To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: The evolution of diplomacy.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The evolution of diplomacy'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'The evolution of diplomacy.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Teye, Patrick N. "Barbary Pirates: Thomas Jefferson, William Eaton, and the Evolution of U.S. Diplomacy in the Mediterranean." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1183.
Full textAbstract:
This study analyzes U.S. relations with the Barbary States from 1784 to 1805. After the American Revolution, the young nation found its commerce menaced in the Mediterranean by North African pirates sponsored by the rulers of Morocco, Tunis, Algiers, and Tripoli. As the U.S. sought to find a solution to end piracy and the practice of paying tributes or ransom to free Americans held captive, Thomas Jefferson proposed several solutions as a diplomat, vice president, and as president when he authorized the Tripolitan War (1801-1805). Thus, this look at U.S. relations with the Barbary States focuses on Jefferson’s evolving foreign policy proposals and argues that William Eaton’s secret mission in 1805 eventually reshaped U.S. policy in the Mediterranean and brought Jefferson’s ideas for a military solution to fruition. This change in policy would soon bring about the end of piracy against U.S. merchant vessels and the nation’s involvement in tributary treaties.
2
Schear, James Adam. "From SALT to START : compliance behavior and the evolution of bargaining methodology in Soviet-American strategic arms diplomacy, 1972-1989." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1990. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1151/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the development of Soviet-American strategic arms diplomacy from the early 1970s to the late 1980s. It argues that bargaining activity during this period produced an evolving set of operative principles, or a "methodology" of strategic arms diplomacy, which has bridged particular agreements and has tended to drive policymakers into recurring patterns of choice throughout the process. It further argues that compliance behavior has played a key role in stimulating adjustments in bargaining methodology, because both sides have pursued successive negotiations against a background of accumulating experience under the terms of older agreements. Chapter 1 introduces the dissertation's central arguments and discusses the links between compliance behavior and bargaining methodology. Chapter 2 identifies factors that may have compliance-enhancing and -inhibiting effects, and argues that treaty-constrained behavior is best viewed as a product of ongoing interactions among these factors. Chapter 3 explains why Soviet and U.S. compliance practices since 1972 are prone to conflicting assessments, and why these conflicts make it difficult to prove or disprove competing hypotheses regarding the motivations behind such behavior on the Soviet side. This chapter also assesses the historical record in light of the several factors discussed in Chapter 2 and identifies the presence of certain "structural" frictions in the Soviet-American context which were not previously considered. The study then explicates the rule-making process. For analytical purposes it defines an agreement as a composite of: framework rules, which represent the internal structure of restraint; scope rules, which are criteria for including or excluding weapons; and verification rules, which govern procedures for monitoring compliance and sorting out problems. After discussing the formative stages of the bargaining process in Chapter 4, patterns of rule-making in each category are analyzed. Chapter 5 demonstrates that a systematic progression in framework rules governing force concentration is juxtaposed against sharp discontinuities in those governing force modernization. Chapter 6 concludes that the inevitable trade-offs between preserving flexibility for oneself versus thwarting treaty circumvention by the other side has led to recurring patterns in scope rule selection. Chapter 7 discusses trends in verification rule-making and the significance of glasnost. Chapter 8 evaluates the impact of bargaining dynamics and compliance behavior upon the rule-making process from the SALT to the START eras.
3
Brus, Adam. "Submarine Diplomacy." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5499.
Full textAbstract:
The Submarine service was established to perform covert operations. Despite its clandestine nature the submarine service is used in the extrovert field of maritime diplomacy. An example of if this is, the participation of submarine forces in the RIMPAC which are multinational and goodwill visits to port. This study aims to identify the methods with which the submarine services can interact with the field of maritime diplomacy, the extent these methods are used and what role the submarine service adopts in maritime diplomacy. To answer these questions through a qualitative analysis of the theories on maritime diplomacy presented by Christian La Mière and James Cable that identify variables in forms of methods that fulfill diplomatic purposes. These variables are used as a tool for empirical data collection for a quantitative result presented in a table. A qualitative analysis and comparison of similarities and differences in the general usage of the submarine service is employed in the context of maritime diplomacy. The analysis shows six variables, in which submarine services can interact within the field of maritime diplomacy; Good will visits, Personnel exchanges, multinational exercises, multinational operations, capability to deliver payload to keel bound targets and capability to deliver payload on ground based targets. The results show that each of these variables have to some extent been used historically. Further analysis of the result concludes that the submarine service does not have a highly-visible role in maritime diplomacy. Contrary to this it is limited because of its limited applications as a multirole vessel and the extensive cost of maintenance which further concentrate the capabilities of the submarine service.
4
Petropoulos, Sotirios. "Public diplomacy an alternative diplomacy in foreign affairs' issues. Greek public diplomacy: capabilities and perspectives." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5665.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.<br>This thesis will provide the theoretical frame and some critical points regarding Public Diplomacy (PD), in conjunction with the target addressed and the results achieved by some developed countries through this kind of diplomacy. It will prove that PD is one of the most important tools for a successful foreign policy, having as its primary objective to inform, engage, and build mutual relations with foreign public opinion. In addition to that, this research paper will focus on Greece as a case study of PD by examining its level of effectiveness, capabilities, and perspectives. The final outcome is expected to be a proposed model of foreign policy, applicable to other small-sized countries.
