Dissertations / Theses: 'The extreme right wing'

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Lubbers, Marcel. "Exclusionistic electorates : extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe /." [Netherlands] : ICS, Interuniversity center for social science theory and methodology, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb388640618.

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Engelmark, Maria. "Extreme Right-Wing Voting Behavior; A Case Study on Swedish Immigrant Voters." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-46140.

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Extreme right-wing political parties and movements are growing in number and size all over Europe and in their tail, an increased political focus on immigration and its pros and cons. Sweden is no exception to the European trend and the Swedish extreme right-wing political party, Sverigedemokraterna, became the third largest political party in the latest elections for the Swedish parliament in 2014. The objective of this study is to contribute to the current debate on rising right-wing party affiliation through an analysis of the reasons for extreme right-wing voting behavior of immigrants in Sweden. Through a case-study based on six in-depth interviews with immigrants voting for Sverigedemokraterna, the study looks into issues regarding social group identification as the issue of identification with or repudiation of the ‘outgroup’ appears, from previously conducted research, to be a key issue. An analysis of policy documents of Sverigedemokraterna, previously conducted research and finally an interview conducted by a Swedish anti-racist organization is also included in the case-study. The study shows that the reasons behind immigrant extreme right-wing voting behavior present substantial similarities with other highly represented groups of extreme right-wing voters in that voting is, in line with Realistic Conflict Theory, encouraged by a perceived socio-economic threat emanating from an identified ‘outgroup’. Further, the study validates the assumption of ‘in-’ and ‘outgroup’ identification as being a key issue in determining motives behind extreme right-wing voting. The key explanatory factor of the voting behavior of the studied group indeed shows to be the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’. Finally, the study shows that the rejection of an identification with a homogenous group of ‘immigrants’, removes the theoretical base for assuming that immigrants should be expected to show favorable attitudes towards the group of immigrants in general.

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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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Medellin, Gabriela. "The rise of the extreme right in France and Germany and the problem of immigration." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0026/MQ34207.pdf.

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Sonkoly, Tibor K. "Aggressive neighborhood watch or unconventional threat? the Hungarian extreme right-wing self-defense movements." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44674.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
In the past decade there has been a growing political and popular right-wing extremist movement in Hungary. According to the Athena Institute, an independent human-rights group based in Budapest, at least 20 extreme right-wing organizations are active at present. Additionally, based on their rhetoric, some of these groups openly seek the overthrow of the existing social order of Hungary and perform activities that have paramilitary features. The role of these right-wing groups has been noted in the crisis on the Crimean Peninsula. This project explores a specific phenomenon among the extremist right-wing movements, the self-defense groups, and the threats they pose to Hungarian national security. Combining online data from communication platforms (blogs) and open-source data, the goal is to visualize this right-wing Hungarian social network and identify alternative strategies to deal with it.

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Kerr, Robert McNab. "The territorial imperative of xenophobia : putting the Extreme-Right in its place /." view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072592.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 176-194). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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Allen, Joseph B. "Where the Extreme Right Took Root: A Comparison of Midwestern Counties in the 1980s." PDXScholar, 1996. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/5053.

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This thesis evaluates two theories purporting to explain the rise of right-wing extremism in the Midwest during the farm crisis of the 1980s. The pluralist argument suggests that Midwestern right-wing extremism was rooted in previous episodes of agrarian radicalism. The political tradition perspective, on the other hand, claims that right-wing extremism in the Midwest was rooted in traditional conservatism. To evaluate these theories, an analysis of ten counties was performed. Particular attention was paid to seven variables which theorists argue point agriculturally based communities down political paths of radicalism or conservatism. Regional analyses were also performed on those counties which resided in similar areas of the Midwest. The findings offer stronger support for the political tradition perspective than for the pluralist argument. These finding suggest that those counties in which right-wing extremist activity did not occur were ones which supported past agrarian radical movements while those counties which experienced right-wing extremism were for the most part opponents of past radical agrarian movements. The thesis suggests that future research on rightwing extremism should focus attention on the political traditions of the communities were such movements become established and that a number of alternative variables should be considered.

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Arikan, E. Burak. "The extreme right-wing parties in Eastern and Western Europe : a comparison of the common ideological agenda." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294441.

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Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.

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Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

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Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /." Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.

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Waltå, Göran O:sson. "Poet under black banners : the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland 1918-1944 /." Stockholm : Almqvist och Wiksell, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35614494j.

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Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners : the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland 1918-1944." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 1993. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-128441.

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Dubois, Jean-Etienne. "Leçon d'histoire pour une droite dans l'opposition ? : les mobilisations de droite contre le Cartel des gauches dans la France des années Vingt." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013CLF20031/document.

