEL NORTE DE CHIPRE." Revista Andaluza de Antropología, no. 20 (2021): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/raa.2021.21.5.

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In this paper I answer the question of why people, particularly men, hunt recreationally. I combine ethnography and archival research to explore the personal motivations of contemporary recreational hunters in Northern Cyprus. I then go on to examine histories of recreational hunting by different colonisers of Cyprus. In both past and present cases, my analysis reveals that recreational hunting is a personal practice in being free in the context of everyday life in a coercive civilisation. In addition, recreational hunting is recognised as being entangled with gains in political rights in the wake of the Enlightenment and its extension to newly free citizens, men in particular. Furthermore, the history of recreational hunting situates it as spatially juxtaposed against the fixed settlements of coercive civilization, echoing protected areas today. I conclude that male citizens hunt recreationally seeking a passing taste of elitist ways of being free, as it is a demonstration of the limited sovereignty over one’s life that being a legal citizen offers.
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47

Vivier-Mureşan, Anne-Sophie. "The eternal manifestation of the Spirit through the Son: a hypostatic or energetic reality? Inquiry in the works of Gregory of Cyprus and Gregory Palamas." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 113, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 1041–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2020-0044.

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AbstractThe theological formulation of the “eternal manifestation of the Spirit through the Son”, developed by the patriarch of Constantinople Gregory of Cyprus in the 13th century, has been the subject of numerous studies in the 20th century and played an important role in the renewal of Trinitarian Orthodox theology. The interpretations are however diverging. Most theologians see in this formulation the manifestation of the uncreated energy, which would have been formalized later by Gregory Palamas. Others understand it as a hypostatic reality concerning the third Person of the Trinity. This paper contributes to the discussion by re-analyzing the main texts of Gregory of Cyprus and of Gregory Palamas on this matter. In a first step, we defend the thesis that in the thought of the Byzantine patriarch, this expression truly concerns the hypostasis of the Spirit. In a second step, we question the existence of the theme of an “eternal manifestation” of the uncreated energy in the work of Gregory Palamas.
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Banerjee, Arpan, and Ashwin Murthy. "Rand Investments v. Republic of Serbia: Transparency and the Limits of Consent." Journal of International Arbitration 38, Issue 1 (January 1, 2021): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2021006.

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International investment law has consistently grappled with the issue of transparency. While the need for increased transparency in the practice of investment tribunals is generally recognized in principle, in practice the application of transparency norms often raises contentious issues. One common issue is the appropriateness of transparent proceedings where the Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) governing the dispute is silent on the matter. A further, more vexed question arises when claimants proceed under multiple BITs with disparate transparency obligations. This situation arose in Rand Investments v. Republic of Serbia, where the claimants instituted an arbitration under both the Canada-Serbia and the Cyprus- Serbia BITs. Noting that the Cyprus-Serbia BIT was silent on the question of transparency, the Majority held that the transparency provisions of the Canada-Serbia BIT could be applied to the entire arbitration on grounds of procedural efficiency. However, the respondent’s arbitrator dissented, finding that the Majority’s approach violated Serbia’s consent and sovereignty. Upon examining the dichotomous approaches adopted by the Majority and the Dissenting Arbitrator, this case comment offers an insight into the potential implications of the case on future investment arbitrations involving multiple BITs with disparate transparency obligations. investment arbitration, dissenting opinion, transparency, Lotus principle, Effet Utile, procedural efficiency, Eurogas v Slovakia, duty of arbitrator, state consent, residual powers of the tribunal, confidentiality.
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Kvashnin, Yury D. "The Republic of Cyprus as a Transit Point for Foreign Capital." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 170–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-1-170-184.

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The policy of the Cypriot authorities, aimed at attracting foreign capital, is deeply rooted in history. Having created a flexible tax system, since its first years as an independent state Cyprus has managed to attract numerous foreign shipping companies and in the 1970s it turned into a regional financial hub through which economic cooperation between the countries of the West and the Middle East was carried out. The Cypriot economy flourished in the 1990s – 2000s, when thanks to favorable taxation regime, transaction confidentiality, convenient geographical location, eased visa regime and a number of other factors it became the main transit point for capital from Eastern Europe, first of all – from Russia. However, the future of Cyprus as an international financial center is in question. Under the pressure of the EU, OECD and a number of individual countries, the Cypriot authorities are forced to bring their tax legislation in line with international standards. Negative impact on the investment image of the country was rendered by the national 2012-2013 banking crisis, followed by the collapse of the largest national banks, a sharp deterioration in macroeconomic indicators and the implementation by the government of a number of reforms that affected the attractiveness of Cyprus in the eyes of international business companies. In these circumstances, the Cypriot authorities have taken a number of measures aimed at preventing the outflow of foreign capital, including the abolition of the property tax in the housing stock, the extension of benefits for new tax residents and the introduction of a simplified procedure for the granting of Cypriot citizenship for investments. Thanks to these innovations, Cyprus managed not only to retain interest from TNCs of Russian origin, but also to attract investments of small and medium-sized companies, primarily those working in the field of information and communication technologies.
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Kushnir, Yа. "Features of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories: comparative and legal aspect." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(49) (June 8, 2021): 136–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.1(49).233114.

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The author of the article makes a comparative legal description of Ukrainian temporarily occupied territories’ legal status through the prism of the international experience that the Republic of Cyprus and Georgia had. Normalization of the legal status of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine is a priority of the national legislator. However, the question is how effective this direction is. Scientific research is being held to find the answer to this question. It is carried out due to identifying common and distinctive features of the law enforcement practice of the Republic of Cyprus, as one of the longest and most successful examples of counteracting the temporary occupation. The absence of a legal definition of the status of the temporarily occupied territories of Cyprus is established within the framework of national legislation. Moreover, the demarcation line is characterized and the order of crossing the demarcation line is established. Common and distinctive features of normalization of this array of public relations are determined. In disclosing the results of this part of the study, the author establishes an approach to the definition and consolidation of the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine concerning specific values that are defined by national and international law. Further explorations of the study are conducted taking into account the practice of Georgia, a country whose practice was taken into account directly in the development of national regulators of the status of the temporarily occupied territory. In the course of the research, the author reveals the reasons why the temporarily occupied territories appeared and their consequences for Georgians. The normative basis for settling this issue is singled out, the impossibility of the order of entry / exit to/from the temporarily occupied territory, the responsibility for violating the order of crossing the demarcation line is substantiated. Particular attention is paid to the common features of the definition of the temporarily occupied territories of both states, and the distinctive features of further regulation.
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