5
Michailovskyte, Giedre. "Diversification of Contemporary Diplomacy - the Rise of Dance Diplomacy." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-119689.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigates the diversification of contemporary diplomacy in a deeper manner by choosing the concept of dance, which has never been chosen before. Theoretical andhistorical analysis of dance diplomacy helps us to answer the main research question of thestudy how does dance diplomacy contribute to the diversification of contemporary diplomacy. This research paper utilizes a qualitative methodology with the interpretative, historical, descriptive and cultural approaches and uses qualitative methods of literature review, content analysis, comparative analysis and theory triangulation. In this study we seethat dancers and choreographers complement today's diplomats, we find that the implications of cultural diversity expand an understanding of contemporary diplomacy, and that new emerging practices of dance diplomacy contribute to “new diplomacy” findings. Furthermore, practices of dance diplomacy could be described as parts of cultural diplomacy, public diplomacy, instruments of soft power or forms of nonverbal communication. This illustrates that contemporary diplomacy is somehow shaped by culture, public, power and communication, and therefore it could be understood from all these perspectives. Besides this, a chosen historical perspective and a background of the dance diplomacy help us to see that dance diplomacy is a natural consequence of the evolution of diplomacy. At last, it is relevant for the academic society to ground it on a scientific theoretical basis, which could expand our understanding of contemporary diplomacy.
6
Fouladvand, Hida. "Public diplomacy gangnam style." Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1556438.
Full textAbstract:
<p> The diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran is officially broken after thirty-four years of mutual recriminations and mistrust. The need for a reinvigorated U.S. public diplomacy is essential to forge a new relationship based on respect, understanding, and shared political, social, and economic interests. "Gangnam Style" public diplomacy is a simultaneous multiplatform approach to information sharing and engagement that utilizes various programs to stimulate people-to-people connections based on culture, education, and business. By applying this strategy, the current rapprochement between the United States and Iran can be expanded to the benefit of both countries.</p>
7
KHUMTHUKTHIT, PLOY. "JAPAN’S NEW PUBLIC DIPLOMACY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16075@1.
Full textAbstract:
No século XXI, a globalização e as novas tecnologias estão
transformando a diplomacia pública. O novo conceito de diplomacia pública surge
como uma forma de diplomacia aberta que tem como objetivo influenciar a
opinião pública em sociedades externas com o cultivo explícito de grupos,
organizações e indivíduos não-oficiais. Junto com a nova diplomacia pública, o
termo soft power - habilidade de alcançar objetivos por meio de influência em
vez da coerção - também está ganhando mais atenção dos profissionais e dos
estudiosos da área de diplomacia pública. Esta dissertação argumenta que, ao
tratar soft power como uma habilidade de atração, a diplomacia pública é um
instrumento político que faz uso dessa habilidade. Examina os métodos e práticas
da diplomacia pública, especialmente o caso do Japão nos últimos anos, cuja
diplomacia pública incorporou a noção de cultura popular japonesa. Analisa as
funções e interações dos principais atores de diplomacia pública japonesa - o
Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros e a Fundação Japão -, bem como explora os
recursos de soft power japonês. Baseado nos resultados, revela-se que os
formuladores de política japoneses exercem a estratégia de diplomacia pública na
cultura pop como uma das estratégias que permite ao Japão exercer os recursos de
soft power, principalmente em suas atrações culturais, conforme a nova concepção
da diplomacia pública. Além disso, a mudança do Executivo japonês também é
um importante determinante do surgimento das novas iniciativas de sua
diplomacia pública.<br>In the twenty-first century, globalization and new technologies are
transforming public diplomacy. The new concept of public diplomacy arises as a
form of open diplomacy in which its objective is to influence public opinion of
foreign societies with more specific on non-official groups, organizations and
individuals. Together with the new public diplomacy, the concept of soft power -
the ability to get what you want by attracting and persuading rather than coercion
– is also gaining more attention from the public diplomacy’s scholars and-
practitioners. This dissertation argues that by treating soft power as the ability to
attract, public diplomacy is a political instrument that makes use of the power. It
examines public diplomacy’s methods and practices, especially, in the case of
Japan in recent years in which its public diplomacy has incorporated the notion of
Japanese popular culture. It analyzes functions and interactions of Japanese main
public diplomacy actors - the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Japan
Foundation - as well as explores the resources of Japanese soft power. Based on
the results, it is revealed that the Japanese policy makers use the pop culture
strategy in their public diplomacy as one of the strategies that allows Japan to use
the resources of soft power, in particular its cultural resources, in accordance with
the new concept of public diplomacy. In addition, the change of the Japanese
Executive is also a significant determinant of the rise of its new public diplomacy
initiatives.
8
Sayle, Wazhma. "Afghan Diplomacy in Steering Peace : Inept Afghan diplomacy and challenges to the peace settlement." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-106815.
Full textAbstract:
This research paper highlights the prospects and challenges of ongoing peace process efforts.Since February 2020, peace talks among Taliban and Afghan government have been a historicalmoment for long awaiting peace to come to Afghanistan.The Afghan nation, the world, and regional players have embraced this historic milestone andare determined to support the Afghan government's efforts for peace, and the Taliban have beenencouraged to take a strategic posture in peace talks, trying to achieve a long-term outcome.This study aims to recognize the ongoing development in the peace process in light of eventstaken place in the Afghan diplomacy to steer peace. The prospective of peace is examined bytheories of Charles Webel & Johan Galtung’sa Peace Building and Oliver Richmond’s PeaceFormation if peace will come out of the Intra-Afghan talks. The study also aims to focus onstrengths and weaknesses of the peace negotiation process to identify possible causes andfactors that hinder the peace process.Keywords: Afghanistan, Peace, Intra-Afghan Peace Talks, Peace Formation, Diplomacy, Statebuilding, Ashraf Ghani, Afghan Peace
9
Chahine, Joumane. "Public diplomacy: a conceptual framework." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103489.
