Relevant bibliographies by topics / THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453

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Academic literature on the topic 'THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453"

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Philippides, Marios. "The Fall of Constantinople 1453: Bishop Leonardo Giustiniani and His Italian Followers." Viator 29 (January 1998): 189–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.300928.

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Nikolic, Maja. "The greatest misfortune in the Oikoumene Byzantine historiography on the fall of Constantinople in 1453." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647119n.

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The focus of the paper is on the manner in which the so-called Four Historians of the Fall of the Byzantine Empire to the Ottoman Turks - Doukas, Laonikos Chalko?kondyles, George Sphrantzes and Kritoboulos of Imbros - describe the 1453 conquest of Constantinople, revealing at the same time their different political views both on this event and on the historical reality before and after it.
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Philippides, Marios. "The Fall of Constantinople 1453: Classical Comparisons and the Circle of Cardinal Isidore." Viator 38, no. 1 (January 2007): 349–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.302088.

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Papayianni, Aphrodite. "He Polis healo: The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 in Post-Byzantine Popular Literature." Al-Masāq 22, no. 1 (March 18, 2010): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110903549921.

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Hupchick, Dennis P. "Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule, 1396-1762 Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408277.

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By the year 1453, when the vestigial remains of the Byzantine Empire were destroyed with the fall of Constantinople, much of the Balkan peninsula was already in the hands of the conquering Ottoman Turks. The overthrow of Byzantium in that year was the capstone in a century-long process that transformed an originally militant Muslim Anatolian border emirate into a powerful Muslim empire that straddled two continents and represented a major contender in contemporary European great power politics. Over half of the population subject to the Ottoman sultan were Christian European inhabitants of the Balkans: Greeks, Serbs, Vlahs, Albanians and Bulgarians. With the conquest of Constantinople, Sultan Mehmed II Fatih, the victorious Turkish ruler, faced the quarrelsome problem of devising a secure means of governing his vast, Muslim-led empire that contained a highly heterogeneous non-Muslim population.
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Lukhovitskiy, Lev V. "Imaginary World of Post-Byzantine Chronicle-Writing (The Case of the Ekthesis Chronica from the First Half of the Sixteenth Century)." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.011.

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This paper addresses the Ekthesis Chronica (Ἔκθεσις χρονική), a Greek chronicle compiled by an anonymous cleric of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the first half of the sixteenthcentury, which encompassed the events of the Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman history. Its distinctive feature is a recurrent alternation of seemingly mutually excluding points of view. Its neighboring chapters comply with the demands of different genres, accepting the set of values associated with them. The imaginary world of the chapters dealing with the events prior to 1453 reminds the reader of the heroic world of chivalric romances. The chapters describing the fall of Constantinople are may be read as a prosaic lamentation of the loss of the city which embodied the Byzantine civilization as a whole. In the post-Byzantine section, there appeared three approaches to the Ottoman rule over the Greeks. Whenever the chronicle-writer switches to the apocalyptic mode, the sultan becomes an infidel murderer of Christians. If, by contrast, he adopts the aretalogic (hagiographic) mode, the same sultan transforms into a philosopher on the throne. Finally, the pragmatic mode makes him a self-serving albeit sympathetic moderator in the conflicts inside the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The closer is the author to contemporary history, the more unfitting he feels the generic forms inherited from the age of the fall of Constantinople. Eventually, the chronicle-writer makes an attempt to create a new type of narrative with the characters on the foreground, which will allow his reader to feel empathy for them notwithstanding their language and faith.
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Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa: A look at their linguistic production and attitudes (1415–1885)." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 36, no. 2-3 (2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2-3.10lev.

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This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who — with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church — compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.
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Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa." Quot homines tot artes: New Studies in Missionary Linguistics 36, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2.10lev.

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Summary This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who – with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church – compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.
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9

Housley, Norman. "Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, Nicholas of Cusa, and the Crusade: Conciliar, Imperial, and Papal Authority." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 643–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001275.

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This essay surveys the ways the attitudes of Piccolomini and Cusa toward the initiation of a crusade were shaped by their shifting allegiances between 1432 and their deaths in 1464. Piccolomini's developing interest in crusade, which became his central concern during his reign as pope, is traced through his years at Basel and in the service of Frederick III. Cusa's attitude toward crusade is approached in terms of the apparent contradiction between the views set out in hisDe pace fideiand the role that he played at imperial diets in the 1440s and 1450s. In the case of both men, the impact of the fall of Constantinople in 1453 is reassessed.
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Langford, Michael J. "Pre-modern Interfaith Dialogues with Special Reference to Nicholas of Cusa." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 118–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687690.

