Relevant bibliographies by topics / The extreme right wing

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'The extreme right wing'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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IGNAZI, PIERO, and COLETTE YSMAL. "Extreme right-wing parties in Europe." European Journal of Political Research 22, no. 1 (July 1992): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00302.x.

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Eate, Penelope. "Extreme right-wing political violence and terrorism." Social Identities 19, no. 5 (September 2013): 685–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2013.841567.

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Lubbers, Marcel, Mérove Gijsberts, and Peer Scheepers. "Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 3 (May 2002): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00015.

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De Witte, Hans, Jaak Billiet, and Peer Scheepers. "Hoe zwart is Vlaanderen ? : Een exploratief onderzoek naar uiterst-rechtse denkbeelden in Vlaanderen in 1991." Res Publica 36, no. 1 (March 31, 1994): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i1.18755.

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On the basis of the research literature, five aspects of the extreme right-wing ideology were distinguished : racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the preference for a strong leadership, anti-parliamentarianism, and an anti-left attitude. The data of a postal survey in the spring of 1991 of a representative sample of the Flemish population in Belgium show that the items with which these extreme right-wing topics were operationalized show a one dimensional structure. About 10% to 25% of the interviewees agree with the individual items and about 20% of the subjects scored on the extreme right-wing side of the scale. The 'hardcore' of extreme right-wing respondents is, however, much smaller (about 1% to 2%), and does not seem to be higher in Flanders than in most of the surrounding countries. The right-wing extremism scale developed correlates as expected with a previously developed typology that integrates the attitude with respect to autochthons and allochthons. The analysis confirms that the voters for the Vlaams Blok - taken as a whole - may not be considered right-wing extremists, as suggested by previous research. Right-wing extremism correlates with a large number of attitudes and seems to be embedded in the broader opinion dimension of socio-cultural conservatism. This may also explain why it is associated primarily with the age, educational level, and religiosity of the respondents.
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Domingues, José Maurício. "Extreme-right, democracy and oligarchy." Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 2, no. 3 (March 20, 2022): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v2i3.10.

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This article places the Brazilian Bolsonaro government in comparative perspective, particularly in what refers to the surge and strengthening of extreme-right globally. It discusses the emergence of a new sort of political regime (advanced liberal oligarchy) within a more general analysis of modern political regimes (in particular liberal democracy and its crisis, fascism and bureaucratic authoritarianism), the eruption of popular mobilization since 2013 in the country (as part of a global trend), the crisis of the left and how unexpectedly an extreme-right political movement came to power in Brazil. The article then analyses the Bolsonaro government in greater detail, its right-wing posture and its relation to liberal democracy and its largely oligarchic elements, as well as moves by the opposition.
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Saalfeld, Thomas. "Up and down with the Extreme Right in Germany, 1949–1996." Politics 17, no. 1 (February 1997): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.0027.

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In the post-war period, (West) Germany has witnessed several cycles of extreme right-wing protest. In this article, the dynamics of these cycles will be studied. What are the causes of the cyclical ‘ups’ and ‘downs’ in the extreme right's electoral fortunes? Are the cycles of violent activity related to the cycles of electoral success? In order to address these questions, the extreme right will be analysed as a social movement whose activities are a result of the interplay between the political opportunity structure and the strategic choices made by extreme right-wing activists
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Day, Ronald E. "RIGHT-WING POPULISM, INFORMATION, AND KNOWLEDGE." Logeion: Filosofia da Informação 5, no. 2 (March 20, 2019): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21728/logeion.2019v5n2.p38-54.

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‘New media’ information technologies were recently thought to be so intrinsically different from ‘old,’ mass media, technologies that fascism would no longer be possible. Through new media information and communication technologies, the political ‘mass’ was supposedly replaced by the ‘crowd’ or the ‘swarm,’ and an old mass media replaced by a new media serving individual ‘information needs.’ However, extreme right-wing political populism and encroaching fascism today are world-wide phenomena in developed countries, not only despite new media, but partly because of it. How is this possible?
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Caiani, Manuela, and Claudius Wagemann. "The Rise and the Fall of the Extreme Right in Europe: Towards an Explanation?" Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633882.