Full textAbstract:
Since its much publicized deployment in the wake of the September 11th attacks and during the subsequent so-called "War on Terror," public diplomacy has generated a substantial body of critical discourse emanating from both the professional and academic spheres. These analyses, however, have been for the most part empirical studies, aimed at strengthening the efficiency of the practice by identifying potential flaws or weaknesses in its current conception or application and offering possible correctives. Significant enquiries into the conceptual origins and evolution of the practice, on the other hand, have generally been rare and limited. This thesis proposes to remedy, in part, this lack by situating public diplomacy within a broader and deeper conceptual context. The term "public diplomacy" only entered the lexicon of political and international affairs in the Cold War environment of the mid-1960s. It could however be argued that the essence of the practice –government communication with foreign publics— is as old as history itself. The primary purpose of this dissertation is to argue that public diplomacy, as the specific form taken by the practice of government communication with a foreign audience in the latter half of the twentieth century, is a distinctive product of the development and ultimate intersection of several discrete though somehow connected concepts in social and political thought. We shall seek to substantiate this claim by identifying three fundamental concepts that lie at the heart of the idea of public diplomacy –public opinion, civil society and the information age-- and charting their historical trajectory and various points of interaction. The main body of the dissertation will therefore be divided into three genealogical chapters, one for each of the elected concepts cited above. Throughout, and increasingly as the thesis progresses, these various evolutional paths will be correlated, their points of convergence highlighted, so as to gradually situate the birth of public diplomacy at the intersection of their trajectories. The conclusion will offer further reflections on the continued influence of this collection of notions on the more recent development of public diplomacy, and the implications these might entail for its future.<br>La notion de "diplomatie publique" a inspiré un nombre considérable d'études critiques, aussi bien professionnelles qu'académiques, suite à sa mise en pratique particulièrement publicisée durant la "guerre contre le terrorisme" déclarée par l'administration Bush. Ces analyses, cependant, semblent s'être principalement cantonnées à des considérations empiriques et prescriptives, cherchant surtout à identifier les faiblesses et mésinterprétations qui marqueraient l'application actuelle de la "diplomatie publique", et à proposer certaines mesures correctives. Les recherches substantielles quant aux origines conceptuelles de la pratique, en revanche, ont été, d'une manière générale, rares ou du moins limitées. Cette thèse tente de remédier à cette lacune en cherchant à placer l'idée de "diplomatie publique" dans un contexte conceptuel plus étendu et approfondi. Si la diplomatie traditionnelle exprime l'effort d'un état pour rallier à sa cause un ou plusieurs autres états, la "diplomatie publique", elle, consiste pour un état à faire passer son point de vue, non parmi ses homologues sur la scène internationale, mais au sein de la population de ces derniers. Bien que l'essence de la pratique ne soit pas nécessairement récente, l'appellation "diplomatie publique" (qui manque à ce jour d'équivalent exact en français) est relativement jeune, ayant fait son entrée dans le lexique de la politique internationale aux Etats-Unis dans les années soixante, en pleine Guerre Froide. L'objectif principal de cette thèse est de démontrer que la "diplomatie publique," comme forme singulièrement contemporaine de communication entre un gouvernement et un public étranger, est le produit distinct du développement et des entrecroisements de plusieurs concepts fondamentaux de la pensée politique et sociale. Afin de justifier cette proposition, nous identifierons trois concepts essentiels à l'idée de "diplomatie publique" –l'opinion publique, la société civile, et "l'âge de l'information"-- et soumettrons chacune de ses notions à une étude généalogique détaillée. Au fur et à mesure que la thèse avancera, ces différents cheminements conceptuels seront corrélés, leurs points de convergence mis en évidence, de manière à progressivement situer la genèse de la "diplomatie publique" à l'intersection de leurs trajectoires. S'appuyant sur ces observations, la conclusion ouvrira un nouveau champ de réflexion en examinant leurs retombées possibles sur le futur de la pratique.
10
Azrieli, Naomi. "Soviet economic diplomacy, 1941-1947." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324974.
Full text
11
Howell, Abigail S. "Media diplomacy the negotiator's dilemma /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1990. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA246739.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 1990.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Brown, R. Mitchell. Second Reader: Teti, Frank M. "December 1990." Description based on title screen as viewed on March 29, 2010. DTIC Identifier(s): Media Diplomacy, Negotiation Processes, Media Elite, Freedom Of The Press, Military Elite. Author(s) subject terms: Media Diplomacy, Media Elite, Freedom of the Press, Public Relations, Negotiation Process, Military Elite, Official and Unofficial Practitioners, Methods of Media Diplomacy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 205-226). Also available in print.
12
Kim, Yunhee. "China's public diplomacy towards Africa." Thesis, Durham University, 2018. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12518/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyzes China’s public diplomacy in the field of Sino-Africa relations, arguing that China has adopted public diplomacy with soft power as a vital component of its foreign policy on the continent from the early 2000s onward. The necessity of public diplomacy in China’s foreign policy was driven by the objective of developing close economic ties with African countries even as Beijing faced manifold issues in its relations. To comprehend the link between China’s public diplomacy and Sino-Africa economic ties, the research adopts an International Relations approach of neoliberal institutionalism, examining the use of public diplomacy to manage the asymmetric relations between China and Africa, in which China wields economic dominance over Africa. With the rising importance of public diplomacy globally in the twenty-first century, China has employed its public diplomacy to explain and justify its rising global influence, and to dispel negative publicity in the international society. While China has a government-centered public diplomacy system, unlike that of the West, various actors (governmental, semi-governmental, and non-governmental actors) systematically engage in China’s public diplomacy through diverse instruments such as foreign aid, media, institutions for exchanging culture, and language training to the populations of foreign countries. The Chinese government deploys its public diplomacy in African countries based on smart power, which combines soft power (culture) and hard power (China model and economic power), as most of China’s public diplomacy is linked to aid projects, grants, and low-interest loans for building closer economic relations with African countries. China’s public diplomacy seeks to build a positive image of China that focuses on a mutual sense of solidarity to elicit connectedness and shared identity between China and partner countries, mutual development, and harmonious coexistence through diverse public diplomacy activities. Public diplomacy fills the gap between China and Africa in asymmetrical economic relations that give rise to issues of distrust and discontent towards China – such as the exploitation of African wealth, and accusations of neocolonialism. By conducting fieldwork in Nigeria and South Africa, the research confirms that China’s public diplomacy is integral to its foreign policy that focuses on China’s economic development and securing its position on the global stage through African partnerships, bilateral and multilateral (FOCAC). It also discovered that Chinese public diplomacy not only promotes an amicable and friendly environment that promotes deepen relations for economic objectives, but also boosts China’s claim to be a global great power in the new era, as President Xi Jinping has ordered.