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Alors que la reconstruction matérielle du pays s’achevait au milieu des années Vingt, il en allait de même pour le champ politique français. A partir de 1924, le retour à une nette bipolarisation entre gauche et droite eut un effet structurant sur le champ politique français, qui n’avait plus connu une telle configuration depuis le début du XXe siècle. Les élections de 1924, marquées par la victoire du Cartel des gauches face au Bloc national, apparaissent comme une césure politique, largement négligée par l’historiographie de l’entre-deux-guerres depuis les travaux de Jean-Noël Jeanneney sur le Cartel des gauches dans les années 1970. De leur passage dans l’opposition en 1924-1926, les droites françaises tirèrent un certain nombre de leçons. La principale était que le verdict des urnes pouvait être renversé en cours de législature : en juillet 1926, la majorité cartelliste, affaiblie par les contradictions entre socialistes et radicaux face à une crise financière et monétaire qui s’aggravait, laissa définitivement place à une majorité d’union nationale, réunie sous l’autorité du principal adversaire des gauches lors de la campagne de 1924, Raymond Poincaré. Pour les droites de nouveau vaincues en 1932 et en 1936, c’était un précédent à retenir. Autre leçon, les mobilisations anticartellistes, dans leur diversité, au sein du champ politique ou du champ social, avaient contribué à affaiblir la majorité radicale et socialiste : l’action militante, politique et sociale, avait une capacité d’influence non négligeable au sein du régime parlementaire de la Troisième République. De 1924 à 1926, les organisations anticartellistes politiques ou associatives, à l’instar de celles entendant représenter les intérêts des catholiques ou des commerçants et artisans, développèrent une culture et des pratiques politiques d’opposition, qu’elles firent rejouer tout au long de l’entre-deux-guerres. Cette expérience démontra également la persistance, dans l’opposition, des divisions structurelles du champ politique des droites, en raison du maintien de clivages tant doctrinaux (sur la laïcité, la politique étrangère ou le parlementarisme), que stratégiques (attitude d’intransigeance ou de conciliation vis-à-vis des radicaux). Dans leur ensemble, ces divisions, mais aussi les débats et les pratiques politiques qui s’épanouirent pendant ces deux années, perdurèrent jusqu’au milieu des années Trente
In the mid-twenties, France was achieving its reconstruction, both economical and political. In 1924, and for the first time since the beginning of the century, the general election took place in a context of a clear bipolarization between left and right, which had a structuring effect on French political field. The victory of the Cartel des gauches at this election appears as a political break-point, that the historiography about political life during interwar years has rather neglected since Jean-Noël Jeanneney’s studies upon Cartel des gauches in the seventies. The organizations of the right-wing learnt a few important lessons from this period when they were in the parliamentary opposition. The most important one was that the political majority coming out democratic election could be changed in the middle of the parliamentary legislature. Indeed, in July 1926, weakened by the growing divisions between radicals and socialists incapable of giving an answer to the increasing financial and monetary crisis, the cartellist majority fell definitely. Raymond Poincaré, the main opponent of the left in 1924, came back to the Council presidency, leading a new parliamentary majority of national union. When the right had been defeated again in 1932 and 1936, it remembered this precedent. Another lesson was that the various social and political mobilizations against the Cartel des gauches had played a significant role to weaken the socialist and radical majority. The community movements, such as catholic or professional ones, and the political organizations mobilized in this period, built a culture and abilities of being in political opposition, that they have reactivated later during the interwar years. This episode proved also the persistence, in political opposition, of structural divisions of the political field of the French right-wing, due to the permanence of doctrinal and strategic splits (the first ones about questions of secularism, foreign policy or parliamentary nature of institutions; the second ones about the political attitude toward the radicals, between uncompromising attitude and conciliation). These divisions, but also the nature of the political debates and the political practices which were developed during these two years, had lasted until the mid-thirties

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Webber, Gerald Christopher. "The right wing in Britain, 1918-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385813.

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Roig, i. Sanz Daniel. "Del nacionalisme integral al totalitarisme: El catalanisme radical davant l’ascens dels feixismes a l’Europa dels anys trenta (1931-1935)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671883.