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Hume claimed that the religions of the world are in such opposition that their alleged miracles conflict. However, even before Hume there were examples of eirenic interfaith dialogue, and this article 1 provides a historical review of eleven of these, prior to an account of Nicholas of Cusa’s De Pace Fidei (1453), which sought mutual understanding notwithstanding the recent fall of Constantinople. The Platonic nature of Cusa’s dialogue is discussed and especially the relation of ratio to intellectus in his thought. Finally, some implications for contemporary interfaith dialogue are examined and, in particular, the presence of a kind of argument that does not fit comfortably into the traditional via negativa/via positiva dichotomy.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453"

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Simon, Bruno. "Les Dépêches de Marin Cavalli, Bayle à Constantinople : 1558-1560." Paris, EHESS, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985EHES0132.

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Oezden, Nese. "The fall of the Constantinople government and British policy, 1920-1922." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265552.

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Tomei, Angela. "La caduta di Costantinopoli (1453) nelle testimonianze dei contemporanei : echi e interpretazioni di un avvenimento epocale." Paris 4, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040169.

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La chute de Constantinople en 1453 est perçue comme l’un des événements crucial de l’histoire européenne, le siège et la conquête d’une capitale étant en effet un lieu de mémoire culturelle d’une importance fondamentale. Les témoignages occidentaux et grecs sur la chute ont permis d’étudier la naissance et la structuration de la représentation culturelle de l’événement, grâce à l’analyse des différents niveaux de réélaboration de ce dernier: la reconstruction des faits et des souvenirs dans les comptes-rendus de première main qui ont diffusé la nouvelle, puis la création de la mémoire dans des narrations et des échos de seconde main, ensuite la réélaboration des historiographes et des intellectuels avec la naissance de ‘mythes’ et de représentations collectives, accueillis parfois par l’historiographie scientifique à partir du XVIII° siècle. La genèse de la mémoire de la chute se produit dans un contexte occidental. Un point de vue occidental est présenté par tous les premiers comptes-rendus, dont certains influencent une grande partie de la production historiographique postérieure, même grecque. Dans la culture de l’Occident européen, les narrations de la chute de Constantinople constituent un moment fort de diffusion et de relance de stéréotypes sur l’islam et la chrétienté orthodoxe hérités en partie du passé et qui auront plus de fortune pendant les siècles suivants. La ‘mémoire des vaincus’ aborde le traumatisme de la conquête en projetant les événements dans une perspective messianique caractérisée par des désirs de reconquête nationale et en élaborant une représentation héroïque de la chute qui deviendra un mythe d’identité nationale
Nowadays, the fall of Constantinople by the Ottoman Empire in 1453 is perceived by historians as one of the crucial events for European history. The siege and the conquest of this city can be considered as a symbol of cultural memory, as a symbol of extraordinary importance. The Western and Greek evidences related to the fall of the capital of the Byzantine Empire allow us to study the birth and the evolution of the cultural representation of this historical event. This can be done on studying the analysis of the different levels of re-elaboration of the event itself; on evaluating the construction as well as the re-construction of the records related to it; on developing the narrations of the chroniclers who wrote about it; on analyzing the re-elaborations of historians and intellectuals who mythicized it; on perceiving how scientific historiographers since the eighteenth century took into it. The genesis of the memory of this fall has mainly a Western tradition, a tradition which has had a heavy influence even on Greek historical culture. In Western European historiography, in fact, the faithful account of this historical fact is a moment of strong diffusion of stereotypes on both Islamic and Orthodox cultures, to some extent inherited from the past and destined to having an enlightened fortune in the near centuries. The ‘memory of losers’ talks about the trauma of the conquest, projecting the event itself into a proper messianic prospective, so that the heroic representation of it has transformed it into a crucial myth of national identity
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Papastavrou, Hélène. "La représentation picturale du thème de l'Annonciation à Byzance et en Vénétie du XIV siècle jusqu'à la chute de Constantinople en 1453." Paris 1, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA01A036.

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Puech, Vincent. "L' aristocratie et le pouvoir à Byzance au XIIIe siècle (1204-1310)." Versailles-St Quentin en Yvelines, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000VERS0011.