13
Ribeiro, João Bernardo dos Santos. "Darkblade: an agent for diplomacy." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/2184.
Full text
14
Keith, Sean Z. "U.S. Public Diplomacy Toward China." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306142049.
Full text
15
Hintch, Sarah Anne. "International Brands and Cultural Diplomacy(Nike's "Brand Diplomacy" and its Influence on China-US Relations)." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492568036089362.
Full text
16
Bouzanis, Jason. "Quebec's public diplomacy: A study on the conceptual convergence of public diplomacy and public relations." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28121.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis expands Signitzer and Coombs' (1992) seminal study on the conceptual convergence of public diplomacy and public relations. Similar to international public relations, public diplomacy serves to transmit infolination, promote influence, create understanding and build relationships. However, a review of the existing academic literature reveals that the public diplomacy/public relations nexus has received insufficient attention from scholars. The purpose of the study is to determine whether there exists a strong enough similarity between the two domains to actively theorize public diplomacy from a communications (public relations) perspective.
The research systematically applies the Signitzer and Coombs comparative model to interpret evidence of conceptual convergence in five areas of Quebec's public diplomacy (academic and cultural relations, investment and tourism promotion, and sports diplomacy). It is demonstrated that public diplomacy and public relations are both premised on the concept of symmetry, but also share asymmetrical tendencies. The findings suggest that the two disciplines are experiencing a process of convergence and support the value of exploring public diplomacy with public relations-based theories and models. However, public diplomacy practitioners are generally unwilling to recognize the relationship between public diplomacy and public relations. The development of shared concepts is therefore encouraged to overcome these perceptual gaps. Future research centred on common functions, such as reputation management and relationship building, is proposed and the thesis concludes that interdisciplinary cooperation is necessary to advance the public diplomacy scholarship.
Keywords. public diplomacy, public relations, Quebec international relations, international communications, nation branding, cultural relations, academic relations, investment promotion, tourism promotion, sports diplomacy, conceptual convergence.
17
Lee, Giseong. "U.S. coercive diplomacy towards North Korea." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2009. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=33426.
Full text
18
Sparks, Timothy F. "The dawn of cruise missile diplomacy." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA333251.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1997.<br>Thesis advisors, Peter R. Lavoy, Cynthia J. Levy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-64). Also Available online.
19
Manganyi, Calvin. "South African naval diplomacy since 1994." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86420.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy.
The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie.
Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.
20
Kralli, Ioanna. "Early Hellenistic Athens : leadership and diplomacy." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.338994.
Full text
21
SILVA, ANTONIO RUY DE ALMEIDA. "THE DEFENSE DIPLOMACY IN INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2014. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=24563@1.
Full textAbstract:
PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO<br>COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR<br>PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO<br>Esta tese, fundamentada, principalmente, na Escola Inglesa, analisa o papel na sociedade internacional das práticas sociais relacionadas com o uso não coercitivo dos recursos do âmbito da Defesa entre os Estados e outras entidades que atuam na política internacional. As características, institucionalização, internacionalização, os fatores culturais e as críticas e tensões concernentes com essas práticas são descritas e examinadas, permitindo concluir-se que o fenômeno se constitui um tipo específico de diplomacia: a diplomacia de defesa, considerada como uma instituição da sociedade internacional.<br>This doctoral dissertation, based, mainly, on the English School, analyzes the role in international society of the social practices related to non-coercive use of Defense s resources between states and other entities with standing in international politics. The features, institutionalization, globalization, cultural factors and criticisms and tensions related to these practices are described and discussed, allowing to conclude that the phenomenon is a particular kind of diplomacy: defense diplomacy, regarded as an institution of international society.
22
Huda, Fazrin. "Public diplomacy and emergence of Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.662203.
Full textAbstract:
The main focus of the thesis is the extent to which, conceptually or in practice, public diplomacy can be an effective tool in the case of an emerging nation. During its emergence the new nation state of Bangladesh employed public diplomacy alongside traditional diplomacy. It was used to influence international and regional actors and to promote the image of Bangladesh in order to change the opinions of the global community. Public diplomacy assumed great importance in the late 20th century as a means of controlling the image of a country. It has been defined as "the promotion of the national interest of any country by informing, engaging, and influencing people throughout the world". In recent years it has been used to pursue particular foreign policy goals, to acquire economic or political assistance at times of national crisis and to influence world opinion during periods of national emergency. The present thesis explores the effectiveness of the concept of public diplomacy and its role in the emergence of the state of Bangladesh. The independence war of 1971 is analysed in the light of theoretical issues associated with the study of public diplomacy. The efforts of defecting Bengali diplomats to use the different tools of public diplomacy in order to influence world opinion are examined. It is argued that public diplomacy is more likely to be successful in a context where a democratic social and political environment exists. The study also recognises that, although it may be possible to alter public opinion, changing government policy might not always occur merely as a consequence of the use of public diplomacy.