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Aquesta tesi doctoral és un estudi de cas sobre el separatisme català dels anys trenta. I particularment sobre els segments politico-ideològics que abraçarien des del nacionalisme integral d’arrel maurrassiana fins el totalitarisme. Un recorregut que es gestaria principalment per mitjà d’organitzacions com Nosaltres Sols! i el Partit Nacionalista Català, nascudes a l’escalf de l’independentisme antimacianista i d’una oposició frontal a la solució estatutària, parcialment reeixida, dins la II República espanyola. I on des de diferents posicionaments –ja fos per la via insurreccional o la participació electoral– també s’experimentaria en el seu si un procés de radicalització ideològica que s’acabaria plasmant, ja el 1935, a través d’agrupacions com el Bloc Escolar Nacionalista o el Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. D’aquesta manera, desentranyar per quines passarel·les ideològiques es produiria aquesta radicalització, així com avaluar-ne quin seria l’impacte de l’ascens dels feixismes en el catalanisme radical, ha estat un dels objectius d’aquest treball. Una temàtica, en suma, ben poc tractada per la historiografia catalana. I que, alhora, s’endinsa –a través de diferents fonts documentals i d’arxiu– en la problemàtica epistemològica sobre l’existència d’un feixisme català.
Cette thèse de doctorat est une étude d’ensemble sur le séparatisme catalan des années trente. Elle traite particulièrement des segments polítiques et ideològiques qui seraient compris depuis le nationalisme intégral d’origine maurrassien jusqu’au totalitarisme. Un parcours qui se concevrait principalement par l’intermédiaire d’organisations comme Nosaltres Sols! et le Partit Nacionalista Català. Il naît dans l’ardeur de l’independantisme antimacianiste et d’une opposition frontale à la solution statutaire, partialement réussie, au sein de la Seconde Répúblique espagnole. Où, à partir de différents positionnements – que ce soit par la voie insurrectionnelle ou la participation électorale– s’expérimenterait en leur sein un processus de radicalisation idéologique qui se serait créé, déjà en 1935, au travers de groupes comme le Bloc Escolar Nacionalista ou le Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. Ainsi, en dévoilent par quelles passerelles idéologiques se produirait cette radicalisation, comment en évaluer quel serait l’impact de la montée des fascismes sur le catalanisme radical, a donc été un des objectifs de ce travail. Un sujet, en somme, bien peu traité par l’historiographie catalane, et qui, en même temps, se plonge –au travers des différentes sources documentaires et d’archive– dans la problématique épistémologique sur l’existence d’un fascisme catalan.
This doctoral thesis is a comprehensive study of Catalan separatism in the 1930s. It deals particularly with the political and ideological segments ranging from Mauritian origin's integral nationalism to totalitarianism. This journey would be designed mainly through organizations like Nosaltres Sols! and the Partit Nacionalista Català. It arose out of the ardour of anti-Macianist independence and head-on opposition to the partially successful statutory solution within the Second Spanish Republic. From different positions – whether through insurrectional means or electoral participation – these organizations experienced a process of ideological radicalization that would be reflected in the creation in 1935 of groups such as the Bloc Escolar Nacionalista or the Moviment Nacionalista Totalitari. One of the main aims of this word has therefore been to unravel the ideological gateways underpinning such radicalization, so as to appraise the impact of the rise of fascism on radical Catalanism. This subject has been largely overlooked by the Catalan historiography, and therefore this research contributes – through the various documentary and archive sources – to the epistemological problematic of the existence of a Catalan fascism.

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Piskurek, Cyprian. "The Right Wing of the Pitch: English Football and the New Right." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21126.

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Zander, Patrick Glenn. "Right modern." Diss., Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28270.

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Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.
Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.

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Benowitz, June Melby. "Grace Wick : portrait of a right-wing extremist." PDXScholar, 1988. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3789.

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"Grace Wick: Portrait of a Right-Wing Extremist" is a biography of an American woman who lived between 1888 and 1958. Wick grew up in a small midwestern town, but as a young woman broke away from small town tradition by moving to the city to pursue a career as an actress in the theater and in silent movies. In the course of her acting career she traveled across North America and had the opportunity to associate with people from all walks of life. As an actress, she was able to achieve an autonomy enjoyed by few women during the 1910s and early 1920s. She also developed into a political activist, organizing campaign rallies for candidates, crusading to extend women's freedom, and was an active participant in mainline politics. However, as a middle-aged woman during the late 1930s, Wick developed a narrow focus on life, becoming involved with right-wing, pro-America organizations. By the 1940s she had become outspoken against immigrants and Jews and was actively distributing nativist, anti-Semitic propaganda. The thesis poses and suggests answers to the question of why a woman who had spent a number of years in the city, and in a career which afforded her the opportunity to gain a cosmopolitan view of the world, followed a course toward nativism and right-wing extremism in her later years.

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Brand, Matthew. "Right-wing refugees and British politics, 1830-1871." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2016. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/58495/.

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This thesis investigates the role of right-wing refugees in British politics during the middle years of the nineteenth century, considering the relationships which these refugees established with British politicians, and the difficulties which their multifarious activities created for the makers of British foreign policy. Whereas the contribution of left-wing refugees to British politics and diplomacy during the Victorian era has been considered at length by numerous historians, the relationships which their right-wing counterparts formed with British politicians and the diplomatic concerns which they created have found little attention. This thesis seeks to redress this imbalance by analysing an overlooked but nevertheless important series of networks and controversies in which these exiles became involved during the tumultuous middle years of the nineteenth century. The study first considers the largely diplomatic implications of the presence of the former Charles X of France and his court in Britain during 1830-32, before turning to the difficulties and opportunities which both the Carlist and Miguelite pretenders and their refugee supporters presented for British governments and politicians alike throughout the 1830s and 1840s. The next three chapters consider the apogee of refugee influence over British politics during the years 1848-50, when the victims of the European revolutions of 1848 intrigued with allies in both Britain and continental Europe alike. The final two chapters then chart the rise of the refugee Orléans branch of the French royal family into highly-regarded political actors, whilst considering the diplomatic implications of their presence in Britain. This study suggests that whereas left-wing refugees boasted a modest political legacy and provoked several international controversies, those of the right not only enflamed diplomatic dispute but often actively intervened in British high politics. It therefore posits that refugees played a far wider and more important role in nineteenth-century Britain than previously noted.

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Pitchford, Mark Joseph. "Conservative Party and the extreme right, 1945-1975." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2009. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/54807/.

