Journal articles: 'The extreme right wing'

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IGNAZI, PIERO, and COLETTE YSMAL. "Extreme right-wing parties in Europe." European Journal of Political Research 22, no. 1 (July 1992): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6765.1992.tb00302.x.

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Eate, Penelope. "Extreme right-wing political violence and terrorism." Social Identities 19, no. 5 (September 2013): 685–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630.2013.841567.

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Lubbers, Marcel, Mérove Gijsberts, and Peer Scheepers. "Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 3 (May 2002): 345–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00015.

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De Witte, Hans, Jaak Billiet, and Peer Scheepers. "Hoe zwart is Vlaanderen ? : Een exploratief onderzoek naar uiterst-rechtse denkbeelden in Vlaanderen in 1991." Res Publica 36, no. 1 (March 31, 1994): 85–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v36i1.18755.

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On the basis of the research literature, five aspects of the extreme right-wing ideology were distinguished : racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the preference for a strong leadership, anti-parliamentarianism, and an anti-left attitude. The data of a postal survey in the spring of 1991 of a representative sample of the Flemish population in Belgium show that the items with which these extreme right-wing topics were operationalized show a one dimensional structure. About 10% to 25% of the interviewees agree with the individual items and about 20% of the subjects scored on the extreme right-wing side of the scale. The 'hardcore' of extreme right-wing respondents is, however, much smaller (about 1% to 2%), and does not seem to be higher in Flanders than in most of the surrounding countries. The right-wing extremism scale developed correlates as expected with a previously developed typology that integrates the attitude with respect to autochthons and allochthons. The analysis confirms that the voters for the Vlaams Blok - taken as a whole - may not be considered right-wing extremists, as suggested by previous research. Right-wing extremism correlates with a large number of attitudes and seems to be embedded in the broader opinion dimension of socio-cultural conservatism. This may also explain why it is associated primarily with the age, educational level, and religiosity of the respondents.

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Domingues, José Maurício. "Extreme-right, democracy and oligarchy." Revista Euro latinoamericana de Análisis Social y Político (RELASP) 2, no. 3 (March 20, 2022): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/rr.v2i3.10.

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This article places the Brazilian Bolsonaro government in comparative perspective, particularly in what refers to the surge and strengthening of extreme-right globally. It discusses the emergence of a new sort of political regime (advanced liberal oligarchy) within a more general analysis of modern political regimes (in particular liberal democracy and its crisis, fascism and bureaucratic authoritarianism), the eruption of popular mobilization since 2013 in the country (as part of a global trend), the crisis of the left and how unexpectedly an extreme-right political movement came to power in Brazil. The article then analyses the Bolsonaro government in greater detail, its right-wing posture and its relation to liberal democracy and its largely oligarchic elements, as well as moves by the opposition.

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Saalfeld, Thomas. "Up and down with the Extreme Right in Germany, 1949–1996." Politics 17, no. 1 (February 1997): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.0027.

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In the post-war period, (West) Germany has witnessed several cycles of extreme right-wing protest. In this article, the dynamics of these cycles will be studied. What are the causes of the cyclical ‘ups’ and ‘downs’ in the extreme right's electoral fortunes? Are the cycles of violent activity related to the cycles of electoral success? In order to address these questions, the extreme right will be analysed as a social movement whose activities are a result of the interplay between the political opportunity structure and the strategic choices made by extreme right-wing activists

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Day, Ronald E. "RIGHT-WING POPULISM, INFORMATION, AND KNOWLEDGE." Logeion: Filosofia da Informação 5, no. 2 (March 20, 2019): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21728/logeion.2019v5n2.p38-54.

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‘New media’ information technologies were recently thought to be so intrinsically different from ‘old,’ mass media, technologies that fascism would no longer be possible. Through new media information and communication technologies, the political ‘mass’ was supposedly replaced by the ‘crowd’ or the ‘swarm,’ and an old mass media replaced by a new media serving individual ‘information needs.’ However, extreme right-wing political populism and encroaching fascism today are world-wide phenomena in developed countries, not only despite new media, but partly because of it. How is this possible?

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Caiani, Manuela, and Claudius Wagemann. "The Rise and the Fall of the Extreme Right in Europe: Towards an Explanation?" Modern Italy 12, no. 3 (November 2007): 377–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701633882.

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In the last two decades, the extreme right has experienced a dramatic rise in electoral support in many West European democracies, achieving more parliamentary and even governmental power. Despite extensive interest in this phenomenon and a myriad of academic publications about it, both in sociology and political science, little consensus has been reached about the reasons for the observed growth of right-wing extremism. Three books; The Extreme Right in Western Europe by Elisabeth Carter, Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe by Piero Ignazi and Radical Right by Pippa Norris, try to overcome this lack of consensus through up-to-date analyses of the current situation of extreme right-wing parties in Western Europe and (in Norris’ case) even beyond. All three authors try to go beyond the existing analyses which mainly concentrate on socio-demographic characteristics of extreme right voters. However, they focus on partly different research questions and, consequently, are based on slightly different research designs.