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In the last two decades, the extreme right has experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many West European democracies, achieving more parliamentary and even governmental power. Despite extensive interest in this phenomenon and a myriad of academic publications about it, both in sociology and political science, little consensus has been reached about the reasons for the observed growth of right-wing extremism. Three books; The Extreme Right in Western Europe by Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe by Piero Ignazi and Radical Right by Pippa Norris, try to overcome this lack of consensus through up-to-date analyses of the current situation of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe and (in Norris’ case) even beyond. All three authors try to go beyond the existing analyses which mainly concentrate on socio-demographic characteristics of extreme right voters. However, they focus on partly different research questions and, consequently, are based on slightly different research designs.
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Langebach, Martin, and Christoph Schulze. "Affirmation and denial: Extreme right black metal and the Holocaust." Metal Music Studies 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms_00024_1.

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The article examines how the Holocaust is addressed in the extreme right wing sections of the larger black metal culture. Drawing from an extensive pool of primary sources the authors analyse how the Holocaust features in song lyrics, album artworks and interviews with artists. They argue that references to the Holocaust in extreme right wing black metal follow the logic of the culture’s aesthetics, which regularly employ symbols of fantastic or factual atrocities in order to express statements of misanthrophy, hatred and male strength. At the same time, the references are non-metaphorical and in that sense political. The artists often do not attempt to minimize the magnitude of the Holocaust but they celebrate the event exactly for the brutality it represents. In other instances, the idea of Holocaust is approved while its factuality is denied. Historic denialism and affirmation of the Holocaust can go hand in hand. While crass antisemitic statements can be found in other extreme right wing cultural realms, extreme right black metal might be the cultural sphere in the contemporary western world that articulates the harshest type of antisemitism.
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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.

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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States has been hampered by various methodological difficulties. One can list, among these, such problems as the obvious inappropriateness of the F scale (owing to its strong right-wing content) as a measure for identifying left-wing authoritarians; the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples of true believers of the extreme left and right; the self-image of the American left as a persecuted minority which, for reasons of self-interest, spuriously inflates the degree of support expressed by its members for individual rights and liberties; and the exposure of both extreme camps to the liberal democratic values dominating American political culture, which unmistakably colours their political rhetoric.We have reason to think that a similar study conducted in some – perhaps many – European countries would reveal even greater similarities between the far left and far right than we have turned up in the United States. Unlike the United States, which has enjoyed a strong liberal democratic tradition that has served to weaken and soften the intensity of its radical movements, a number of European countries, less wedded to liberal democratic principles, have developed a more vigorous, less diluted tradition of radical politics. These nations have long had to contend with powerful extremist movements actively and significantly engaged in the political struggles of their respective nations. The radical movements of Europe have been more extreme and zealous – more unequivocally revolutionary and reactionary – than the radical movements of the United States. The sustained confrontation of these extremist movements, in our view, is likely to have intensified the authoritarian propensities of each.In the present article, through a series of surveys in which we have tried to idenify, as best we can, supporters of the far left and far right, we have systematically compared the two camps on a variety of political and psychological characteristics. We find, in keeping with the conventional view, that the far left and the far right stand at opposite end of the familiar left–right continuum on many issues of public policy, political philosophy and personal belief. They hold sharply contrasting views on questions of law and order, foreign policy, social welfare, economic equality, racial equality, women's rights, sexual freedom, patriotism, social conventions, religion, family values and orientations towards business, labour and private enterprise.Nevertheless, while the two camps embrace different programmatic beliefs, both are deeply estranged from certain features of American society and highly critical of what they perceive as the spiritual and moral degeneration of American institutions. Both view American society as dominated by conspiratorial forces that are working to defeat their respective ideological aims.The degree of their alienation is intensified by the zealous and unyielding manner in which they hold their beliefs. Both camps possess an inflexible psychological and political style characterized by the tendency to view social and political affairs in crude, unambiguous and stereotypical terms. They see political life as a conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, a struggle between good and evil played out on a battleground where compromise amounts to capitulation and the goal is total victory.The far left and the far right also resemble each other in the way they pursue their political goals. Both are disposed to censor their opponents, to deal harshly with enemies, to sacrifice the well-being even of the innocent in order to serve a ‘higher purpose’, and to use cruel tactics if necessary to ‘persuade’ society of the wisdom of their objectives. Both tend to support (or oppose) civil liberties in a highly partisan and self-serving fashion, supporting freedom for themselves and for the groups and causes they favour while seeking to withhold it from enemies and advocates of causes they dislike.In sum, when the views of the far left and far right are evaluated against the standard left–right ideological dimension, they can appropriately be classifled at opposite ends of the political spectrum. But when the two camps are evaluated on questions of political and psychological style, the treatment of political opponents, and the tactics that they are willing to employ to achieve their ends, the display many parallels that can rightly be labelled authoritarian.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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Lubbers, Marcel. "Exclusionistic electorates : extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe /." [Netherlands] : ICS, Interuniversity center for social science theory and methodology, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388640618.