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My thesis examines the Conservative Party's relationship with the extreme right in the period 1945-75 by investigating its actions towards various groups and individuals. It reveals how the Conservative Party adopted some of the extreme-right's themes, whilst at the same time sticking to its long constitutional practice. It also investigates the role of the Conservative Party's bureaucracy and wider Conservatism. I begin by outlining the Conservative Party's connections with the extreme right before the Second World War. I then show that after 1945, the extreme-right re-emerged as difficult issues arose, such as decolonisation, immigration, industrial unrest and Europe. The Conservative Party shunned any groups or individuals that espoused or even exhibited any form of fascism. The Party was also wary of non-fascist groups that occupied political space to the right of the party. I explain why and how the Conservative Party approved or disapproved of these particular groups and individuals, and how it consistently posed dilemmas for them, whether they were inside or outside the party. The thesis concludes that the Conservative Party did indeed help to thwart the extreme right. However, it also argues that this is as much a consequence of the Conservative Party's practical measures against such groups as its attraction of its supporters. Thus, whilst the Conservative Party's critics might be correct in identifying the role the party played in ensuring the extreme-right's failure, the reasons why, and methods by which this occurred, does not confirm their perception of the Conservative Party as 'semi-fascist itself.

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Copsey, Nigel Scott. "The extreme right in contemporary France and Britain." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241030.

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Hier, Sean P. "Digital freedom, the Canadian right wing on the internet." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0016/MQ27509.pdf.

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Passmore, Kevin. "The right and the extreme right in the department of the Rhône, 1928-1939." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1992. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81930/.

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This thesis begins with some old questions about the French conservatism. Why has the French right failed to create a united party on the British model'? Why have conservatives so regularly turned to authoritarianism? More precisely, how is the emergence the Croix de Feu in the 1930s to be accounted for? Was it fascist? Did it pose a threat to the established order? These questions have been addressed by means of a detailed study of the right and the extreme right in one French department, the Rhone. It is argued that from 1870 until the early 1960s the French right was divided by two fundamental problems: the desirability or otherwise of industrialization and the legacy of the French Revolution, especially the historic quarrel over the place of the Catholic Church in French society. Neither of these issues were primary; what is important is the way in which they were related in the minds of conservatives. In the 1930s these problems became acute. The efforts of conservative governments from 1928 to 1932 to stabilize and modernize the Republic initiated, on the contrary, a process of fragmentation. Instability was exacerbated by the world economic crisis. By 1935 coalition politics had become impossible. Government could be carried on only thanks to the grant of special powers. This was the context in which the Croix de Feu emerged. The league represented a mobilization of the rank and file of the right against leaders who were perceived to have failed in domestic and foreign politics. Hence its combination of radicalism and reaction. It is argued that the Croix de Feu (though not its successor, the PSF) was a fascist movement. It is also suggested that in the period which ended with the "fascist riots" of 6 February, 1934, a crisis had been developing out of which a fascist regime might have emerged. But the formation of the Popular Front and its success in manipulating the French Republican tradition, prevented this crisis from developing beyond its early stages. The electoral victory of the Popular Front, the strikes of June 1936 and the dissolution of the leagues put paid to the fascist threat. But the right remained as unstable as ever. So authoritarianism survived in different ways. In the Rhone this crisis took the form of a breakdown of the liberal tradition which had dominated conservative politics since the 1840s, and which was deeply rooted in the silk industry. In the 1920s this liberal conservative tradition was concretized in the Chamber of Commerce and the Federation republicaine. From the end of the decade it was undermined from two directions. On the one hand th~re was a challenge from a coalition of Catholic integrists, merchant-manufacturers and large landowners who were worried by certain aspects of economic and social change. In the early 1930s this group won control of the Federation republicaine. On the other hand there emerged a reformist challenge to the liberal tradition. In the countryside independent peasant proprietors turned to the Jeunnesse agricole chretienne. In Lyon the bureaucratization and feminization of white collar work coincided with the formation of a Catholic trades union movement. The diversification of the economy led to the emergence of a challenge from engineering employers. In the late 1920s these groups were sympathetic to the parties of the centre right. During the crisis of the 1930s they turned to the Croix de Feu and the PSF.

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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.

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Stroud, Joseph James Iain. "Constructions of identity through music in extreme-right subcultures." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9575.

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This thesis examines the musical cultures associated with extreme-right politics, considering not only what this music projects about extreme-right ideology, but also the various ways in which music functions as part of a political subculture. This analysis extends beyond the stereotypical extreme-right music associated with the skinhead subculture, often referred to as Oi!, to incorporate extreme-right engagement with genres such as metal, folk, country and classical music. The chapters explore various aspects of identity—including race, sexuality, gender and class—and their significance to and reflection through extreme-right music, as manifested in genre choices, lyrics, album artwork and the features of the music itself. The thesis also considers the way in which less explicit content is produced and the motivation behind this, the importance of myth and fantasy in extreme-right music, and the way that the conspiracist mindset—which is prevalent, albeit not homogeneous, in extreme-right culture—is articulated both in extreme-right music and in the interpretation of mainstream music as antagonistic to extreme-right goals. Music is significant to extreme-right politics for a number of reasons. It is generally understood to be an effective tool in the indoctrination and recruitment of individuals into extreme-right ideology and politics, which is why music is sometimes freely distributed, particularly to youths. The very existence of this music can act to legitimise extreme-right views through the implication that they are shared by its producers and audience. Music also acts as an important tool for the imagining of an extreme-right community through its creation of a space to meet and create networks, a function consolidated by the media surrounding music, particularly websites, forums and magazines. As well as constructing the spaces for extreme-right communities, this music plays an important role in identifying the characteristics of those communities, in articulating what it is to be “us” as contrasted to “them.” Analysis of this music suggests that it has the ability to resolve the ideological contradictions which define the extreme right, even as this analysis reveals such contradictions.