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Tome 1 : Données sociales. Prosopographie des carriéres, généalogies et répertoire des propriétés présentes selon l'ordre alphabétique des familles puis l'ordre chronologique des individus. Bilan du statut des propriétés : environ 100 biens recensés en Asie Mineure et 50 en Europe. Recensement des propriétés dans les archives monastiques (source homogéne). Les propriétés privilégiées (bénéficiaires des droits du fisc ou exemptes d'impôts) constituent environ 20% des biens connus. Tome 2 : Essai d'histoire politique. Les relations entre l'aristocratie et le pouvoir au moment des cinq régnes impériaux du 13e siècle, en Asie Mineure puis à̧ Constantinople. Les familles aristocratiques détiennent le pouvoir avec une grande continuité depuis le 11e siècle et tout au long du 13e siècle. En considérant à la fois leurs propriétés, leurs clientéles et leurs fonctions administratives, elles connaissent une implantation géographique souvent stable au cours du 13e siècle. Elles se regroupent en grande factions destinées à l'obtention du pouvoir. Ces factions sont souvent dirigées par une famille, associée à des lignages alliés matrimonialement, et sont particuliérement implantées dans une région et liées à des cultes de saints locaux. L'existence de ces factions détermine largement les relations de conflit ou de coopération entretenues entre l'aristocratie et le pouvoir impérial. Les orientations religieuses de l'aristocratie sont souvent liées à des choix politiques individuels ou collectifs et sont susceptibles de grandes variations. Les facteurs militaires et diplomatiques entrainent des mouvements géographiques de l'aristocratie et des comportements d'alliance avec les pouvoirs étrangers, latins ou turcs. Au dela de l'éclatement de la carte politique entre Empire de Nicée et Epire et des changements dynastiques entre Lascaris et Paléologues, l'aristocratie du 13e siècle se caractérise par une unité géographique et une continuité chronologique
Volume 1 : Social data. Prosopography of careers, genealogies and repertory of properties, given in alphabetical order of families and then in chronological order of individuals. Evaluation of the status of properties : about 100 goods recorded in Asia Minor and 50 in Europe. Record of properties in monastic archives (homogeneous data source). Privileged properties (beneficiaries of fiscal rights or free of taxes) are about 20% of known goods. Volume 2 : Attempt of political history. Relations between aristocracy and power at the times of the five imperial reigns of the 13th century, in Asia Minor and then in Constantinople. Aristocratic families hold power with a large continuity since the 11th century and during all the 13th century. Considering alltogether properties, clientelae and administratives offices, their geographical setting up is often stable during the 13th century. They rally large factions intended to the conquest of power. These factions are often controlled by a family matrimonially linked with allied lineages, and are in particular set up in an area and associated with local saints cults. These factions often cause conflict or cooperation relations between aristocracy and imperial power. Religious opinions of the aristocracy are often associated with individual or collective political choices and often change. Militaries and diplomaticals factors cause geographical changes of the aristocracy and alliances with foreign powers, latins or turkishes. Beyond political difference between Nicean Empire and Epirus and dynastic change from Lascaris to Palaeologus, the 13th century's aristocracy admit geographical unity and chronogical continuity
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Baraton, Édouard. "La Romanie orientale : l'empire de Constantinople et ses avatars au Levant à l'époque des Croisades." Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMR046/document.