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Langebach, Martin, and Christoph Schulze. "Affirmation and denial: Extreme right black metal and the Holocaust." Metal Music Studies 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 375–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/mms_00024_1.

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The article examines how the Holocaust is addressed in the extreme right wing sections of the larger black metal culture. Drawing from an extensive pool of primary sources the authors analyse how the Holocaust features in song lyrics, album artworks and interviews with artists. They argue that references to the Holocaust in extreme right wing black metal follow the logic of the culture’s aesthetics, which regularly employ symbols of fantastic or factual atrocities in order to express statements of misanthrophy, hatred and male strength. At the same time, the references are non-metaphorical and in that sense political. The artists often do not attempt to minimize the magnitude of the Holocaust but they celebrate the event exactly for the brutality it represents. In other instances, the idea of Holocaust is approved while its factuality is denied. Historic denialism and affirmation of the Holocaust can go hand in hand. While crass antisemitic statements can be found in other extreme right wing cultural realms, extreme right black metal might be the cultural sphere in the contemporary western world that articulates the harshest type of antisemitism.

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McClosky, Herbert, and Dennis Chong. "Similarities and Differences Between Left-Wing and Right-Wing Radicals." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 329–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004221.

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Although some scholars have argued that authoritarianism is characteristic only of the right and not of the left, persuasive reasons exist for doubting this claim. Intuitive observation of left-wing and right-wing regimes as well as radical political movements of the left and right reveals striking parallels in their styles of political engagement, their reliance upon force, their disdain for democratic ideals and practices and their violations of civil liberties. In addition, systematic inquiry into the similarities and differences between far-left and far-right radicals in the United States has been hampered by various methodological difficulties. One can list, among these, such problems as the obvious inappropriateness of the F scale (owing to its strong right-wing content) as a measure for identifying left-wing authoritarians; the difficulty of obtaining adequate samples of true believers of the extreme left and right; the self-image of the American left as a persecuted minority which, for reasons of self-interest, spuriously inflates the degree of support expressed by its members for individual rights and liberties; and the exposure of both extreme camps to the liberal democratic values dominating American political culture, which unmistakably colours their political rhetoric.We have reason to think that a similar study conducted in some – perhaps many – European countries would reveal even greater similarities between the far left and far right than we have turned up in the United States. Unlike the United States, which has enjoyed a strong liberal democratic tradition that has served to weaken and soften the intensity of its radical movements, a number of European countries, less wedded to liberal democratic principles, have developed a more vigorous, less diluted tradition of radical politics. These nations have long had to contend with powerful extremist movements actively and significantly engaged in the political struggles of their respective nations. The radical movements of Europe have been more extreme and zealous – more unequivocally revolutionary and reactionary – than the radical movements of the United States. The sustained confrontation of these extremist movements, in our view, is likely to have intensified the authoritarian propensities of each.In the present article, through a series of surveys in which we have tried to idenify, as best we can, supporters of the far left and far right, we have systematically compared the two camps on a variety of political and psychological characteristics. We find, in keeping with the conventional view, that the far left and the far right stand at opposite end of the familiar left–right continuum on many issues of public policy, political philosophy and personal belief. They hold sharply contrasting views on questions of law and order, foreign policy, social welfare, economic equality, racial equality, women's rights, sexual freedom, patriotism, social conventions, religion, family values and orientations towards business, labour and private enterprise.Nevertheless, while the two camps embrace different programmatic beliefs, both are deeply estranged from certain features of American society and highly critical of what they perceive as the spiritual and moral degeneration of American institutions. Both view American society as dominated by conspiratorial forces that are working to defeat their respective ideological aims.The degree of their alienation is intensified by the zealous and unyielding manner in which they hold their beliefs. Both camps possess an inflexible psychological and political style characterized by the tendency to view social and political affairs in crude, unambiguous and stereotypical terms. They see political life as a conflict between ‘us’ and ‘them’, a struggle between good and evil played out on a battleground where compromise amounts to capitulation and the goal is total victory.The far left and the far right also resemble each other in the way they pursue their political goals. Both are disposed to censor their opponents, to deal harshly with enemies, to sacrifice the well-being even of the innocent in order to serve a ‘higher purpose’, and to use cruel tactics if necessary to ‘persuade’ society of the wisdom of their objectives. Both tend to support (or oppose) civil liberties in a highly partisan and self-serving fashion, supporting freedom for themselves and for the groups and causes they favour while seeking to withhold it from enemies and advocates of causes they dislike.In sum, when the views of the far left and far right are evaluated against the standard left–right ideological dimension, they can appropriately be classifled at opposite ends of the political spectrum. But when the two camps are evaluated on questions of political and psychological style, the treatment of political opponents, and the tactics that they are willing to employ to achieve their ends, the display many parallels that can rightly be labelled authoritarian.