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Engelmark, Maria. "Extreme Right-Wing Voting Behavior; A Case Study on Swedish Immigrant Voters." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-46140.

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Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study. The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’. Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’. Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
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Medellin, Gabriela. "The rise of the extreme right in France and Germany and the problem of immigration." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ34207.pdf.

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Sonkoly, Tibor K. "Aggressive neighborhood watch or unconventional threat? the Hungarian extreme right-wing self-defense movements." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44674.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
In the past decade there has been a growing political and popular right-wing extremist movement in Hungary. According to the Athena Institute, an independent human-rights group based in Budapest, at least 20 extreme right-wing organizations are active at present. Additionally, based on their rhetoric, some of these groups openly seek the overthrow of the existing social order of Hungary and perform activities that have paramilitary features. The role of these right-wing groups has been noted in the crisis on the Crimean Peninsula. This project explores a specific phenomenon among the extremist right-wing movements, the self-defense groups, and the threats they pose to Hungarian national security. Combining online data from communication platforms (blogs) and open-source data, the goal is to visualize this right-wing Hungarian social network and identify alternative strategies to deal with it.
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Kerr, Robert McNab. "The territorial imperative of xenophobia : putting the Extreme-Right in its place /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072592.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Allen, Joseph B. "Where the Extreme Right Took Root: A Comparison of Midwestern Counties in the 1980s." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5053.

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This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.
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Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.

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Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.

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Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
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Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /." Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.

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Books on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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Hindu extreme right-wing groups: Ideology and consequences. Delhi: Media House, 2004.

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The extreme right in France. New York: Routledge, 2007.

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Bernhard, Schmid. Distanzieren, leugnen, drohen: Die europäische extreme Rechte nach Oslo. Münster: Edition Assemblage, 2011.

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Philip, Rees. Biographical dictionary of the extreme right since 1890. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990.

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1975-, Bruter Michael, ed. Mapping extreme right ideology: An empirical geography of the European extreme right. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Ignazi, Piero. The re-emergence of extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Vienna: Institut für Höhere Studien/Institute for Advanced Studies, 1995.

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Lausberg, Michael. Die extreme Rechte in Ostdeutschland 1990-1998. Marburg: Tectum, 2012.

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Jiménez, José Luis Rodríguez. Antisemitism and the extreme right in Spain (1962-1997). Jerusalem: Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, 1999.

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Rojahn, Christoph. Extreme Right-Wing violence in Germany: The political and social context. Reading: Research Institute for the study of conflict and Terrorism, 1996.

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Rajahn, Cristoph. Extreme right-wing violence in Germany: The political and social context. London: RISCT, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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Botsch, Gideon. "Identifying extreme-right terrorism." In A Transnational History of Right-Wing Terrorism, 241–57. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003105251-17.

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Heß-Meining, Ulrike. "Right - Wing Esotericism in Europe." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 383–408. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.383.

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Roux, Guillaume. "Dimensions of Ethnic Prejudice and Extreme Right - Wing Voting." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 51–74. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.51.

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Meznik, Michael, and Tom Thieme. "Against all Expectations – Right - Wing Extremism in Romania and Bulgaria." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 195–214. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.195.

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Lange, Sarah L. de. "Radical Right - Wing Populist Parties in Office – A Cross - National Comparison." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 171–94. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.171.

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Bar-On, Tamir. "Intellectual Right - Wing Extremism – Alain de Benoist’s Mazeway Resynthesis since 2000." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 333–58. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.333.

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Tapia, Stéphane de. "Turkish Extreme Right - Wing Movements – Between Turkism, Islamism, Eurasism, and Pan -Turkism." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 297–320. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.297.

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Grumke, Thomas. "Globalized Anti - Globalists – The Ideological Basis of the Internationalization of Right - Wing Extremism." In The Extreme Right in Europe, 323–32. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666369223.323.

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Gibson, Tobias T., and Richard Q. Sterns. "EXTREME RIGHT-WING IDEOLOGUES, CONSERVATIVE SECESSION, AND TERRORISM." In Foundations of Homeland Security, 79–94. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119289142.ch5.

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Husbands, Christopher T. "Support for right-wing extremism in western Europe." In Reflections on the Extreme Right in Western Europe, 1990–2008, 245–65. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Fascism and the far right: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429060076-10.

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Conference papers on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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Kapanadze, Lali. "INEQUALITY AND RIGHT-WING POPULISM." In Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7244.