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Ross, Gordon Charles. "The swastika in socialism : right-wing extremism in the GDR /." Hamburg : Kovač, 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/318765462.pdf.

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Ross, Gordon Charles. "The swastika in socialism : right-wing extremism in the GDR." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300908.

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This is the first empirical investigation of right-wing extremism in the GDR produced in English. Based on original research in the former GDR state archives as well as interviews with former right-wing extremists, it reconstructs and discusses the nature of right-wing extremism in the GDR, focusing, in particular, on the decade 1980-1990. The major aim of the thesis is to provide a fuller characterisation of the phenomenon in order to understand its existence and development in a self-proclaimed socialist, anti-fascist state. This aim is achieved by reconstructing right-wing extremism from the empirical and secondary sources and highlighting affinities between the dominant political culture of the GDR and the salient features of GDR right-wing extremism. The major findings of the study can be summarised as follows: right-wing extremism in Germany after the Wende was not simply a result of the problems associated with German re-unification but represents a continuation of a right-wing subculture that was developing into a small but militant political movement in East Germany before 1990 The right-wing extremists themselves were predominantly drawn from families closely associated with the regime and displayed no especial signs of socio-economic deprivation or social marginalisation. The motivation for right-wing extremism in the GDR was based largely on ethno-nationalist arguments which were mobilised and legitimised within mainstream political culture and a legitimacy crisis that undermined the regime in the 1980s.

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Landry, Matt S. "American Anti-Welfare Right-Wing Populism: The Case of Bucktown." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2009. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/980.

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Is there support for voluntary sterilization incentives in the U.S.? Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of four families spanning three generations in Bucktown, a 95% white, middle-class neighborhood which sent David Duke, former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, to the Louisiana House of Representatives in 1989. Interviews explain support and opposition to current Louisiana State Representative John LaBruzzo's policy suggestion to "end generational welfare" by offering citizens $1000 in exchange for having their fallopian tubes tied or receiving vasectomies. Most respondents expressed that the sterilization proposal was targeted at low-income blacks. Although work ethic deficiency was used to frame poverty and welfare-dependency, support and opposition for the proposal was ultimately divided along racial ideological lines. Although Bucktonians have disassociated themselves from Duke and are upwardly mobile socio-economically, right-wing populist ideology remains salient.

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Viñas, Carles (Viñas Gràcia) 1972. ""Skinheads" a Espanya: Orígens, implantació i dinàmiques internes (1980-2010)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/108951.

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Revisió històrica i analítica de la implantació de l’estil skinhead a l’Estat espanyol i la seva posterior evolució (1980-2010). L’objectiu principal es descriure com i on eclosionà aquest i de quina manera es plasmà a la geografia estatal des d’inicis dels anys vuitanta. A partir de aquí exposem com la concreció autònoma skin es diversificà i fragmentà i quins elements foren cabdals en la seva heterogeneïtat. En aquest sentit hem centrat el nostre anàlisi en els tres principals referents sobre els que l’estil s’ha articulat, els quals han caracteritzat les seves dinàmiques posteriors: política, música i esport. Estructura: I Part (capítols 1 i 2) descriu els estils juvenils existents a Gran Bretanya als anys cinquanta i els orígens jamaicans de l’estil skin. II Part (capítols 3 i 4) detalla l’ascendent multiracial dels primers skins, analitza les seves etapes evolutives i els gèneres musicals de referència. III Part (capítols del 5 al 8) Exportació a l’Estat espanyol de l’estil skin i el seu posterior fraccionament. Examina les seves diverses tendències i la seva evolució. IV Part (capítols del 9 al 11) Explica els gèneres musicals que adoptaren els skins a l’Estat espanyol. Examina la consolidació de dos pols antagònics. V Part (capítols 12 i 13) Aprofundeix en la presència skin en l’àmbit del futbol i les transformacions que ha sofert després de patir un procés d’ideologització. Justificació: - Aproximació historiogràfica pionera d’aquest estil juvenil. - Interès social creixent sobre el fenomen. - Examinar la multiformitat i homogeneïtat que presenta l’estil de forma simultània. - Oferir una visió amplia de la gènesis del moviment skin. Metodologia: Combina esforç teòric i metodològic amb un intens treball de camp. Investigació empírica (quinze anys). Obra d’història elaborada des d’una òptica multidisciplinar. Contextualització i acotació de l’objecte d’estudi mitjançant la concreció d’un cos teòric basat en disciplines com l’antropologia, la sociologia o la politologia. - Recopilació de fonts primàries (publicacions, pamflets, adhesius) - Fonts orals (entrevistes per segment d’edat i gènere). - Xarxa telemàtica - Suport fonogràfic i videogràfic (annexos discografies, biografies conjunts musicals). Conclusions: Corroborar les dimensions reals del fenomen, constatant la seva rellevància Clarificar tòpics i mites associats a l’estil. Assentar unes bases acadèmiques sòlides que permetin analitzar amb rigor els skinheads i facilitin futures investigacions. - Un estil eminentment urbà - Una societat jeràrquica i ordenada fallida - Implantació tardana - Pluralitat ideològica - Element renovador de l’extrema dreta - Manifestació visible d’un racisme sense immigració - Un estil sobredimensionat en declivi - Emergència d’un sector apolític - Les transformacions com ocàs de l’estil - De fenomen transgressor a moda de consum Bibliografia consultada: Per a la seva realització hem consultat obres de caràcter genèric i d’altres específiques sobre la matèria. En aquest sentit abunda la bibliografia acadèmica anglosaxona (sociologia, història, política) atesa l’escassa producció en llengua castellana existent que abordi el nostre objecte d’estudi. La nostra investigació també s’ha sustentat en suports documentals (premsa escrita generalista, premsa esportiva, revistes especialitzades, premsa musical, publicacions polítiques, fanzines) i gràfics (documentals, pel•lícules).
This thesis is a historical and analytical review of the implementation of the skinhead style in Spain and its subsequent evolution (1980-2010). The main objective was to describe how and where to hatch and how this is reflected in the national territory since early eighties. From here we explain how the specific local skin is diversified and which elements were fragmentary and flows in its heterogeneity. In this regard we have focused our analysis on the three major references on the style that has been articulated, which have characterized its subsequent dynamic: politics, music ans sports.