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Omeliyanchuk, Igor V. "Jewish Question in the Ideology and Political Practice of Russian Monarchists in the Beginning of the 20th Century." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 102 (March 1, 2020): 232–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-1-232-261.

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The present article examines the place of the Jewish question in the ideology of the monarchist (right-wing, “black hundred”) parties. In spite of certain ideological differences in the right-wing camp (moderate Rights, Rights and extreme Right-Wing), anti-Semitism was characteristic of all monarchist parties to a certain extent, in any case before the First World War. That fact was reflected in the party documents, resolutions of the monarchist congresses, publications and speeches of the Right-Wing leaders. The suggestions of the monarchists in solving the Jewish questions added up to the preservation and strengthening of the existing restrictions with respect to the Jewish population in the Russian Empire. If in the beginning the restrictions were main in the economic, cultural and everyday life spheres, after the convocation of the State Duma the Rights strived after limiting also the political rights of the Jewish population of the Empire, seeing it as one of the primary guarantees for autocracy preservation in Russia, that was the main political goal of the conservatives.

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Rensmann, Lars. "From High Hopes To On-Going Defeat: The New Extreme Right's Political Mobilization and its National Electoral Failure in Germany." German Politics and Society 24, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503006780935252.

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German extreme Right parties have increased their political and electoral significance in recent years, in particular through some considerable regional successes in the East. However, in spite of noticeable nation-wide gains by the NPD in the Bundestag election, the extreme Right suffered from another defeat. Looking at the interplay of supply side and demand side factors, the article examines the transformations and continuities of extreme Right parties within the German party system, their performance in the 2005 general election, and the reasons for their ongoing national electoral failure. While extreme Right parties benefit from more favorable conditions related to increased voter volatility, new public issues and new cleavage structures, these parties also continuously face crucial difficulties, especially on the supply side: the cordon sanitaire is still intact, and new cleavages in relation to globalization are more convincingly and effectively utilized by left-wing competitors. The main obstacle, though, are the extreme Right agents themselves. Incorporating Zeitgeist issues, they nevertheless remain unable to actually modernize their agenda. The present and future challenge to liberal democracy may be a new level of cooperation between extreme Right parties and consolidated "informal" right-wing extremist subcultures in Eastern regional strongholds.

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Stavrakakis, Yannis, Giorgos Katsambekis, Nikos Nikisianis, Alexandros Kioupkiolis, and Thomas Siomos. "Extreme right-wing populism in Europe: revisiting a reified association." Critical Discourse Studies 14, no. 4 (April 10, 2017): 420–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17405904.2017.1309325.

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Bermanis, Shai, Daphna Canetti-Nisim, and Ami Pedahzur. "Religious fundamentalism and the extreme right-wing camp in Israel." Patterns of Prejudice 38, no. 2 (June 2004): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313220410001692358.

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Frey, Hugo. "Tintin: The extreme right‐wing and the 70th anniversary debates." Modern & Contemporary France 7, no. 3 (August 1999): 361–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09639489908456503.

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Pedahzur, Ami, and Avraham Brichta. "The Institutionalization of Extreme Right-wing Charismatic Parties: a Paradox?" Party Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2002): 31–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068802008001002.

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Sprague-Jones, Jessica. "Extreme right-wing vote and support for multiculturalism in Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 34, no. 4 (October 14, 2010): 535–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2010.512665.

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Campion, Kristy. "Women in the Extreme and Radical Right: Forms of Participation and Their Implications." Social Sciences 9, no. 9 (August 24, 2020): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9090149.

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The recent inclusion of male supremacy under the umbrella of right-wing extremism (RWE) can obscure the allure that the extreme and radical right holds for some women. This study examines women’s participation in the extreme and radical right to advance a novel conceptualization for engagement. Accordingly, six forms of participation are proposed, being violent actors, thinkers, facilitators, promoters, activists, and as gendered exemplars for others. This has implications for operations, ideology, and identity. First, women’s participation in violence has commonly been in conjunction with a group or a two-person dyad; it is rare that they operate as lone actors. Women also facilitate or sustain violent operations, through engaging in support activities that contribute to mission completion. Second, women create and promote radical right-wing ideology, challenge select discourses and magnify others to cultivate ideologically symbolic expressions of femininity. Third, such expressions contribute to extreme and radical belief systems, and provides select women with identity security and personal meaning. It is therefore possible to observe an ideological ecosystem spanning the extreme and radical right, in which women participate and interact.

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Kaindl, Christina. "Extreme Rechte in der Krise – Kämpfe ums Subjekt." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 39, no. 157 (December 1, 2009): 577–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v39i157.412.