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L’empire de Constantinople, après un siècle (969-1085) de domination sur de vastes portions de l’Orient (Cilicie, Chypre, Syrie du Nord et Djézireh), et de rayonnement au-delà jusqu’à Jérusalem, dut reconstituer sa présence dans cet espace à partir de la fin du XIe siècle. L’arrivée de nouveaux acteurs chrétiens autonomes, Francs et Arméniens, compliqua l’équation politique de l’Empire, qui ne devait plus uniquement reconstruire sa domination sur ses anciens sujets, mais aussi compter avec ces forces. L’empire de Romanie vécut en Orient, parallèlement aux Croisades, une intense phase de redéfinition de sa réalité régionale, de ses modalités de fonctionnement et de son rôle politique. Cependant, cette expérience, qui se prolongea sur près de deux siècles, ne saurait se limiter à une simple projection de puissance de Constantinople sur cette périphérie. Malgré les bouleversements qui frappèrent le cœur de l’Empire de 1081 à 1289, la référence impériale se maintint en Orient sous les Comnènes, les empereurs latins et nicéens, puis sous les premiers Paléologues. Le processus ne fut durable que grâce à la redéfinition progressive de l’identité impériale locale. Ses contours varièrent par l’adjonction d’éléments hétérogènes, contribuant à complexifier l’empreinte de l’empire de Romanie en Orient. La Romanie orientale fut une solution à l’équation politique des pouvoirs locaux (la principauté d’Antioche, le comté de Tripoli et les royaumes de Chypre et d’Arménie principalement) pour réussir leur intégration régionale en la conjuguant avec un héritage impérial constantinopolitain, incluant l’Orient helléno-arabe
The empire of Constantinople, after a century (969-1085) of domination over large part of oriental territories (Cilicia, Cyprus, North Syria and Djezireh) during which it exerted its influence over Jerusalem, had to restore its influence in this space from the end of the eleventh century. The arrival of new autonomous Christian players, Francs and Armenians, complicated the empire’s political equation, which had not just to rebuild his domination over its old subjects, but also had to allow for these forces.The empire of Romanie lived in the East, at the same time of the Crusades, an intense period of redefinition of its regional reality, of its modes of running and of its political role. However, this experience, which lasted for two centuries, can’t be confined to a simple projection of Constantinople’s powerful onto this periphery.Despite the disruptions which hit the heart of the empire, from 1081 to 1289, the imperial reference persisted in the East under the Comneni, the Latin and Nicene emperors, and under the firsts Paleologues.The process was lasting because of the gradual redefinition of regional imperial identity. Its contours were varied by the addition of heterogenic elements, which contributed to complicate the imperial mark in the East.Oriental Romania was a solution to the political equation of local authorities (Principality of Antioch, the County of Tripoli and the kingdoms of Cyprus and Armenia mainly) to succeed in their regional integration, combined with an imperial Constantinopolitan heir, including the Hellenic and Arabic East
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Wingler, Clément. "Un passeport pour le prince de Byzance : territoire, nom et appartenance ethnique du dignitaire grec dans la littérature de croisade française et allemande (fin du XIe - fin du XIIIe siècle)." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0026.

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La période comprise entre 1095 et 1204 peut être considérée comme charnière pour la cristallisation des images de l’Autre, qu’il soit chrétien de la loi de Rome, musulman, ou chrétien oriental autant que du sud-est de l’Europe. Le présent travail se propose d’observer sous quelles formes ladite image de l’Autre, ramenée ici à la figure emblématique du prince de Byzance, du souverain des Grecs, s’est développée à ladite époque, et s’est répandue dans un des milieux de réception français et allemands de la littérature des croisades : celui de l’aristocratie princière et féodale. La démarche choisie se veut transversale : elle s’affranchit de la catégorisation des « genres » littéraires qui distinguent les œuvres de l’historiographie et les œuvres du divertissement assumé que sont les chansons de geste, les épopées, les romans… En effet, ces œuvres participent collectivement d’une prise de conscience de l’Autre qui est aussi et surtout une prise de conscience de soi-même et de ses attentes, traduites certes par des « faits d’histoire », mais aussi par un imaginaire tout autant significatif pour comprendre l’époque. L’image du dignitaire grec est ainsi examinée à travers les composantes essentielles de son « passeport » : nom, recensement de ses origines par la géographie – ce qui renvoie aux notions de territoire et de communauté —, et caractérisation ethnique. Les quatre parties constituant la thèse traitent tour à tour de la notion de Romanie dans les sources allemandes et françaises, des territoires et peuples d’Alexis 1er Comnène au temps de la Première Croisade, puis au XIIe siècle, et enfin du nom et de la personnification du prince grec aux XIIe et début du XIIIe siècles
The period between 1095 and 1204 can be considered a pivotal point in time for understanding clearly the image of « Others », whether Christian (in accordance with the laws of Rome), Muslim, or Christian (in accordance with Oriental or South-East European traditions). The present work sets out to observe in what form this image of « Others », focused here around the emblematic figure of the Prince of Byzantium, ruler of the Greeks, came in to existence at the time, and spread throughout one of the areas reknowned for French and German literature on the Crusades: that of the aristocracy of princes and feudal chiefs. A transversal approach has been adopted, which is freed from the classification of literary « genres » which mark works of historiography and works of supposed entertainment such as “chansons de geste”, “epopees” and novels. In fact, these works participate collectively in an awareness of the « Other » that is also (and more particularly) an awareness of Onesself and one’s expectations, translated of course by «historical events», but also by an imaginary thread that is just as significant for understanding the period. The image of the Greek dignitary is thus examined by way of key « passport » details: his name, his origin(s) as determined by geographical clues – including ideas on territory and communities — and his ethnic roots. The four main sections of the thesis address in turn the notion of Romania found in German and French texts, the lands and people of Alexios Komnenós 1st at the time of the First Crusade, then in the 12th century, and finally the name and personification of the Greek prince in the 12th and beginning of the 13th centuries
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Zhigalova, N. E., and Н. Э. Жигалова. "Турки и турецкая угроза середины XV в. в восприятии византийских и восточно-европейских авторов : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/27015.