23
Dharsani, Moez, and Alexandra Ericsson. "Women In Diplomacy : How is the Problem of Absence of Women in Diplomacy Framed by the UN?" Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-5409.
Full textAbstract:
The following Bachelor’s thesis is analyzing contemporary advocacy for more women in diplomacy by the United Nations (UN), with the help of framing theory. More specifically, it examines, (1) how is the absence of female diplomats represented as a problem? (2) What is represented as the causes of that problem? And finally, (3) what is represented as the solutions to that problem? The thesis examines one UN body: UNITAR, which is the only body that focus on the promotion of women explicitly in diplomacy. This is a single case study with a qualitative approach, and makes use of framing theory, based on social constructivism. Through gathering of outward-focused documents from UNITARs webpage, it has been observed that UNITAR frames the absence of women in diplomacy as an inefficiency problem. The argument is that by promoting more women in foreign policy, there will be greater productivity, enhanced economical growth and less poverty. The main causes of the problem are represented as a mix of societal, individual and organizational barriers. The solution to the problem is represented to be mainly training of individual women to improve skills needed to successfully carry out diplomacy, but also, to a lesser extent, training of organizations to inforce a gender mainstreaming approach. Key Words: Women in diplomacy, framing, United Nations, women in foreign policy, international campaigns.
24
Deery, Phyllis Anne 1967. "The indigenous international diplomacy of Indian Territory." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278023.
Full textAbstract:
Because of the removal policy of the American government, Indian Territory was made the new home of over thirty Indian nations, including the Five Civilized Tribes of the Southeast. In an effort to stabilize and maintain peaceful and helpful relations between these immigrant nations over fifty international councils were called throughout the history of this territory. During the 1870's, the delegates of the nations attending the Okmulgee Council also attempted to form a confederacy. These circumstances provide an excellent microcosm of Native American internationalism, and by analyzing the nature of the diplomacy that occurred among these nations this thesis will propose a pattern or model that will hopefully be useful in understanding the international relations that occurred between the indigenous nations over the last 500 years.
25
Clayton, Roderick. "Diplomats and diplomacy in London, 1667-1672." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.307360.
Full text
26
McCosker, Sarah. "Law and Diplomacy in International Dispute Settlement." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508381.
Full text
27
Guo, Shu Lin. "Role of the first lady in diplomacy." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335225.
Full text
28
Cho, Hyunjoo. "International sporting events, nationalism and sport diplomacy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2013. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12565.
Full textAbstract:
Scholarship concerning relations between North and South Korea has focused on the political and economic areas of relations between the two Koreas, and the unification issue has been mainly considered a work of government conducted in the formal political domain. However, this thesis examines the Olympics and international sporting events as major sources and vehicles of discourse reflecting but also shaping relations between North and South Korea. The thesis, adopting a Critical Realist ontology, applies a constructivist theory of International Relations to establish how the framework of North and South Korean sports relations contributes to, and at times drive, political relations. The study adopts Critical Discourse Analysis as method, and the analysis protocols employed were established by adapting frames of reference from the work of Fairclough (2005) and Jäger and Meyer (2009). In terms of the sources employed the North Korean newspaper Roh-Dong, which is subject to state control we take to represent the view of the North Korean regime. This was selected as a resource to illustrate how the North Korean government sought to construct a particular discourse concerning national identity, political position and sport. South Korean newspapers Dong-A and Hankyoreh were chosen to identify two relatively different (relatively right and left in Korean terms) political views evident in the South Korean context and their constructions around these issues. In addition, the summaries of North and South Sports Talks published by the South Korean government provide a source of data reflecting South Korean governmental interests. From 1978 to 2007, the changes in the international context from Cold War to post-Cold War and the domestic political changes in particular in South Korea, framed each decade s North and South Korean sports relations. The shared notion of national identity and of nationhood, reflected in the primordial nationalism evident in both North and South Koreans view of themselves (and of one another) as drawn from the same bio-cultural stock, is a factors shaping the actions of governments and other stakeholders. This ideology of shared heritage goes some way to explain why despite regularly occurring political tensions, there was a recurring appeal to common identity which manifest itself in sporting activity in for example the consideration of building unified teams in major competitions, or marching together at Olympic opening ceremonies. Thus the role of sport in developing relations between North and South Korea is one which is more than simply a reflection of the state of diplomatic relations, but is actually a significant shaper of such relations. Sport diplomacy, though a form of soft diplomacy, is in this case a key factor to be incorporated with the explanation of developing political relations.
29
Forslund, Catherine. "Anna Chennault : informal diplomacy and Asian relations /." Wilmington (Del.) : SR Books, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38852743k.
Full text
30
Kurizaki, Shuhei. "The logic of diplomacy in international disputes." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893811&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full text
31
Soeya, Yoshihide. "Japan's economic diplomacy with China, 1945-1978." Oxford : New York : Clarendon Press ; Oxford University Press, 1998. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/enhancements/fy0606/99219973-t.html.
Full text
32
Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "War and Diplomacy in the Early Republic." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/738.
Full text
33
Burton, Joan Audrey. "Bukharans in trade and diplomacy 1558-1702." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.690124.
Full text
34
Button, Lee. "German Foreign Policy & Diplomacy 1890-1906." TopSCHOLAR®, 1990. https://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/2206.