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Moody, Daniel. "Framing the New Right: An Analysis of News Media Representations of Right-Wing Extremism in Germany." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1554215327432474.

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Ahlemeyer, Volker. "The coalition potential of extreme right parties in Western Europe." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614238.

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Suveren, Yasar. "The Right Wing Conservative Politicians In Turkey: Ideological And Political Imaginations." Phd thesis, METU, 2013. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615763/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to describe and analyze the politicians who belong the right-wing political conservative traditions in Turkey by the mediation of their understanding and mentality. In this framework, the study primarily intends to investigate and analyze their perceptions of political and ideological imaginations. Turkish right seems to have a quite heterogeneous structure. While the recognition of the heterogeneity embodied around the political-institutional structuring is crucial to understand the Turkish right-conservatism, focusing merely on the heterogeneity and differences is inadequate to understand the right-conservative tradition. This study aims to analyze the aforesaid diversity and heterogeneity in the axes of politics and ideology. In spite of its heterogeneous qualifications, there are some attributions which made the Turkish right-wing conservative tradition homogeneous on certain economic, social and cultural issues. In this context, the study aims to analyze and understand the differentiations and affinities among the politicians who belong to the mainstream right-wing conservative political parties by focusing on the politicians discourses.

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Baldoza, Arnold C. "Assessing domestic right-wing extremism using the theory of collective behavior." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FBaldoza.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Rasmussen, Maria. Second Reader: Dahl, Erik. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Domestic right-wing extremism, domestic far right, far right, terrorism, theory of collective behavior, right-wing extremism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-129). Also available in print.

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Marqués-Martin, Claudia. "Shaping the Francoist female body politic : female right-wing life-writing." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=231868.

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War-focused life-writing and the study of the female subject in a period where war had the potential to destabilise traditional women's roles and identities remains an under researched topic. This thesis focuses on how the self-representation of the lives of right wing women were discursively constructed and reflexively represented in relation to large scale political, social and economic contexts. It supports Passmore's view that by deconstructing the traditional binary position in which right-wing women found themselves, they 'are no longer seen simply as such as victims or victimisers, but as both simultaneously. This thesis draws upon the life-writing of four women who belonged to Franco's elite regime: Maria Rosa Urraca Pastor, Regina García, Pilar Millán Astray and Pilar Primo de Rivera and explores the (re)construction and reflexive representations of the self. It shows how they not only struggled to identify with one collective group, but adopted and shifted between different collective identities. It demonstrates how womanhood and motherhood were created, recreated, redefined and modified to become a politicised and patriotic idea of woman. It shows how these four women reconstructed a new (female) identity by adapting their femaleness and their expected role as women in order to achieve acceptance within the Francoist movement. This thesis shows the need to rethink the right-wing meaning of womanhood, motherhood, and female agency in contemporary scholarship.

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Ringström, Anna. "The Messages from the Populist Radical Right : A Comparison of European Right-Wing Populist Parties’ Ideological Core." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-79571.

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The aim of the paper is to do a quantitative comparison of the manifestos from a number of European parties that are being put in a mutual party family often referred to as “radical right-wing populist”. The main primary source is the Comparative Manifesto Project database from which the data was gathered for analysis. A number of variables which operationalise typical traits of the party family were picked from the codebook of the database and the parties’ values of these variables were compared and presented in diagrams. Through the analysis it was shown that the parties vary to a great extent in what they put the greatest focus on in their manifestos. It could also be concluded that even parties which had similar values in one category still brought it up from different angles. The essay also brings up suggestions for future research within the same area of research.

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Fletcher, Jody D. (Jody Daniel). "The Pull to the Right in Western Europe: an Analysis of Electoral Support for the Extreme-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278202/.

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This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.

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Harrison, Sarah. "Ideological (mis)match? : mapping extreme right ideological discourse and voter preferences." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3028/.