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The dissertation is devoted to the problems of the perception of Muslims and the threat posed by the Ottoman by the Byzantine and East-European writers of the XV century. According to the materials of historical works analyzed the ratio of the authors to the representatives of the Islamic faith in a severe foreign situation and also domestic religious contradictions. Analysis of the works of Byzantine and Balkan writers allows us to trace the evolution of the views of historians on the matter and to reveal the extent of their bias. According to the Byzantine and East-European sources revealed the attitude of the authors of the XV century to the Turks and denoted points of contact of Christian and Muslim civilizations in the context of military confrontation, also investigated the attitude of the authors to the key events of the Turkish expansion in the XV century - Battle of Varna in 1444 and the capture of Constantinople in 1453. The dissertation also addresses the problem of mutual Christians and Muslims considered in the interpretation of the writers and the question of the possibility of cultural and religious dialogue between the warring parties.
Диссертация посвящена рассмотрению проблемы восприятия мусульман и угрозы со стороны османов византийскими и восточно-европейскими писателями XV века. По материалам их исторических произведений анализируется отношение авторов к представителям исламского вероучения в условиях тяжелой внешнеполитической ситуации и внутренних религиозных противоречий. Анализ сочинений византийских и балканских писателей позволяет проследить эволюцию взглядов историков относительно данного вопроса и выявить степень их тенденциозности. По данным византийских и восточно-европейских источников выявляется отношение авторов XV в. к туркам, обозначаются точки соприкосновения христианской и мусульманской цивилизаций в контексте военного противостояния, а также исследуется отношение авторов к ключевым событиям турецкой экспансии XV в. - битве при Варне 1444 г. и захвату Константинополя в 1453 г. В диссертации также затрагивается проблема взаимовосприятия христиан и мусульман в интерпретации рассматриваемых писателей и ставится вопрос о возможности культурного и религиозного диалога между представителями противоборствующих сторон.
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Books on the topic "THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453"

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The fall of Constantinople, 1453. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1990.

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Runciman, Steven. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453. Cambridge: CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2012.

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THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453. Cambridge: CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2012.

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1929-, Hanak Walter K., ed. The siege and the fall of Constantinople in 1453: Historiography, topography, and military studies. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2010.

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Philippides, Marios. The siege and the fall of Constantinople in 1453: Historiography, topography, and military studies. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2010.

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Humphreys, C. C. A place called Armageddon: Constantinople 1453. Naperville, Ill: Sourcebooks Landmark, 2012.

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A place called Armageddon: Constantinople 1453. London: Orion, 2011.

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Heers, Jacques. Chute et mort de Constantinople (1204-1453). Paris: Perrin, 2005.

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Stauridēs, Vasileios Th. Historia tou Oikoumenikou Patriarcheiou: 1453-sēmeron. Thessalonikē: Ekdot. Oikos Aphōn Kyriakidē, 1987.

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Constantinople: City of the world's desire, 1453-1924. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453"

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Žanna, Nekraševič-Karotkaja. "Artistic Expression of the Translatio imperii Concept in the Latin Epic Poetry of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16th Century and the European Literary Context." In Biblioteca di Studi Slavistici, 75–96. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-198-3.05.

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In this article the author analyzes how the Renaissance epic poetry of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth approaches the theme of translatio imperii, which is a concept and a political stereotype of transfer of metaphysical world domination from country to country. After the fall of Constantinople (1453), the concept of translatio imperii gradually lost its universal character and was interpreted within the confines of a nation. Among the analyzed poems are: Bellum Prutenum (1516) by Ioannes Visliciensis and Radivilias (1592) by Ioannes Radvanus. The artistic expression of both the “Jagiellonian” and Lithuanian (i.e., Grand Duchy of Lithuania) patriotism, which incorporated the concept of translatio imperii, had an enormous impact on the formation of the national identity of the Belarusian, Lithuanian, and Polish peoples.
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Bisaha, Nancy. "European Reactions to the Fall of Constantinople." In Routledge Handbook on Christian–Muslim Relations, 219–26. New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745077-24.

