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Journal articles on the topic 'The ecology of human development'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Brett‐Crowther, M. R. "Human ecology and development." International Journal of Environmental Studies 24, no. 3-4 (May 1985): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207238508710193.

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2

Wall, Geoffrey. "Human ecology, tourism and sustainable development." Annals of Tourism Research 17, no. 4 (January 1990): 633–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-7383(90)90040-x.

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3

Srinivasan, Krithika, and Rajesh Kasturirangan. "Political ecology, development, and human exceptionalism." Geoforum 75 (October 2016): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2016.07.011.

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4

Bennett, Elisabeth E., and Laura L. Bierema. "The Ecology of Virtual Human Resource Development." Advances in Developing Human Resources 12, no. 6 (December 2010): 632–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1523422310394789.

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5

Griffore, Robert J., and Lillian A. Phenice. "Causality and the Ecology of Human Development." Psychological Record 38, no. 4 (October 1988): 515–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03395043.

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6

Porter, Philip W. "Ecology As Metaphor: Sauer And Human Ecology." Professional Geographer 39, no. 4 (November 1987): 414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.1987.00414.x.

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7

Leighly, John. "ECOLOGY AS METAPHOR: CARL SAUER AND HUMAN ECOLOGY." Professional Geographer 39, no. 4 (November 1987): 405–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0033-0124.1987.00405.x.

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8

Batabyal, Amitrajeet A. "Environment, development, agriculture: Integrated policy through human ecology." Food Policy 22, no. 4 (August 1997): 377–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0306-9192(97)80957-8.

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9

Cook, Kevin. "Environment, development, agriculture: Integrated policy through human ecology." Applied Geography 16, no. 3 (July 1996): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0143-6228(96)83716-7.

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10

McGregor, Sue L. T. "Conceptualizing Transdisciplinary Human Ecology." Human Ecology Review 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 159–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/her.26.01.2020.11.

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11

Smith, Sheldon, and John W. Bennett. "Human Ecology as Human Behavior: Essays in Environmental and Development Anthropology." Anthropological Quarterly 67, no. 3 (July 1994): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3317554.

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12

Head, Lesley, and Jennifer Atchison. "Cultural ecology: emerging human-plant geographies." Progress in Human Geography 33, no. 2 (August 28, 2008): 236–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132508094075.

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13

Soyer, Gonca Feyza. "Urie Bronfenbrenner: The Ecology of Human Development Book Review." Journal of Culture and Values in Education 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 77–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.46303/jcve.02.02.6.

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14

Glaeser, Bernhard. "A holistic human ecology approach to sustainable agricultural development." Futures 20, no. 6 (December 1988): 671–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0016-3287(88)90007-9.

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15

Davila, Federico. "Human Ecology and COVID-19." Human Ecology Review 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/her.26.01.2020.01.

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16

Foster, John Bellamy. "Ecology and Human Freedom." Monthly Review 47, no. 6 (November 3, 1995): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-047-06-1995-10_3.

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17

Louv, Richard. "Book review : Adding ecology to human ecology." Childhood 1, no. 3 (August 1993): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/090756829300100306.

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18

Foley, Robert, and Clive Gamble. "The ecology of social transitions in human evolution." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 364, no. 1533 (November 12, 2009): 3267–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2009.0136.

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We know that there are fundamental differences between humans and living apes, and also between living humans and their extinct relatives. It is also probably the case that the most significant and divergent of these differences relate to our social behaviour and its underlying cognition, as much as to fundamental differences in physiology, biochemistry or anatomy. In this paper, we first attempt to demarcate what are the principal differences between human and other societies in terms of social structure, organization and relationships, so that we can identify what derived features require explanation. We then consider the evidence of the archaeological and fossil record, to determine the most probable context in time and taxonomy, of these evolutionary trends. Finally, we attempt to link five major transitional points in hominin evolution to the selective context in which they occurred, and to use the principles of behavioural ecology to understand their ecological basis. Critical changes in human social organization relate to the development of a larger scale of fission and fusion; the development of a greater degree of nested substructures within the human community; and the development of intercommunity networks. The underlying model that we develop is that the evolution of ‘human society’ is underpinned by ecological factors, but these are influenced as much by technological and behavioural innovations as external environmental change.
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19

Tønnessen, Morten. "Anticipating the societal transformation required to solve the environmental crisis in the 21st century." Sign Systems Studies 49, no. 1-2 (June 4, 2021): 12–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2021.49.1-2.02.