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The success of right wing parties in Europe is closely linked to the lack of representation that went along with the neoliberal shift of the social democrats. Feelings of injustice going along with altering the trans-national mode of production, concepts of the welfare state and labour politics were taken into account by rightwing “critics” that fight globalization in fighting immigrants. The crisis and bail-out-politics enforced feelings of injustice but at the same time brought the state – and the unions – ‘back in’ e.g. in creating a ‘clash-for-clunkers’ project. That seems to have weakened right-wing parties in Germany and France presenting themselves as an authoritarian fordistic option, but at the same time strengthened racist campaigns in other countries.

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Bastow, Steve. "Le Mouvement national républicain: Moderate Right-wing Party or Party of the Extreme Right?" Patterns of Prejudice 34, no. 2 (April 2000): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00313220008559137.

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Caiani, Manuela, and Donatella della Porta. "The elitist populism of the extreme right: A frame analysis of extreme right-wing discourses in Italy and Germany." Acta Politica 46, no. 2 (March 28, 2011): 180–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2010.28.

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Hanel, Paul H. P., Natalia Zarzeczna, and Geoffrey Haddock. "Sharing the Same Political Ideology Yet Endorsing Different Values: Left- and Right-Wing Political Supporters Are More Heterogeneous Than Moderates." Social Psychological and Personality Science 10, no. 7 (September 27, 2018): 874–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550618803348.

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Members of extreme political groups are usually perceived as more homogeneous than moderates. We investigated whether members of the general public who share the same political ideology would exhibit different levels of heterogeneity in terms of human values across 20 European countries and Israel. We directly compared the variability across moderate-, left-, and right-wing groups. Our findings suggest that the values of more extreme (left-wing or right-wing) supporters are usually more heterogeneous than those with more moderate views. We replicated this finding for politics-related variables such as attitudes toward immigrants and trust in (inter)national institutions. We also found that country-level variables (income, religiosity, and parasite stress level) did not moderate the pattern of value variability. Overall, our results suggest that endorsing the same political ideology is not necessarily associated with sharing the same values, especially in the case of common citizens holding extreme political attitudes.

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Vasara, Viena-Tuuli. "Problems of Finnish extreme right-wing organisations of Finland’s first republic." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 62, no. 2 (June 2017): 345–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2017.211.

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Lubbers, M. "Explaining the Trend in Extreme Right-Wing Voting: Germany 1989-1998." European Sociological Review 17, no. 4 (December 1, 2001): 431–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/esr/17.4.431.

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Ekman, Mattias. "The dark side of online activism: Swedish right-wing extremist video activism on YouTube." MedieKultur: Journal of media and communication research 30, no. 56 (June 30, 2014): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/mediekultur.v30i56.8967.

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<p>In recent years, an emerging body of work, centred on specific communicative forms used in facilitating collective and connective action, have contributed to greater understanding of how digital communication relates to social mobilisation. Plenty of these studies highlight the progressive potentiality of digital communication. However, undemocratic actors also utilise the rapid advancement in digital technology. This article explores the online video activism of extreme right-wing groups in Sweden. It analyses more than 200 clips on YouTube, produced by five right-wing extremist organisations. The study shows that the extreme right deploy video activism as a strategy of visibility to mobilise and strengthen activists. Moreover, the groups attempt to alter the perception of (historically-rooted) socio-political identities of the extreme right. Furthermore, YouTube becomes a political arena in which action repertoires and street politics are adapted to the specific characteristics of online video activism. Finally, video activism could be understood as an aestheticisation of politics.</p>

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Butler, J. Corey. "PERSONALITY AND EMOTIONAL CORRELATES OF RIGHT-WING AUTHORITARIANISM." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 28, no. 1 (January 1, 2000): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2000.28.1.1.

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Authoritarianism, the tendency to be hierarchical, conventional, and intolerant, has been implicated by research as an extreme feature of general right-wing ideology. The relationship between this ideological pattern and variables of personality and emotion was investigated in three studies. Studies 1 and 2 assessed personality traits in terms of the five-factor model, as well as right-wing authoritarianism, conservatism, and a battery of other political attitude measures. Study 3 examined the positive and negative affect of individuals with differing levels of authoritarianism. The results demonstrate that the authoritarian syndrome is primarily characterized by low openness to experience, and that it is unrelated to self-reported measures of emotion.

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BETZ, HANS-GEORG. "Contemporary Right-Wing Radicalism in Europe." Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 299–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002076.