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The existing literature has long mused over the questions of who belongs and who does not belong to the extreme right party family, as well as why some extreme right parties seem to be consistently - or occasionally - more successful than others. For decades, scholars have failed to reach a consensus regarding the definition of the extreme right, used a plethora of labels to describe it, and disagreed on the defining characteristics of the party family. In order to progress from this conundrum, this thesis explores the question of whether and how the extreme right can be defined as a multi-dimensional party family based on two strategic-discursive dimensions, and the extent to which the location of each individual member of the extreme right family will affect the number and the nature of the voters whom they will attract. This question is answered - and resulting model tested - in Great Britain, Germany, and France. The thesis combines a variety of quantitative and qualitative methods including text analysis of party manifestoes, face-to-face interviews of extreme right party elites (in two countries), and analysis of survey data. Our model stipulates that extreme right parties emphasise different conceptions of an authoritarian dimension (ranging from a social/reactionary to an institutional/repressive pole) and a negative conception of identity (spanning from a civic/populist to a cultural/xenophobic scale). Based on this bi-dimensional conceptual map, four dominant sub-types of extreme right parties can be identified, all of which are represented in the three party systems, and evidenced by both party manifestoes and elites ' discourse. We also show that the different positions espoused by each party have an impact on the ideological identity of the party, intra-extreme right party competition, the types of voters each party attracts and ultimately, the level of electoral success it obtains.

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Foster, Bruce Wayne. "New Right, old Canada, an analysis of the political thought and activities of selected contemporary right-wing organizations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56543.pdf.

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Cattarinich, Xavier Germain Michel. "The challenge of militant Right-wing extremism to contemporary social movement theory." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0025/MQ34303.pdf.

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Bloom, Laura. "Islamophobia in Public Policy: The Rise of Right Wing Populism in Denmark." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/860.

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Nordic right wing populism began in Denmark with the requisite growth in the political and societal power of the Danish People’s Party during the Liberal-Conservative coalition government from 2001 to 2011. As the number of immigrants and asylum-seekers from Middle Eastern countries continues to grow, the “other,” the definition of which is a perceived threat against an ill-defined “people,” is increasingly understood by the Danish People’s Party as Muslim immigrants and their descendants. This thesis will use both a wide array of literature and evidence from an original research project using a Danish Prison as a loose microcosm for Danish society. The research traces the influence of the Danish People’s Party on public policy. This thesis will conclude that blatant Islamophobia has seeped into the following sectors of Danish policy: the media, social services and the refugee and asylum system. Denmark, while being an internationally revered example of good governance, represents the dangerous proliferation of illiberalism in the modern, small welfare state in response to globalization.

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Brister, Paul D. "Ku Klux Rising : toward an understanding of American right wing terrorist campaigns." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10800.

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Since 1866, the Ku Klux Klan has been able to muster three distinctive and sustained campaigns of terrorism, commonly referred to as the three "waves" of Klan violence. The first occurred between 1866 and 1871, the second between 1915 and 1928, and the third from roughly 1954 to the mid-1960s. Subsequent to the third wave, the Klan unsuccessfully attempted another resurgence in the mid-1970s/early 1980s but was snuffed out before a campaign could be triggered. By studying the three most successful Klan campaigns of the past (granting that each varied in scope, intensity and outcome) alongside the failed campaign attempt of the 1970-1980s, this dissertation will investigate which commonly cited factors and conditions were, in fact, associated with the rise of the KKK's campaigns of terrorism. Ultimately, the dissertation finds that four factors-the presence of a safe haven, organizational structure, leadership, and recruitment techniques-are necessary and jointly sufficient to explain Klan campaign emergence. By combining these factors in a manner which better reflects their interplay, a model offering greater explanatory value emerges. The first significant set of correlates is the presence or absence of safe havens and their relation to the organizational structure chosen by Klan leadership. The second set of correlates is the ability of the Klan to downplay its core ideology and effectively frame a recruitment message which resonates with a pre-existing dominant social narrative-a narrative usually based on mythologized history or an unfalsifiable belief system. As will be explained in concluding chapters, the probabilistic model that emerges when these factors combine proves more effective in explaining and predicting campaigns of Klan terrorism than simply listing these factors as if they are not consciously combined for effect.

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Al, Saad Tamy, and Anders Nyman. "New Course, New Discourse, New Racism? : Right-Wing Alternative Media in Sweden." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-14113.

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Like elsewhere in Europe, the tides of nationalist right-wing rhetoric in Sweden have become instrumental in generating a wave of anti-liberal and anti-immigration sentiments in politics and media. In particular, one branch of right-wing alternative media has become a breeding ground for normalizing such rhetoric. Does the anti-immigration stance in such media disguise racist inclinations? In this thesis we examine the discourse of three right-wing alternative media sites in Sweden to explore the possible employment of different types of racism in their articles. By taking the constructivist viewpoint and adopting the post-colonial conceptions of the 'Self' and the 'Other', racist discourse was analyzed and characterized as either biological or cultural. From these two theories, we derived concepts concerning descriptions of contemporary and ideal Swedish society that will be used as further indicators of racist discourses. In this single case study, 94 articles from Fria Tider, Nya Tider, and Samhällsnytt were analyzed on the topics of immigration, integration and crime through a qualitative content analysis. The results show that most of the articles contain cultural racist discourse.

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Schwanebeck, Wieland. "How the Right-Wing Blockbuster Disposes of the ‘Non-Working’ Working Class." Universität Leipzig, 2018. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A21122.