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This article introduces an ecosemiotic approach to the two great challenges facing humanity in the 21st century: solving an escalating environmental crisis, while also safeguarding and further improving human living conditions. An ecosemiotic framework for the study of societal transformations is presented and political and other normative aspects of what I call transformative semiotics are discussed. This envelops socio-cultural and socio-ecological developments framed in terms of umwelt theory and Deep Ecology. In the long run, developments in human ecology as reflected in our changing relations to non-humans are expressed in the umwelt trajectory of humankind. The question of how the environmental crisis can best be solved is therefore tantamount to the question about what direction the human umwelt trajectory should take in this century. I outline different plausible umwelt scenarios for human ecology in the 21st century, focused on business-as-usual, ecomodernist and Deep Ecology scenarios. In a concluding discussion on technology and sustainability, the scenario development eventually includes a distinction between flexible and inflexible development paths.
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20

Smith, Clifford T., Debra A. Schumann, and William L. Partridge. "The Human Ecology of Tropical Land Settlement in Latin America." Bulletin of Latin American Research 9, no. 2 (1990): 289. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338487.

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21

Worthman, Carol M. "The Ecology of Human Development: Evolving Models for Cultural Psychology." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 41, no. 4 (April 8, 2010): 546–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022110362627.

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22

Hens, Luc. "Bernhard Glaeser: Environment, development, agriculture: integrated policy through human ecology." Environment, Development and Sustainability 14, no. 2 (December 4, 2011): 297–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10668-011-9335-3.

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23

Lawrence, Roderick J. "Overcoming Barriers to Implementing Sustainable Development Goals: Human Ecology Matters." Human Ecology Review 26, no. 1 (April 12, 2021): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/her.26.01.2020.08.

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24

Dohm, Karen. ": Human Ecology as Human Behavior: Essays in Environmental and Development Anthropology . John W. Bennett." American Anthropologist 96, no. 2 (June 1994): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1994.96.2.02a00240.

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25

Penna-Firme, Rodrigo. "Political and event ecology: critiques and opportunities for collaboration." Journal of Political Ecology 20, no. 1 (December 1, 2013): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v20i1.21764.

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The field of political ecology has striven to balance a focus on symbolic and materialist aspects of humanenvironment relations. Event ecology has emerged not only as a major materialistic approach for the study of human-environmental relations, but also as an important set of critiques of political ecology's supposed lack of ecology and overreliance on a priori assumptions about the linkages between local environmental changes and macropolitical economic phenomena. This article discusses the origins and progress of event ecology, while demonstrating its strengths and limitations vis-à-vis the development of political ecology research. Based on participant observation and interviews conducted among local residents of a small village (a quilombola community) in a state park in São Paulo, Brazil, I propose a collaborative event ecology that combines the rationale of event ecology with critical perspectives inspired by political ecology's focus on power relations, conservation and justice. Unlike the strict application of event ecology, I contend that scrutinizing events other than researcher-oriented ones may help us better understand why some places achieve conservation while others do not. The article concludes that assessing conservation effectiveness and change through environmental outcomes alone risks being seen as socially unjust in the eyes of locals while posing a real threat to local livelihoods and community-based development expectations.Key words: collaborative event ecology, conservation with justice, quilombola communities, Atlantic Forest, Brazil.
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26

Kolesnikov, Vladimir, Natalia Shandybina, and Svetlana Erium. "Human Ecology: Saving the Nation as a Strategy for Successful Development." Administrative consulting, no. 2 (2018): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2018-2-73-79.

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27

Tigertt, W. D. "The Environment, Public Health, and Human Ecology: Considerations for Economic Development." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 35, no. 4 (July 1, 1986): 868. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.1986.35.868.

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28

Reverdito, Riller Silva, Humberto Jorge Gonçalves Moreira de Carvalho, and Carlos Eduardo de Barros Gonçalves. "Youth sports coaches in social programmes: the ecology of human development." Sports Coaching Review 5, no. 2 (July 2, 2016): 208–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21640629.2016.1201363.

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29

Nikiforova, Olga, Tatyana Yakushina, and Rashit Mamedov. "The Impact of the Mining Region’s Ecology on Human Professional Development." E3S Web of Conferences 105 (2019): 04013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/201910504013.

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The article actualizes the problem of improving professional environmental development in the regions of environmental risk. The unfavorable environmental situation in the mining regions of the country, including Kuzbass, necessitates the search for sustainable development of coal basins that can ensure a balanced and balanced interaction of environmental and economic factors. The paper lists the factors that contribute to the actualization of continuous environmental education; the article describes the stages of professional development, leading to the improvement of the status of environmental education and education of all segments of the population.
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30

Madu, S. N. "Child Sexual Abuse and Implications for the Ecology of Human Development." Journal of Human Ecology 14, no. 4 (July 2003): 253–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09709274.2003.11905621.