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Bisaha, Nancy. "Reactions to the Fall of Constantinople and the Concept of Human Rights." In Reconfiguring the Fifteenth-Century Crusade, 285–324. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-46281-7_9.

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Mitsiou, Ekaterini. "The Latin Empire of Constantinople (1204–1261): Rise and Fall of a Short-Term State in the Romania." In Universal- und kulturhistorische Studien. Studies in Universal and Cultural History, 103–28. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-29435-9_5.

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"1453 – The Fall of Constantinople." In Greece, the Hidden Centuries. I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755621231.ch-002.

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"The fall of Constantinople and the Crusades, 1453–60." In The Routledge Companion to the Crusades, 211. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203389638-49.

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Watts, Edward J. "The Fall of Roman Constantinople and the End of Roman Renewal." In The Eternal Decline and Fall of Rome, 192–202. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076719.003.0016.

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The Roman Empire that Michael Palaeologus again centered on Constantinople lost significant territory across the fourteenth century to rivals like the Serbian kingdom and the rising Ottoman sultanate. A long Ottoman blockage of the capital that began in 1394 prompted the emperor Manuel II Palaeologus to travel to the West to seek help for the faltering empire. The empire was saved by Tamerlane’s defeat of the Ottomans in 1402 and Manuel then spearheaded a restoration of Roman control over parts of Greece that contemporaries celebrated in terms that evoked past Roman greatness. But the restoration was short lived and Constantinople fell to the Ottomans and their sultan Mehmet II in 1453. As the city fell, the populace waited for divine deliverance that would again spark a Roman recovery—an idea that authors like Ducas persisted in believing even after the city fell.
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Watts, Edward J. "A Dangerous Idea." In The Eternal Decline and Fall of Rome, 222–33. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190076719.003.0018.

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The fall of Constantinople in 1453 and the claims that many European powers made to the Roman legacy led to a shift in what Rome’s decline meant. Starting in the fifteenth century but continuing through Edward Gibbon’s famous eighteenth-century book The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, people embraced the idea that Rome’s story has ended. Figures like Leonardo Bruni and Montesquieu placed Roman decline at the end of the Republic. It was only with Gibbon that Rome’s peak moved to the Antonine Age. As this idea became more prominent, Roman decline no longer was something that inspired restoration. Instead it became a story that allows people to point to current conditions and criticize them by invoking Roman parallels. One great exception to this story was the tendency of Italian politicians in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to push for a resuscitation of the ancient Roman state, with the ideas of Mazzini and Mussolini particularly notable in this regard.
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Herrin, Judith. "Byzantine Kythera." In Margins and Metropolis. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153018.003.0006.

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This chapter offers a historical background on the island of Kythera during the Byzantine period. During the early Christian and Byzantine era, Kythera maintained the same close connection to the mainland that had existed from the time of the Argive–Spartan rivalry. The introduction of Christianity in the fourth century AD was allegedly due to Hosia Elesse, and its tenth-century revival was almost certainly the responsibility of Hosios Theodoros. Settlers from the mainland repopulated Kythera after its devastation or abandonment. The chapter describes the status of Kythera, first between the fourth and seventh centuries, and then from the mid-tenth century to 1205. It also examines how Kythera came under Venetian rule following the signing of the Partition Treaty of 1204 that divided the Byzantine Empire between the Venetians, the Franks, and the pilgrims of the Fourth Crusade. Kythera remained a stronghold of Byzantine Orthodoxy long after the fall of Constantinople in 1453.
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Melvani, Nicholas. "Patronage in Constantinople after 1453." In En Sofía mathitéfsantes: Essays in Byzantine Material Culture and Society in Honour of Sophia Kalopissi-Verti, 412–26. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvwh8c42.36.

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Conference papers on the topic "THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453"

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Ar, Bilge. "Byzantine Building Stock after the Conquest of Constantinople in 1453." In 22nd Annual European Real Estate Society Conference. European Real Estate Society, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.15396/eres2015_300.

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