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According to Cambridge dictionary, in 2017 the most popular word was Populism. What is Populism? – Is it achievement of our era, or its roots comes from our remote past? According to scientific research, populism existed in ancient Roman period as an ideological political movement known as the Populist Party. It expressed the interests of ordinary people. Today populism is a natural phenomenon of Democratic political regimes. Populist perception is a special democratic component of political culture, that is realized by the population who are involved in political movements. The amplitude of its usage is so diverse that it’s difficult to find an exact scientific definition. Today populism is a main political phenomenon and is mainly used during pre-election periods, political debates and with the purpose of convincing or manipulating consciousness of society. In addition, political leaders often use aggressive national-populist rhetoric.
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Ottoni, Raphael, Evandro Cunha, Gabriel Magno, Pedro Bernardina, Wagner Meira Jr., and Virgílio Almeida. "Analyzing Right-wing YouTube Channels." In WebSci '18: 10th ACM Conference on Web Science. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3201064.3201081.

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Chakrabarti, Partha, Deepak Sankar Somasundaram, and Abhijeet Chawan. "Nonlinear Random Wave Time Domain Analysis of Jack-Up Rigs Including Foundation." In ASME 2017 36th International Conference on Ocean, Offshore and Arctic Engineering. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/omae2017-61906.

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A jack-up rig has to be designed for extreme storm conditions in its elevated mode during operations. Guidelines of ISO 19905-1 [1] and SNAME TR-5-5A [2] for site specific assessment of jack-up rigs explain in detail such analysis and assessment requirements. It is well known that for higher water depths and extreme environment, structural dynamics and spudcan-soil interaction plays a very significant role. The extreme storm response can be determined either by a two-stage deterministic storm analysis procedure using a quasi-static analysis that includes an inertial load set or by a more detailed fully integrated (random wave) dynamic analysis procedure that uses a stochastic analysis. More commonly, however, jack-up rigs are assessed using a two-stage deterministic wave model along with steady wind loads, since this is much simpler. In two-stage deterministic analysis, the first step is the determination of the inertial load set and structural analysis for all the environmental and gravity loads. To include the effects of the spudcan and soil foundation, an initial rotational stiffness or fixity is assumed that depends on the soil type and the preload. Assessment of the foundation is performed thereafter using the yield interaction approach. This is normally an iterative approach to arrive at the right fixity that satisfies the assessment. The two-stage approach, although simpler could be conservative leading to adverse conclusions for the suitability of a jack-up at a site. As indicated, the other approach is the one-stage approach involving random time domain analysis which is normally not used and reported in the literature probably due to its complexity and difficulty. The present paper describes random wave time domain analysis of a specific jack-up using a 3D model in 400 ft water depth using USFOS software [3]. This software has the spudcan-soil interaction integrated, to simulate the foundation behavior. In this one-stage analysis, the assessment for the foundation is performed through an iterative approach inside the software using yield and bounding surfaces. Extreme values of some of key responses are compared with traditional deterministic analysis. Benefits and limitations of random wave time domain analysis are explained and quantified. These benefits are sometimes so significant that one-stage analysis may lead to favorable conclusions where the conservative two-stage analysis approach had failed to show the adequacy of the rig. These observations and the overall methodology of analysis used here could be beneficial to any rig’s applicability at a specific site.
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Berczuk, Steve, Neil Harrison, Kevlin Henney, Joshua Kerievsky, Linda Rising, Ken Schwaber, and Bobby Woolf. "What's so eXtreme about doing things right?" In Companion of the 18th annual ACM SIGPLAN conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/949344.949413.

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Efron, Miles. "The liberal media and right-wing conspiracies." In the Thirteenth ACM conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1031171.1031250.

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Fei, Fan, Zhan Tu, Jian Zhang, and Xinyan Deng. "Learning Extreme Hummingbird Maneuvers on Flapping Wing Robots." In 2019 International Conference on Robotics and Automation (ICRA). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icra.2019.8794100.

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Ondria, Peter. "RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AS A SOURCE OF SECURITY THREATS." In 5th International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS SGEM2018. STEF92 Technology, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2018/1.2/s01.030.

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Taylor, Richard S. "Fixed‐wing magnetic‐and‐radiometric surveys over extreme terrain." In SEG Technical Program Expanded Abstracts 2000. Society of Exploration Geophysicists, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/1.1816091.

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Demcisak, Jan, and Simona Frastikova. "Similarities and Differences in the Right-wing Populists’ Video Campaigns." In – The Asian Conference on Media, Communication & Film 2020. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2186-5906.2021.11.