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Grigoryan, Nune. "Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left WingAlternative Media." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1560681444996954.

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Lukashina, Yulia. "How german right-wing parties make use of mainstream press on Facebook:." Doctoral thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-225808.

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Eriksson, Robin, and Linus Sandkvist. "Ideas of Gender in the Swedish Radical Right. : An Ideological comparative Study Between the Sweden Democrats, the Party of the Swedes and the Swedish Resistance Movement." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-6382.

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This thesis analyses ideas of gender in the Swedish radical right. The aim of the study is to see if there are any differences or similarities in the way gender is being formulated by a populist radical right party as the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna), the extreme right party, Party of the Swedes (Svenskarnas Parti) and the extreme right movement Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska Motståndsrörelsen). Ideas of gender are presented in the theory chapter which is used later on in the analysis to compare with the radical right organisations of Sweden. To fulfil the aim we have performed a comparative ideological analysis between the three organisations and the base for our analysis is texts from each organisation’s webpage. The study shows that the ideological differences concerning gender between populism and extremism in the Swedish radical right are relatively small

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Shurts, Sarah E. Reid Donald M. "Redefining the engagé intellectual identity and the French extreme right, 1898-1968 /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1183.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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Janjic, Biljana. "Cultural racism in contemporary Europe| Securitization of immigration and radical right-wing parties." Thesis, Webster University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1525311.

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The purpose of this research is to contribute to the studies of cultural racism in contemporary Europe by observing the effects of securitization of immigration and assumed confusion between terms `radical' and `radicalization' on the rise of this phenomenon. Within the framework of securitization theory developed by the Copenhagen school and its connection to the integration approaches, I firstly hypothesize that the security and integration policies show divergence in the equality protection of minority immigrant groups. Then, by treating the securitization of immigration as a fluctuating political opportunity structure, I also hypothesize that such divergence created favorable conditions for radical right-wing parties to emphasize their xenophobic and ethnocentrist appeals and target Muslim immigrant communities as a particular out-group. This is grounded in the theoretical arguments about the construction of a master frame by the radical right-wing parties which involves diffusion processes across various European countries. The research applies fuzzy set Qualitative Comparative Analysis and observes the levels of immigration, ethnic profiling of immigrant groups in security and integration policies, and the political discourse of radical right-wing parties as conditions for the surge of cultural racism. The conditions are observed in the cases of Austria, Bulgaria, Sweden and Switzerland in the period between 2000 and 2013. The main findings are that ethnic profiling and portraying minority immigrant groups as security threats are the most relevant conditions for the surge of cultural racism. On the other hand, the levels of immigration alone cannot always be claimed as sufficient constitutive condition for the increase in racist practices in Europe. The research also concludes that radical right-wing parties not only constructed Muslim immigrant minorities as particular out-group incompatible with European values but also shifted their political rhetoric to the fit the arguments of individualism, gender equality and human rights. Thus the radical right-wing parties portray themselves as defenders of the national identities and culture by incorporating arguments that have traditionally been at the opposite of their political discourse. The incomplete equality protection framework in security and integration policies created by the mainstream parties and the changing political rhetoric of radical right-wing parties produce favorable conditions for the emergence and rise of the cultural racism in selected cases.

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Hayes, Mark. "The ideological dimensions of radical right wing politics in Britain : a critical appraisal." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316363.

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Mkerenga, Elizabeth Neema. "An Assessment of the threat of Right-Wing Populism in the European Parliament." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85991.

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Over 500 million citizens in Europe are affected by the decisions taken at the European Union. However, the complexities of this supranational institution have people feeling voiceless and disengaged in the political system. The European Parliament - the organ meant to represent the European people – is alleged to being an elitist body that no longer represent the will of the ordinary citizen. This outcry of the people created the pool of potential for the rise of right-wing populist groups across Europe and their support has grown tremendously in what seems like a short span of time. But the tide is about to change. The surge of right-wing populism threatens to take over the European Parliament in the 2019 elections. This research paper sets out to assess the sphere of influence of right-wing populism at the regional level. Using a bottom-up approach, the paper focuses on the attitudes and perceptions of the people and analyses their opinions by incorporating Eatwell and Goodwin’s four D criteria. As the analytical framework, Eatwell and Goodwin’s criteria offers the avenue for inspecting the legitimacy of the right-wing ideology. Once this is established, the question of influence is answered by looking at the potential implication of right-wing power. As a qualitative case study, the research implores the use of raw data from existing secondary databases. The paper acknowledges the extensive studies and cross-examinations that have been conducted at the national level and seeks to build upon this knowledge and illustrate the interconnected nature of our societies. In addition, this research paper was completed before the May 2019 elections were concluded. The study indicates that right-wing supporters are motivated by the distrust of politicians and institutions, the destruction of the national group’s historic identity, perceived deprivation from rising inequalities and the de-alignment of people’s political positions. Furthermore, findings show a rising pattern of grievances rather than its decline. An indication that the phenomena of populism is here to stay. The polarization of right-wing populist groups in the political system threatens to tame the tone of politics if the institution does not take preventive action – some of which are discussed in the paper. With this in mind, the research paper acknowledges the threat of right-wing populism in the European Parliament.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The extreme right wing'

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