Full textAbstract:
From 1871 to 1914, Germany experienced its first taste of world power and the failure of controlling and retaining that power. German power after 1871 had sought only a dominance of continental politics and a maintenance of a status quo in Europe favorable to Germany. Following 1890, however, the German course deviated to include a vision of world power. German foreign policy until 1890 was based on two things: hegemonic control of the heart of Europe and the force of will of one man, Otto von Bismarck. Yet despite relative control of the European situation and a cautious and able statesman at the helm, Germany was quickly intoxicated by its new power as much as reacting against the almost oppressive control of Bismarck. By all measures, the German appetite for power was growing faster than ordinary diplomatic conquests could satisfy it. The need for instant gratification caused a recklessness in foreign policy and diplomacy best characterized by Krisepolitik, or crisis diplomacy. This dilemma not only resulted from a growing appetite for power, but also from a lack of understanding of international politics. The European reaction to the new German aggressiveness and to the lack of direction in German policy was one of suspicion. With the cancellation of the Reinsurance Treaty with Russian in 1890, every German move was viewed by increasingly hostile eyes. Axes of power began to form which much threatened the growing world power of Germany, a Germany which saw the need to contest the powers on as many points as possible, while avoiding war, to retain its power in the 1890s and the first years of the twentieth century.
35
McLean, Roderick Reid. "Monarchy and diplomacy in Europe, 1900-1910." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.296526.
Full text
36
Bettie, Molly Lenore. "The Fulbright Program and American public diplomacy." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2014. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6889/.
Full textAbstract:
International educational exchanges are widely considered to be an important form of public diplomacy. They are thought to build relationships and mutual understanding between the peoples of different nations, and thereby contribute to international goodwill and the cause of peace. The Fulbright Program, America’s flagship educational exchange endeavour, was founded upon such principles and expectations. During its first six decades of exchanges, the programme has grown from modest beginnings into an academically prestigious brand in international education. This study offers a newly updated history of the Fulbright Program, based on archival research and semi-structured interviews. It examines the role that the Fulbright Program has played in American public diplomacy and foreign policy since its establishment in the aftermath of the Second World War. It situates the narrative of the exchange programme against its larger context of U.S. foreign relations. The exchange programme is shown to be remarkably adaptable, as it overcomes a range of political and economic challenges throughout its history. Three key themes are drawn from this historical narrative and explored in analytical chapters: funding, bureaucracy and the Fulbright grantee experience. The ebb and flow of Congressional support for exchanges, as well as the phenomenon of cost-sharing by partnering nations, reveals a great deal about the Fulbright Program’s purposes and practices. The perceived purpose of the exchanges can also be inferred by examining the changes that have taken place in the bureaucratic structure of American public diplomacy throughout the history of the Fulbright Program. The grantee experience is arguably the greatest determinant of an exchange programme’s effectiveness, and has been the subject of most Fulbright Program literature. Unlike previous studies, however, which relied primarily on surveys of exchange participants, this study adopts a more holistic approach by focusing on the institution rather than the individual grantee. This study’s framework is based upon the parent fields of public diplomacy. Drawing upon theories from psychology, communications and political science, the analytical framework suggests an original approach for exchange diplomacy research. It critically examines the assumptions that are often used to justify exchanges, including the contact hypothesis, the opinion leader concept and the perceived link between public opinion and foreign policy. Using a combination of archival research and interviews, the study offers new insights into the Fulbright Program’s practices and challenges normative assumptions about the role of exchange diplomacy in foreign policy.
37
Constantinou, Costas M. "Theorias : reflections on the question concerning diplomacy." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.720016.
Full text
38
Mandela, Siyabulela. "Preventive diplomacy and conflict provention in Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/13435.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa‟s participation in international peace missions is guided by the White Paper of 1998 and premised specifically on the country‟s foreign policy objectives based on its vision of “a better South Africa, a better Africa and a better world”. South Africa recognises itself as an integral part of the African continent and therefore sees its national interests as being intrinsically linked to Africa‟s stability, unity and prosperity. Since 1994, South Africa has placed itself at the forefront of Africa's peace and security endeavours, trying to transform itself from international villain during apartheid years to Pan-Africanist peacemaker. The country has played an instrumental role in both shaping and setting the normative agenda of the African Union and Southern African Development Community. South Africa‟s participation in conflict resolution and peace missions in Africa is informed by an understanding of the nexus that exists between peace, security and sustainable development. This research focuses on South Africa‟s diplomatic and peacekeeping engagement in Lesotho, covering the constitutional and electoral crises from 1994 - 2015 constitutional crisis. The author shows the importance and way forward to resolve conflicts before they become escalated and deadly. The study calls for a „timely‟ reaction to disputes and conflicts on the African continent via preventive diplomacy, conflict provention and addressing of underlying issues that give rise to disputes and conflict.
39
Al-Muftah, Hamad M. "Toward Formulation a Maturity Framework for E-diplomacy." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17318.
Full textAbstract:
Digital diplomacy (e-Diplomacy), is commonly defined as the use of information and communication technology for the purposes of attaining foreign policy goals. The emerging field of digital diplomacy has been largely neglected in academic research. Also, in practice, this area has been slow to evolve compared to other areas of public service such as e-government, e-education and e-health. This research draws on the existing literature to present a novel conceptual framework that could be used to guide the implementation of e-diplomacy. A new e-diplomacy maturity framework is formulated to address the modern functions of foreign relations in today’s global environment. The e-diplomacy maturity framework is derived from the theory of growth models, the e-government maturity model, the broader literature on diplomacy and the practice of diplomacy. To validate the conceptual framework, a qualitative approach involving semi-structured interviews with diplomats and professionals from the foreign ministries of the USA, the UK and Qatar were conducted. The novelty of this research is based on the development of a conceptual framework of e-diplomacy maturity and implementation that was built around the scaffolding of conjectures that were tested to determine their validity. It can guide research scholars wishing to explore the discipline of digital diplomacy. It will also assist foreign ministries to identify the stage they have reached in deploying ICT in their diplomatic functions. This study should also provide policy makers, diplomats, ICT managers, and practitioners with a greater understanding of the stages and factors that encourage or hinder e-diplomacy implementation and maturity.