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Herbert Kitschelt in collaboration with Anthony J. McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe. A Comparative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 323 pp., $49.50, ISBN 0-472-10663-5.Peter Merkl and Leonard Weinberg (eds.), The Revival of Right Wing Extremism in the 90s (London: Frank Cass, 1997), 304 pp., £18.50/$24.50, ISBN 0-714-64207-X.Urs Altermatt and Hanspeter Kriesi, L'Extrême droite en Suisse. Organisations et radicalisation au cours des années quatre-vingt et quatre-vingt-dix (Fribourg: Les Éditions Universitaires, 1995), 293 pp. (pb.), SFr. 42.00, ISBN 2-827-10727-9.Mike Cronin (ed.), The Failure of British Fascism. The Far Right and the Fight for Political Recognition (London: Macmillan, 1996), 182 pp. (hb.), £35.00, ISBN 0-333-58438-4.Gerhard Feldbauer, Von Mussolini bis Fini. Die Extreme Rechte in Italien (Berlin: Elefanten Press, 1996), 224 pp. (pb.), DM 29.40, ISBN 3-885-20575-0.Helmut Reinalter, Franko Petri and Rüdiger Kaufmann (eds.), Das Weltbild des Rechtsextremismus. Entsolidarisierung und Bedrohng der Demokratie. Gesellschaftliche Bedingungen, Strukturen und Wirkungen rechtsextremen Denkens (Innsbruck/Vienna: Studienverlag, 1998), 576 pp., DM 82.00, ISBN 3-706-51258-0.Tore Bjørgo, Racist and Right-Wing Violence in Scandinavia: Patterns, Perpetrators, and Responses (Oslo: Tano-Aschehoug, 1997), 386 pp., Kr 298.00, ISBN 8-251-83665-4.Jeffrey Kaplan and Tore Bjørgo (eds.), Nation and Race: The Development of a Euro-American Racist Subculture (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998), 273 pp. (pb.), £19.00, ISBN 1-555-53331-0.

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Priyanto, Nafila Maulina. "Alternative Für Deutschland Strategy in 2017 Germany Legislative Election: Analysis of Posters as Visual Campaign Media." Jurnal Global & Strategis 15, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 375. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.15.2.2021.375-408.

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Paham Populisme-Ekstrem Sayap Kanan mengalami kenaikan di Eropa utamanya pascakrisis pengungsi 2014-2015. Krisis ini menjadi momentum bagi partai populis ekstrem sayap kanan untuk memobilisasi suara masyarakat. Di Jerman, partai Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) mendapat dukungan yang masif ketika partai memutuskan untuk berfokus pada ideologi dan kritiknya mengenai krisis pengungsi Eropa pada pemilihan legislatif tahun 2017. Salah satu cara strategi yang digunakan oleh partai adalah dengan kampanye melalui poster. Oleh karena itu, untuk menjawab pertanyaan bagaimana karakter populis ekstrem sayap kanan direpresentasikan dalam poster kampanye partai AfD, penelitian ini menggunakan konsep Populisme Sayap Kanan dan teori Strategic Political Communication yang dianalisis dengan menggunakan metode CDA untuk dapat menganalisis poster secara spesifik. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa partai AfD lebih menunjukkan karakter rasis pada poster-poster kampanyenya yang ditunjukkan oleh atribut-atribut budaya yang digunakan. Kata-kata kunci: Populisme-ekstrem sayap kanan; Alternative Für Deutschland; Krisis Pengungsi Eropa Right-wing populism-extreme views have increased in Europe, especially after the 2014-2015 refugee crisis. This crisis has become a momentum for extreme right-wing populist parties to mobilize people’s voices. In Germany, the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) party received massive support when it decided to focus on its ideology and criticism of the European refugee crisis in the 2017 legislative elections. One of the strategies used by the party was through poster campaigns. Therefore, to answer how the extreme right-wing populist character is represented in the AfD party’s campaign poster, this study uses the concept of Right-wing Populism and the theory of Strategic Political Communication, which is analyzed using the CDA method be able to analyze the poster specifically. This study concludes that the AfD party shows more of a racist character on its campaign posters which is indicated by the cultural attributes used. Keywords: Alternative für Deutschland, Right-wing extremism, Refugee Crisis

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Moen, Espen R., and Christian Riis. "Policy Reversal." American Economic Review 100, no. 3 (June 1, 2010): 1261–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.100.3.1261.

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We analyze the existence of policy reversal, the phenomenon sometimes observed that a certain policy (say extreme left-wing) is implemented by the “unlikely” (right-wing) party. We formulate a Downsian signaling model where the incumbent government, through its choice of policy, reveals information both regarding own preferences and external circumstances that may call for a particular policy. We show that policy reversal may indeed exist as an equilibrium phenomenon. This is partly because the incumbent party has superior opportunities to reveal information, and partly because its reputation protects a left-wing incumbent when advertising a right-wing policy.

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Cutts, David, and Matthew J. Goodwin. "Getting out the right-wing extremist vote: extreme right party support and campaign effects at a recent British general election." European Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (February 7, 2013): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773912000288.