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31

Rennie, Frank. "Human Ecology and Concepts of Sustainable Development in a Crofting Township." Folk Life 46, no. 1 (January 2007): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/flk.2007.46.1.39.

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32

Rennie, Frank. "Human Ecology and Concepts of Sustainable Development in a Crofting Township." Folk Life - Journal of Ethnological Studies 46, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/043087707798236388.

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33

Green, David. "The environment, public health and human ecology considerations for economic development." Land Use Policy 4, no. 3 (July 1987): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0264-8377(87)90038-x.

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34

Saili, Lau. "Radical human ecology: intercultural and indigenous approaches." Australasian Journal of Environmental Management 20, no. 2 (June 2013): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14486563.2013.793645.

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35

Druzhilov, Sergey A. "CONTEMPORARY INFORMATION ENVIRONMENT AND HUMAN ECOLOGY: PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECTS." Hygiene and sanitation 97, no. 7 (July 15, 2018): 597–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.18821/0016-9900-2018-97-7-597-603.

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Introduction. The information environment of the society as an integral part of a human habitat is a factor of his health and must comply with safety requirements. As a result of the development of communication technologies on the basis of computer devices and the Internet, there have been significant changes in the information environment of the society and its impact on people. The study of the negative impact of the contemporary information environment on a human cannot be limited to physical and psychophysiological factors. A semantic component of the information itself is significant. Information environment has a negative impact on the cognitive and emotional sphere of his psyche. The object of information influence is the personality. The objective of the paper is to study the formation of the contemporary information and communication environment of the society, the trends in its development, to define its main components and psychological peculiarities. Material and methods. The method of investigation is a comparative analysis of the views of various authors and their theoretical generalization. Results. Based on the analysis of publications, a current understanding of the information and communication environment of the society is presented. The formation of the information environment is connected with the development of technologies and tools for fixing, preserving and transferring social experience. Six stages of the development of the means of the information transferring and preservation in the society are selected. Global informatization of the environment leads to the changes in people’s lives and activities. The picture of the human world, his worldview, his way of life are exposed to the effects of the information traffic. The risk factor is the deterioration of the human adaptation to new conditions. The changes within the individual do not keep up with the rapid changes in technology. Conclusion. In the context of the new information and communication reality the importance of the problems of human ecology was shown to increase. The information environment of a society as an object of the study can be considered in the following aspects: a) as a human habitat; b) as a means of information human activities; c) as a system of communications, including interpersonal ones; d) as an information infrastructure that provides storage, access and use of information arrays.
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36

Dietz, Thomas. "Prolegomenon to a Structural Human Ecology of Human Well-Being." Sociology of Development 1, no. 1 (2015): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2015.1.1.123.

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There is a growing dissatisfaction with using standard measures of affluence, such as gross domestic product, as the sole conceptualization of human well-being. Experiments are underway with alternative metrics of well-being as ways of informing both research and policy. It is thus important to develop a theory of the production of human well-being to parallel theories of economic development and growth. The traditions of work in growth theory, sustainability theory, and household production functions provide the basis for an emerging structural human ecology of human well-being. Structural human ecology emphasizes the use of manufactured, natural, and human resources in producing well-being but is also attentive to the ways social structure shapes the production of well-being. While this approach is promising, several conceptual issues need to be addressed for it to realize its potential. In particular, we need greater clarity regarding measures of well-being and the ethical theory that underpins them and clearer thinking about the relationship between resources and capital.
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37

Wang, Bin, Xiao Sheng Yang, Zheng Cai Li, and Le Tu Geri. "Discussion on Road Ecology Research Progress and Development Planning in China." Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (May 2012): 2770–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.2770.

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Road ecology is a science to study the interactions among traffic roads, vehicles and natural environments around it. It combines human-vehicles-road, man-made system and ecological environment, is an interdisciplinary branch of ecological science, earth science and engineering science. In this paper, based on the comprehensive analysis on the research literatures related with road ecology, we summarizes the research theories and methods, scale and content of road ecology, formulates the research framework for road ecology, then discusses the road ecology development planning in China in the future from research range, long-term and located observation, application of information technology, policy measures, experiment and demonstration, etc.
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38

LeBillon, Philippe, and Rosaleen V. Duffy. "Conflict ecologies: Connecting political ecology and peace and conflict studies." Journal of Political Ecology 25, no. 1 (July 31, 2018): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.22704.