40
Araujo, André Leite. "Deliberação de atos internacionais pelo Congresso Nacional brasileiro : a tramitação do ingresso da Venezuela no Mercosul entre 2007 e 2009 /." Marília, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/153454.
Full textAbstract:
Orientadora: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano<br>Banca: Dawisson Elvécio Belém Lopes<br>Banca: Camilo López Burian<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: A presente pesquisa analisa a posição do Congresso Nacional brasileiro no processo decisório de política externa, verificando que o Legislativo busca ter maior participação nesse tema, como forma de redistribuir os poderes no nível doméstico. Nesse sentido, o eixo central da argumentação é de que, em contexto de globalização e de aproximação das esferas internacional e doméstica, a principal variável que estimula esse posicionamento é os interesses dos atores políticos na arena nacional, isto é, a relação partidária entre governo e oposição e entre Executivo e Legislativo. Sendo assim, a dissertação desenvolve um estudo de caso sobre o comportamento dos parlamentares e partidos na deliberação do Protocolo de Adesão da República Bolivariana da Venezuela ao Mercosul, entre 2007 e 2009. Analisando a tramitação em 4 comissões e 2 plenários, da Câmara dos Deputados e do Senado Federal, utiliza-se como fontes primárias os votos, os discursos e os trâmites parlamentares. Como explicações complementares, a ideologia política e a relação da Unidade da Federação com a Venezuela servem para compreender as exceções ao padrão. Portanto, o posicionamento do Legislativo em política internacional é entendido dentro do jogo político doméstico com o Executivo. Assim, a apreciação de atos internacionais é uma das oportunidades para que o Congresso opine sobre e controle as ações de política externa, além de ser um espaço de barganha frente ao Executivo, reivindicando suas funções nas relações e... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)<br>Abstract: This research analyses the Brazilian National Congress position in the foreign policy decision-making process, verifying that the Legislative aims to participate more in this issue, as a way to redistribute the powers in domestic level. In this sense, the central axis of the argumentation is that, in a context of globalisation and closeness of international and domestic spheres, the main variable that stimulates this position is the interests of political actors in the national arena, i.e., the partisan relationship between government and opposition and between the Executive and the Legislative. Therefore, the dissertation develops a case study about the parliamentarians and parties behaviour in the deliberation of the Protocol of Adhesion of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela to Mercosur, from 2007 to 2009. Analysing the proceeding in 4 committees and 2 chambers, in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Federal Senate, parliamentarian votes, speeches and proceedings are used as primary sources. As complementary explanations, political ideology and the relation of the Federative Units with Venezuela serve to understand the exceptions to the pattern. Therefore, the Legislative positioning in international policy is understood within the domestic political game with the Executive. So, the appreciation of international acts is one of the opportunities for the Congress opine about and control the actions of foreign policy, besides being a space of bargaining with the Executive, cl... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)<br>Resumen: La presente investigación analiza la posición del Congreso Nacional brasileño en el processo decisorio de política exterior, verificando que el Legislativo busca tener más participación em ese tema, como una manera de redistribuir los poderes en nivel doméstico. En ese sentido, el eje central de la argumentación es de que, en un contexto de globalización y de acercamiento de las esferas internacional y doméstica, la principal variable que impulsa esse posicionamiento es los intereses de los actores políticos en la arena nacional, es decir, la relación partidaria entre oficialismo y oposición y entre Ejecutivo y Legislativo. Así, la disertación desarrolla un estudio de caso sobre el comportamiento de los parlamentarios y partidos en la deliberación del Protocolo de Adhesión de la República Bolivariana al Mercosur, entre 2007 y 2009. Analizando la tramitación en 4 comisiones y 2 plenos, de la Cámara de Diputados y del Senado Federal, se utiliza como fuentes primarias los votos, los discursos y los trámites parlamentarios. Como explicaciones complementarias, la ideologia política y la relación de la Unidad Federativa con Venezuela sirven para comprender las excepciones al patrón. Por lo tanto, el posicionamiento del Legislativo en política internacional es entendido dentro del juego político doméstico con el Ejecutivo. Así, la apreciación de los actos internacionales es una de las oportunidades para que el Congreso opine sobre y controle las acciones de política exterior, más al... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo)<br>Mestre
41
Tzirakis, Dimitrios. "Diaspora as a diplomatic tool in the era of New Diplomacy : A Comparative Case Study of Greece and Ireland - Lessons learned from Ireland." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-165634.