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Despite strong evidence in the wider study of electoral behaviour that party campaigning can have important effects on performance, and a large pan-European literature on populist radical right and extreme right campaigns, we know very little about the impact of the latter on electoral performance. Drawing on a range of innovative campaign-related data at the aggregate and individual level, we examine the electoral impact of the British National Party (BNP) at the 2010 British general election. Our analysis reveals that whereas the extreme right polled strongest in working class manufacturing areas, support for the extreme right was significantly higher in areas where it ran intensive local campaigns, recruited larger numbers of members, has achieved local electoral success, and where local politics has historically been dominated by the centre-left. However, we find little evidence that the extreme right has benefited electorally in areas where the English Defence League social movement had previously demonstrated. Our aggregate level findings are also confirmed at the individual level after controlling for a battery of established attitudinal predictors of extreme right voting. Those contacted by the BNP campaign were significantly more likely to vote for the party, while campaigning by all other political parties was ineffective in reducing the probability of voting BNP.

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Kincaid, John D. "The Rational Basis of Irrational Politics." Politics & Society 44, no. 4 (October 29, 2016): 525–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329216674003.

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Right-wing social movements in the United States have been underexplored in the sociological literature. This article examines how right-wing social movements have been able to capture a foothold in the Texas state Republican Party, and maintain political support even as their policies and politics have grown increasingly partisan and increasingly extreme. Through in-depth analysis of the state Republican Party’s internal battles over the past twenty years, coupled with a fixed-effects regression analysis of statewide election results 1994–2012, the article uses the context of statewide battles over equalization of education finance to explain how right-wing movements in Texas have maintained durable support for radical, right-wing candidates and policies. The article demonstrates the role played by material and symbolic “threats” in maintaining and increasing support for the Republican Party, even among previously moderate populations.

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Canetti, Daphna, and Ami Pedahzur. "THE EFFECTS OF CONTEXTUAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL VARIABLES ON EXTREME RIGHT-WING SENTIMENTS." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 30, no. 4 (January 1, 2002): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2002.30.4.317.

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This article assesses how socioeconomic and psychological factors explain right-wing extremist (RWE) sentiments. A correlation was expected between two psychological factors: authoritarianism and supernaturalist beliefs, and RWE, and a weaker correlation between socioeconomic variables and RWE, compared to psychological variables. Questionnaires were given to 1,247 Israeli university students. Results confirmed the expectation that psychological variables were better predictors of RWE. These conclusions contradict attributing RWE to socioeconomic factors.

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Hillier, Benjamin Philip, and Ash Barnes. "Wolf in Sheep's Clothing: Extreme Right-Wing Ideologies in Australian Black Metal." IASPM Journal 10, no. 2 (December 11, 2020): 38–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5429/2079-3871(2020)v10i2.4en.

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Dechezelles, Stéphanie. "The Cultural Basis of Youth Involvement in Italian Extreme Right-wing Organisations." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 16, no. 3 (December 2008): 363–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782800802501005.

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Pedahzur, Ami. "Supporting conditions for the survival of extreme right‐wing parties in Israel." Mediterranean Politics 5, no. 3 (September 2000): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629390008414734.

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Avdeenko, Alexandra, and Thomas Siedler. "Intergenerational Correlations of Extreme Right‐Wing Party Preferences and Attitudes toward Immigration." Scandinavian Journal of Economics 119, no. 3 (April 11, 2017): 768–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/sjoe.12190.

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Deutsch, Sandra McGee. "Christians, Homemakers, and Transgressors: Extreme Right-Wing Women in Twentieth-Century Brazil." Journal of Women's History 16, no. 3 (2004): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2004.0062.

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Campion, Kristy, and Scott Poynting. "International Nets and National Links: The Global Rise of the Extreme Right—Introduction to Special Issue." Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (February 9, 2021): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10020061.

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Haller, Andr, Kristoffer Holt, and Renaud de La Brosse. "The other alternatives: Political right-wing alternative media." Journal of Alternative & Community Media 4, no. 1 (April 1, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/joacm_00039_2.

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This special issue of the Journal of Alternative and Community Media presents five articles that examine right-wing alternative media from different countries and contexts: Brazil, the United States, Germany and Finland. They focus on different aspects of a phenomenon that has come to the forefront of public debate in recent years, due to the many apparently successful alternative media enterprises that can be characterised as conservative, libertarian, populist or far to extreme right wing on a political scale. While there has been much (and often heated) public debate about this, researchers tend to lag behind when it comes to new trends, and a transient and rapidly changing media landscape. The articles in this special issue are therefore especially valuable, since they all provide empirically grounded perspectives on specific cases that illustrate different parts of a large puzzle that is in much need of illumination. This special issue is of use not just to communication research, but also to the public debate on disinformation on the internet.

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Borri, Rossella, and Manuela Caiani. "Violenza politica e strategie di azione: uno studio empirico sulle organizzazioni di estrema destra in Italia e Spagna." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 2 (July 2012): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2012-002001.