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Conflict is at the core of many political ecology studies. Yet there has been limited engagement between political ecology and the field of peace and conflict studies. This lack of connection reflects in part the broader disciplinary context of these two fields. Whereas political ecology research mostly comes from disciplines that eschewed environmental determinism, such as human geography, much of peace and conflict studies is associated with political science using positivist approaches to determine the causal effects of environmental factors on conflicts. Yet greater connections are possible, notably in light of political ecology's renewed engagement with 'materialism', and peace and conflict studies’ increasingly nuanced mixed-methods research on environment-related conflicts. Furthermore, political ecology's emphasis on uneven power relations and pursuit of environmental justice resonates with the structural violence approaches and social justice agenda of peace and conflict studies. This paper provides an overview of the differing conceptualizations and analyses of environmental conflict under the labels of political ecology and peace and conflict studies, and points at opportunities for closer connections.
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39

Gare, Arran. "Human Ecology and Public Policy: Overcoming the Hegemony of Economics." Democracy & Nature 8, no. 1 (March 2002): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10855660120117700.

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40

Head, Lesley. "Cultural ecology: the problematic human and the terms of engagement." Progress in Human Geography 31, no. 6 (December 2007): 837–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132507080625.

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41

Rousseau, Jerome, Karl L. Hutterer, A. Terry Rambo, and George Lovelace. "Cultural Values and Human Ecology in Southeast Asia." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 3 (1987): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758922.

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42

Waters, James W. "Ecology, Divinity, and Reason." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 24, no. 2 (July 10, 2020): 184–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685357-20201002.

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Abstract Eco-feminist Val Plumwood has argued that as heirs of rationalism, the developed world has created an ecological crisis that is truly a crisis of reason. Of primary concern is the “rationalist hyper-separation of human identity from nature,” which has caused a great epistemological schism between ethics and ecology. Assuming the ecological crisis is, as Plumwood argues, an epistemological crisis enflamed by the human/non-human, ethical/ecological divisions that take place in modern forms of rationalism, this essay argues that certain western interpretations of Christian divinity—particularly the notion of divinity purported by Thomas Aquinas—have historically supported hegemonic forms of rationalism and human supremacy. After showing that certain Thomist formulations of the divine have buttressed the anthropocentric elements of modern rationalism, I venture a reading of Christian divinity that is radically relational in character. This reading of the divine highlights the inseparability of the human and non-human, and begins doing so by emphasizing the intimate connection between human and non-human animality. Such a re-framing of divinity, I argue, could help bridge the human/non-human, ethical/ecological divides, complicate anthropocentric logic, and mitigate the vast eco-epistemological crisis of our day.
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43

Sellen, Daniel W. "Human growth and development." American Journal of Human Biology 15, no. 3 (April 14, 2003): 461–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.10142.

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44

Oishi, Shigehiro, and Jesse Graham. "Social Ecology." Perspectives on Psychological Science 5, no. 4 (July 2010): 356–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745691610374588.

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This article presents a socioecological approach (accounting for physical, societal, and interpersonal environments) to psychological theorizing and research. First, we demonstrate that economic systems, political systems, religious systems, climates, and geography exert a distal yet important influence on human mind and behavior. Second, we summarize the historical precedents of socioecological psychology. There have been several waves of ecological movements with distinct emphases in the history of psychological science, such as K. Lewin’s (1936, 1939) field theory and U. Bronfenbrenner’s (1977) ecological approach to human development. Environmental and community psychologies, created in the late 1960s and early 1970s, promoted social activism through basic and applied research on ecological factors and social outcomes. Most recently, the rise of cultural psychology has encouraged psychologists to pay attention to cultural factors in basic psychological processes, but note that less attention has been given to socioecological factors per se. We highlight the benefits of bringing the socioecological perspective back to mainstream psychological theorizing and research.
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45

Rosa, Edinete Maria, and Jonathan Tudge. "Urie Bronfenbrenner's Theory of Human Development: Its Evolution From Ecology to Bioecology." Journal of Family Theory & Review 5, no. 4 (December 2013): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jftr.12022.

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46

Bronfenbrenner, Urie. "Ecology of the family as a context for human development: Research perspectives." Developmental Psychology 22, no. 6 (November 1986): 723–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0012-1649.22.6.723.

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47

Heinen, Joel T., and Roberta (‘Bobbi’) S. Low. "Human Behavioural Ecology and Environmental Conservation." Environmental Conservation 19, no. 2 (1992): 105–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900030575.