Full textAbstract:
Diplomacy has been changing and evolving for some time now. Diplomacy has gone public and new types of diplomacy and diplomatic tools have emerged. The number of actors has pluralised. The emergence of new technologies, like social media, also offers a new addition on how diplomacy is being conducted. However, a far less discussed diplomatic tool is diaspora. The diaspora of a country can also be used to conduct diplomacy. “Both ‘diaspora’ and ‘diplomacy’ are concepts that have undergone considerable expansion in recent years, marking a shift away from understanding diaspora as a descriptive category and diplomacy as the practice of state officials respectively” (Ho & McConnell, 2017, p. 15). The study aims to gain a better understanding of how the diaspora of a country can be used as a diplomatic tool in the world of ‘New Diplomacy’. The theoretical framework builds upon the notions of New Diplomacy, Diaspora Studies and the existing pre-understanding of Diaspora Diplomacy. The study pursues a qualitative research approach by means of a Comparative Case Study conducted with the method of Most-Similar Case Comparison. The two cases analysed are those of Greece and Ireland, in which the former is identified as the case facing challenges in relation to modern-day diaspora diplomacy, while the latter is identified as a successful case. The research uses both primary and secondary data. The secondary data was collected by means of the empirical research method of Participant Observation. The researcher identified four independent variables in order to explain the dependent variable which is ‘Successful Diaspora Diplomacy’. Three independent variables, ‘Nature of their diaspora’, ‘Recent socio-economic developments’ and ‘Structure of ministry of foreign affairs & the position of the diaspora unit within it’ were concluded to be too similar among the two countries in order to explain the difference in successfulness of their diaspora diplomacy. The analysis conducted indicated that the fourth independent variable ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’, however, was significantly different among the two cases and leads to an explanation of the difference in the outcome. The findings of this research indicated that a ‘New Diplomacy-Culture’ should incorporate the following characteristics and initiatives: a concrete diaspora strategy; individual initiatives all need to be linked to the strategy, but at the same time be tailor-made for the different types of diaspora members; all actions need to be monitored and evaluated; and technology needs to be utilised. Furthermore, governments should adopt a facilitating role instead of an implementing role. Knowledge sharing and access to networks constitute two of the main benefits that a country can achieve through Diaspora Diplomacy. In general, new diplomacy initiatives are not sufficient for achieving successful diaspora diplomacy if foreign ministries do not adopt a new diplomacy mentality as a whole. Countries should focus on communication, cooperation and a culture of openness, flexibility and transparency. In New Diplomacy the notion that citizens play a more prominent role than they used to in the past, is central. This idea can be expanded to include diasporas as well. Furthermore, not only should New Diplomacy include diaspora, but also the other way around; in order for Diaspora Diplomacy to be successful, it should include New Diplomacy in its practices. This brings us to the conceptualisation of a new subfield of New Diplomacy and Diaspora Diplomacy, that of New Diaspora Diplomacy. New Diaspora Diplomacy is Diaspora Diplomacy that incorporates a high degree of elements of 21st century’s New Diplomacy, in order to successfully achieve diaspora engagement on contemporary issues of strategical importance.
42
Demir, Imran. "Hegemonic Intervention In The Form Of Coercive Diplomacy." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12606155/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims at developing a conceptual framework for advancing basic research on questions about coercive diplomacy and the management of intrastate conflicts by relying on hegemonic stability theory and its most fundamental concept: public good. In the light of the failure of international community in developing a unified response to the most cases of intrastate conflicts, the study investigates the role of leadership in international attempts to manage such conflicts. I argue that in the absence of a direct threat to the interests of each individual member, there will be a need for a leader that is capable to provide public goods associated with efforts to bring a solution to the conflict. Findings from several phases of Kosovo crisis which support this proposition is used to illustrate and evaluate the accuracy of this assumption. Thus, the study is not only concerned with coercive diplomacy as a form of intervention but also the process that finally culminates into that instrument as evidence of the necessity for a leader.
43
Hu, Ke Jia. "China's public diplomacy : can it make a difference?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595545.
Full text
44
McGuire, Steven M. "Airbus Industrie : EC - US trade diplomacy, 1970-1992." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.308873.
Full text
45
Hayes, Roger. "Public relations and public diplomacy : symbiosis and reformulation." Thesis, University of Reading, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.557254.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis asks the question, how should public relations as a discipline evolve, bearing in mind the cross-frontier impact of new and traditional media and the impact of globalisation, with companies asked to do more and governments able to do less. It argues public relations theory is overly ethnocentric, despite dramatic changes in the communication, political and economic environment and that there is a need to embrace adjacent disciplines such as public diplomacy if it is to become more credible and strategically relevant. Following an interpretative paradigm in the qualitative tradition, data were collected using 56 in-depth interviews of senior practitioners of public relations and diplomacy, largely in two developing and two developed countries. Data were analysed using grounded methods and thematic content analysis, helping illustrate data and ease presentation for the reader. The findings indicated there is a convergence of disciplines and practice, including cross-transfer of diplomats to the private sector and public relations practitioners to government service. They showed that diplomats are engaging in more media relations, commercial activity and broader stakeholder outreach. While public relations practitioners need to add an understanding of international politics and culture to their knowledge of business and communication. However, despite growing opportunities for public relations as a result of new media, advising governments, a broader role for business, complex issues requiring 1. Introduction ii narrative development and more multi-faceted, empowered stakeholders, there are challenges. It has a poor reputation. It is seen as superficial, largely remains in a tactical box and there exists a skills deficit. In particular it requires navigation, negotiation and networking skills to be learned from diplomacy. But this will require a transformation of education and training practices, particularly in developing countries, where public relations is growing fast. This study makes a theoretical contribution by expanding the thinking on the overlap between the two disciplines. They both have to adapt to the new-networked environment, needing to develop relationship and collaborative engagement strategies. In particular public relations needs to possess contextual intelligence and cultural empathy. These themes form the basis on which to further develop public relations theory, which is sorely lacking. A conceptual model has been developed. Further research should be undertaken measuring the quality of relationships with different kinds of stakeholders in different cultures. This research makes a practical contribution by guiding the public relations academy and practice towards a more integrated and balanced education and training template, and developing a ‘best of both’ tool-kit. The symbiosis of the two disciplines indicated by this research and the further integration with public affairs and corporate responsibility should help public relations add value to its theory and practice. This would help it become more credible and strategically relevant for the 21st century global environment.
46
Sim, David. "The Irish question & U.S. diplomacy, 1840-1890." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543588.
Full text
47
Liaw, Booker Fann-Bey. "Taiwan'seconomic diplomacy and southward policy in the 1990s." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.412841.
Full text
48
Jawad, Haifaa A. "Euro-Arab relations : a study in collective diplomacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.329801.
Full text
49
Raad, Zeid. "King Hussein's foreign diplomacy January 1956-December 1958." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282136.
Full text
50
Neville, Peter. "The diplomacy of Sir Nevile Henderson, 1937-9." n.p, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
Full text