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Despite growing scientific interest in the subject, the empirical investigation regarding the strategic action choices related to the mobilization of right-wing organizations is still scarce, with most attention given to violence and few attempts to consider (and integrate for explanation) the context of both external (structural) and internal (organizational) factors that might affect them. In this article, focusing on different types of extreme-right organizations (political parties and non-party groups) in Italy and Spain, the emergence of violence by these groups as well as the use of other action strategies will be investigated. With a special emphasis on the actors' perceptions of reality, macro-level reasons (the organizations' attitudes towards the political and institutional environment, the closure/openness of the context, the availability of allies, etc.), as well as meso-level factors (the characteristics and dynamics of individual groups) will be tested. This will be achieved by combining qualitative and quantitative data from 20 semi-structured interviews with extreme-right leaders, with a protest event analysis of the most recent mobilization of extreme-right groups in the two countries (2005-09). The main differences and similarities between organizations and countries concerning right-wing mobilization specificities and the factors which influence them will be demonstrated.

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Jylhä, Kirsti M., Pontus Strimling, and Jens Rydgren. "Climate Change Denial among Radical Right-Wing Supporters." Sustainability 12, no. 23 (December 7, 2020): 10226. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122310226.

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The linkage between political right-wing orientation and climate change denial is extensively studied. However, previous research has almost exclusively focused on the mainstream right, which differs from the far right (radical and extreme) in some important domains. Thus, we investigated correlates of climate change denial among supporters of a radical right-wing party (Sweden Democrats, N = 2216), a mainstream right-wing party (the Conservative Party, Moderaterna, N = 634), and a mainstream center-left party (Social Democrats, N = 548) in Sweden. Across the analyses, distrust of public service media (Swedish Television, SVT), socioeconomic right-wing attitudes, and antifeminist attitudes outperformed the effects of anti-immigration attitudes and political distrust in explaining climate change denial, perhaps because of a lesser distinguishing capability of the latter mentioned variables. For example, virtually all Sweden Democrat supporters oppose immigration. Furthermore, the effects of party support, conservative ideologies, and belief in conspiracies were relatively weak, and vanished or substantially weakened in the full models. Our results suggest that socioeconomic attitudes (characteristic for the mainstream right) and exclusionary sociocultural attitudes and institutional distrust (characteristic for the contemporary European radical right) are important predictors of climate change denial, and more important than party support per se.

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van Prooijen, Jan-Willem, and André P. M. Krouwel. "Extreme Political Beliefs Predict Dogmatic Intolerance." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 3 (September 26, 2016): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616671403.

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Dogmatic intolerance—defined as a tendency to reject, and consider as inferior, any ideological belief that differs from one’s own—is often assumed to be more prominent at the political right than at the political left. In the present study, we make two novel contributions to this perspective. First, we show that dogmatic intolerance is stronger among left- and right-wing extremists than moderates in both the European Union (Study 1) as well as the United States (Study 2). Second, in Study 3, participants were randomly assigned to describe a strong or a weak political belief that they hold. Results revealed that compared to weak beliefs, strong beliefs elicited stronger dogmatic intolerance, which in turn was associated with willingness to protest, denial of free speech, and support for antisocial behavior. We conclude that independent of content, extreme political beliefs predict dogmatic intolerance.

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Ackaert, Johan. "De gemeenteraadsverkiezingen van 9 oktober 1994 : Analyse van de resultaten." Res Publica 37, no. 3-4 (December 31, 1995): 352–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i3-4.18672.

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The institutional setting of the 1994 local elections was characterized by a by law introduced limitation of campaign expenditures and the increased share (at least 25%) of female candidates. In spite of compulsory voting rules, the turnout decreased with 1,2%. The proportion of blanc or invalid votes increased slightly with 0,3%. The results of the local elections followed the trends drawn by the 1991 general election. This means general losses for the traditional parties and large progress for the extreme right-wing parties. In the Flemish region, the winners were the extreme right-wing Vlaams Blok, the ecologist AGALEV and the VLD liberals. The others parties lost votes. This was particularly the case for the Flemish-nationalist VU, followed by the socialists (SP) and the christian-democrats (CVP).In the Walloons region, all the traditional parties were set back or stagnated. The socialists (PS) suffered the largest decline, but the liberals (PRL) and christian-democrats (PSC) lost voters too. The ecologist ECOLO only kept a modest status quo position. On the other hand, the extreme right-wing parties Front National and Agir realised a breakthrough. In Brussels, we notice the same tendencies, set-backs for the traditional parties and progress for the extreme rightwing parties (of both languages). The ecologists belonged there also to the winning side. Nevertheless, the fragmentation of the local political system should not be dramatized.In general terms, parties supporting the leaving political majorities in the municipalities were no langer electorally favoured. On the contrary, the liberals realized better results in these municipalities where they belonged to the opposition.