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We contend that humans, as living organisms, evolved to sequester resources to maximize reproductive success, and that many basic aspects of human behaviour reflect this evolutionary history. Much of the environment with which we currently deal is evolutionarily novel, and much behaviour which is ultimately not in our own interests, persists in this novel environment. Environmentalists frequently stress the need for ‘sustainable development’, however it is defined (seeRedclift, 1987), and we contend that a knowledge of how humans are likely to behave with regard to resource use, and therefore a knowledge of what kinds of programmes are likely to work in any particular situation, is necessary to achieve sustainability. Specifically, we predict that issues which are short-term, local, and/or acute, such as an immediate health-risk, will be much easier to solve than issues which are broad, and which affect individuals other than ourselves, our relatives, and our friends. The bigger the issue is, the less effective is likely to be the response. Hence, the biggest and most troublesome ecological issues will be the most difficult to solve —inter aliabecause of our evolutionary history as outlined above.This may not appear to bode well for the future of the world; for example, Molte (1988) contends that there are several hundred international environmental agreements in place, but Carroll (1988) contends that, in general, none of them is particularly effective if the criterion for effectiveness is a real solution to the problem. There are countless examples of ‘aggressors’ (those nations causing the problem) not complying with an agreement, slowing its ratification, or reducing its effectiveness (e.g.the USversusCanada, or Great BritainversusSweden, with regard to acid rain legislation: Fig. 1,cf.Bjorkbom, 1988). The main problem in these cases is that the costs are externalized and hence discounted by those receiving the benefits of being able to pollute. Any proposed change is bound to conflict with existing social structures, and negotiations necessarily involve compromise in aquid pro quofashion (Brewer, 1980). We contend, along with Caldwell (1988) and Putnam (1988), that nations are much too large to think of as individual actors in these spheres. Interest groups within nations can affect ratification of international environmental treaties; for example, automobile industry interestsversusthose of environmental NGOs in the USA on the acid rain issue. It may even be that our evolutionary history is inimical to the entire concept of the modern nation state.Barring major, global, socio-political upheaval, we suggest that a knowledge of the evolution of resource use by humans can be used to solve at least some resource-related problems in modern industrial societies. In some cases, these can probably be solved with information alone, and in other cases, the problems can probably be solved by playing on our evolutionary history as social reciprocators; environmental problems which tend to be relatively local and short-term may be solvable in these ways. Economic incentives can provide solutions to many other types of problems by manipulating the cost and benefits to individuals. We suggest that broader, large-scale environmental problems are much more difficult to solve than narrower, small-scale ones, precisely because humans have evolved to discount such themes; stringent regulations and the formation of coalitions, combined with economic incentives to use alternatives and economic disincentives (fines) not to do so, may be the only potential solutions to some major, transboundary environmental issues.In preparing this argument, we have reviewed literature from many scholarly fields well outside the narrow scope of our expertise in behavioural ecology and wildlife conservation. Our reading of many works from anthropology, economics, political science, public policy, and international development, will doubtless seem naïve and simplistic to practitioners of those fields, and solving all environmental problems will ultimately take expertise from all of these fields and more. In general, however, we have found agreement for many of our ideas from these disparate disciplines, but much of their literature does not allow for a rigorous, quantitative hypothesis-testing approach to analysing the main thesis presented here — an approach that we, as scientists, would encourage. We hope to challenge people interested in environmental issues from many perspectives, to consider our arguments and find evidence,proorcon, so that we (collectively) may come closer to a better analysis of, and ultimately to solutions for, our most pressing environmental problems.
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48

Throop, William. "Introduction to John Visvader’s “Philosophy and Human Ecology”." Human Ecology Review 23, no. 2 (December 13, 2017): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.22459/her.23.02.2017.14.

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49

BRAILSFORD, BARRY. "ARCHAEOLOGY AS HUMAN ECOLOGY. By Karl W. Butzer." New Zealand Journal of Geography 74, no. 1 (May 15, 2008): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0028-8292.1983.tb00734.x.

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50

Loftus, Alex. "Political ecology III: Who are ‘the people’?" Progress in Human Geography 44, no. 5 (November 4, 2019): 981–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132519884632.

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Since its inception, political ecology has marshalled a variety of different understandings of the human subject. Confronted with the challenges of authoritarian populism, as well as the provocations of the Anthropocene, being explicit about such conceptualisations is increasingly necessary. In this third report, I review recent conceptualisations of the subject, beginning with how ‘the people’ have been invoked in authoritarian populist discourses. I then contrast such a perspective with the situated social subjects of everyday political ecology before considering the challenges posed to notions of a sovereign human subject. I conclude with a discussion of political ecological persons in praxis.
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