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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. "REFLECTION OF FREEDOM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM ACTIVISTS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.044.

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Reports on the topic "The extreme right wing"

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Blazakis, Jason, and Colin Clarke. From Paramilitaries to Parliamentarians: Disaggregating Radical Right Wing Extremist Movements. RESOLVE Network, December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.2.

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The global far right is extremely broad in nature and far from monolithic. While the “far right” is often used as an umbrella term, using the term runs the risk of over-simplifying the differences and linkages between white supremacist, anti-immigration, nativist, and other motivating ideologies. These beliefs and political platforms fall within the far-right rubric, and too often the phrase presents a more unified image of the phenomena than is really the case. In truth, the “far right” and the individual movements that comprise it are fragmented, consisting of a number of groups that lack established leadership and cohesion. Indeed, these movements include chauvinist religious organizations, neo-fascist street gangs, and paramilitary organs of established political parties. Although such movements largely lack the mass appeal of the interwar European radical right-wing extreme, they nevertheless can inspire both premeditated and spontaneous acts of violence against perceived enemies. This report is intended to provide policymakers, practitioners, and the academic community with a roadmap of ongoing shifts in the organizational structures and ideological currents of radical right-wing extremist movements, detailing the difference between distinct, yet often connected and interlaced echelons of the far right. In particular, the report identifies and analyzes various aspects of the broader far right and the assorted grievances it leverages to recruit, which is critical to gaining a more nuanced understanding of the potential future trajectory of these movements.
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Scrivens, Ryan, Steven M. Chermak, Joshua D. Freilich, Thomas W. Wojciechowski, and Richard Frank. Detecting Extremists Online: Examining Online Posting Behaviors of Violent and Non-Violent Right-Wing Extremists. RESOLVE Network, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.21.remve.

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Like most of us, violent extremists often leave a digital footprint behind. Researchers, practitioners, and policymakers raise questions about whether violent individuals can be identified online prior to their attacks offline based on their online posting behaviors. Despite ongoing concerns, few empirically grounded analyses have identified which online users have engaged in violent extremism offline and then assessed their digital footprints, and fewer analyses have identified differences in posting behaviors of those who share extreme ideological beliefs but are violent or non-violent in the offline world. This policy note highlights the importance of both identifying and examining the online behaviors of violent and non-violent extremists in preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) and provides researchers, practitioners, and policymakers with a number of recommendations for detecting and analyzing the online behaviors of violent and non-violent extremists in the future.
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Udupa, Sahana. Small Platforms and the Gray Zones of Deep Extreme Speech. MediaWell, Social Science Research Council, October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/md.2093.d.2021.

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Recent trends of migration to smaller social media platforms among right wing actors have raised a caution that an excessive focus on large, transnational social media companies might lose sight of the volatile spaces of homegrown and niche platforms, which have begun to offer diverse “alternative” avenues to extreme speech. Such trends, which drew global media attention during Trump supporters’ attempted exodus to Parler, are also gaining salience in Europe and the global South. Turning the focus to these developments, this article pries open three pertinent features of extreme speech on small platforms: its propensity to migrate between platforms, its embeddedness in domestic regulatory and technological innovations, and its evolving role in facilitating hateful language and disinformation in and through deep trust-based networks. Rather than assuming that smaller platforms are on an obvious trajectory toward progressive alternatives, their diverse entanglements with exclusionary extreme speech, I suggest, should be an important focal point for policy measures.
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Bulent, Kenes. The Sweden Democrats: Killer of Swedish Exceptionalism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0001.

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Like all liberal democracies, Sweden also faces challenges associated with globalization, international migration, and growing inequality. Despite its reputation as a moral superpower, Sweden is not immune to racism, nationalism, xenophobia, Islamophobia, and anti-immigrant sentiment. Sweden Democrats (SD), which originated from an extreme right-wing milieu, represents populist radical-right in Sweden. Since the party had its roots in Swedish fascism and white nationalism, the SD has failed to present a respectable façade so far.
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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.

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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.
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de Bromhead, Alan, Barry Eichengreen, and Kevin O'Rourke. Right-Wing Political Extremism in the Great Depression. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17871.

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Benowitz, June. Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5673.

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Driscoll, John B. A Chaordic Threat: Right Wing Terrorism in the United States. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada308596.

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Schwabe, Jr, and F. E. The March to the Sea: The Operational Role of Sherman's Right Wing. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada168399.

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Rodrik, Dani. Why Does Globalization Fuel Populism? Economics, Culture, and the Rise of Right-wing Populism. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w27526.

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