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England, Erica. "Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America." Charleston Advisor 23, no. 3 (January 1, 2022): 38–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.23.3.38.

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Political Extremism and Radicalism: Far-Right Groups in America (hereafter known as PE&R) contains rare, hard-to-access primary sources that give insight into unorthodox fringe political and religious groups in the United States. The materials within the eight collections are from radical right groups, including ephemera, newsletters, election propaganda, and sermons/lectures from ultra-nationalists, white supremacists, and extreme right-wing conservatives.

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Kałabunowska, Agata. "Granice w wizji politycznej współczesnej skrajnej prawicy w Niemczech." Politeja 16, no. 1(58) (October 31, 2019): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.58.12.

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Borders in the Political Vision of Contemporary Extreme Right in Germany The article deals with the issue of broadly defined borders in political and ideological programmes of selected extreme right organisations in contemporary Germany (AfD, NPD, IBD). The starting point for the textual and content analysis of actual programs of these organizations is the author’s reflection on the importance of dichotomy in the broader political view of the extreme right. The author claims that the considerably strong focus of the selected right‑wing organisations on the issue of physical or cultural borders does not only derive from the timing of their activism – the so called migration crisis. It is rather pre‑defined by the ideological features of the far right in general. The core ideological elements ascribed to the far right as a stream of political thought, such as nationalism or authoritarianism, are based on the dichotomy and influence on the far right perception of the world.

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Coffé, Hilde. "(Small) Enterpreneurs first!" Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2008): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.02cof.

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A large body of research on political parties is devoted to the family of extreme right parties. Yet, systematic analyses of extreme right parties discourse remain scarce. The present study addresses this gap in the literature by providing a discourse analysis of the Vlaams Belang, one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Moreover, by focusing on this partys economic discourse, the study also sheds new light on the ongoing debate about the economic viewpoints of the new extreme right parties. We conclude that the Vlaams Belangs economic rhetoric is in line with its ethno-linguistic, nationalist standpoints and pleas for a Flemish economic policy. The partys economic programme is built on liberal points of view and seems particularly aimed at attracting (dissatisfied) liberal voters. Importantly, as economic issues remain subordinated to the partys ideological core, it appears that the Vlaams Belang has largely instrumentalised its programme to expand its electorate.

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Griffin, Roger. "Shattering crystals: The role of ‘dream time’ in extreme right-wing political violence." Terrorism and Political Violence 15, no. 1 (March 2003): 57–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550312331292967.

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Coffé, Hilde, Bruno Heyndels, and Jan Vermeir. "Fertile grounds for extreme right-wing parties: Explaining the Vlaams Blok's electoral success." Electoral Studies 26, no. 1 (March 2007): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2006.01.005.

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Leo, Tobias. "Der Nazis neue Kleider: Die Vereinnahmung jugendlicher Subkulturen durch die extreme Rechte." historia.scribere, no. 8 (June 14, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.8.486.

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Far right parties, organisations and movements try to usurpate youth subcultural movements. As a result, Skinheads are primarily xenophobic and racist thugs for the public and media, although this subculture in reality is very heterogeneous. But it is true that right-wing extremist Skinheads are a large part of it. Today the Autonomous Nationalists try to conquer and copy left subcultures, but much more subtle and on a broad social base. The focus of this work is the acquisition of the Skinhead subculture and the attempt to do the same at left movements by the extreme right. As an explanatory model, the Hegemony Theory of Antonio Gramsci is used here.

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Moroska-Bonkiewicz, Aleksandra. "Political Responses to the Extreme Right in Poland. Motivations and Constraints for Collaboration in the Executive Arena." Studia Polityczne 47, no. 4 (December 27, 2019): 65–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/stp.2019.47.4.03.

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The aim of the article is to indicate potential causes for formation of a government coalition with the extreme right-wing League of Polish Families (LPR) in Poland in 2006. The aim is to determine the motivation of the right-wing mainstream Law and Justice party to cooperate with LPR, but also to indicate potential reasons why the coalition was not concluded until nine months after the elections. The goal is therefore to highlight potential constraints in the formation of the coalition. The analysis uses theories of coalition formation based on the rational choice paradigm (office, policy and vote) combined with an empirical approach to coalition research, with particular emphasis on factors such as the structure of competition in the party system and the internal dynamics of parties. The starting point for this analysis is the result of research on the causes of cabinet collaboration with the extreme right in Western Europe. The aim is to indicate whether the motivations for forming a coalition with the extreme right in Poland are based on similar premises and mechanisms. The analysis combines the deductive approach resulting from the theory of coalition formation with the inductive analysis of facts and factors that accompanied the formation of the coalition. In order to achieve the assumed goals, the article uses quantitative and qualitative methods and systemic analysis.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The extreme right wing'

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