Journal articles: 'THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453'

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Philippides, Marios. "The Fall of Constantinople 1453: Bishop Leonardo Giustiniani and His Italian Followers." Viator 29 (January 1998): 189–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.300928.

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Nikolic, Maja. "The greatest misfortune in the Oikoumene Byzantine historiography on the fall of Constantinople in 1453." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647119n.

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The focus of the paper is on the manner in which the so-called Four Historians of the Fall of the Byzantine Empire to the Ottoman Turks - Doukas, Laonikos Chalko?kondyles, George Sphrantzes and Kritoboulos of Imbros - describe the 1453 conquest of Constantinople, revealing at the same time their different political views both on this event and on the historical reality before and after it.

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Philippides, Marios. "The Fall of Constantinople 1453: Classical Comparisons and the Circle of Cardinal Isidore." Viator 38, no. 1 (January 2007): 349–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.viator.2.302088.

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Papayianni, Aphrodite. "He Polis healo: The Fall of Constantinople in 1453 in Post-Byzantine Popular Literature." Al-Masāq 22, no. 1 (March 18, 2010): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110903549921.

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Hupchick, Dennis P. "Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule, 1396-1762 Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408277.

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By the year 1453, when the vestigial remains of the Byzantine Empire were destroyed with the fall of Constantinople, much of the Balkan peninsula was already in the hands of the conquering Ottoman Turks. The overthrow of Byzantium in that year was the capstone in a century-long process that transformed an originally militant Muslim Anatolian border emirate into a powerful Muslim empire that straddled two continents and represented a major contender in contemporary European great power politics. Over half of the population subject to the Ottoman sultan were Christian European inhabitants of the Balkans: Greeks, Serbs, Vlahs, Albanians and Bulgarians. With the conquest of Constantinople, Sultan Mehmed II Fatih, the victorious Turkish ruler, faced the quarrelsome problem of devising a secure means of governing his vast, Muslim-led empire that contained a highly heterogeneous non-Muslim population.

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Lukhovitskiy, Lev V. "Imaginary World of Post-Byzantine Chronicle-Writing (The Case of the Ekthesis Chronica from the First Half of the Sixteenth Century)." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 172–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.011.

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This paper addresses the Ekthesis Chronica (Ἔκθεσις χρονική), a Greek chronicle compiled by an anonymous cleric of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the first half of the sixteenthcentury, which encompassed the events of the Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman history. Its distinctive feature is a recurrent alternation of seemingly mutually excluding points of view. Its neighboring chapters comply with the demands of different genres, accepting the set of values associated with them. The imaginary world of the chapters dealing with the events prior to 1453 reminds the reader of the heroic world of chivalric romances. The chapters describing the fall of Constantinople are may be read as a prosaic lamentation of the loss of the city which embodied the Byzantine civilization as a whole. In the post-Byzantine section, there appeared three approaches to the Ottoman rule over the Greeks. Whenever the chronicle-writer switches to the apocalyptic mode, the sultan becomes an infidel murderer of Christians. If, by contrast, he adopts the aretalogic (hagiographic) mode, the same sultan transforms into a philosopher on the throne. Finally, the pragmatic mode makes him a self-serving albeit sympathetic moderator in the conflicts inside the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The closer is the author to contemporary history, the more unfitting he feels the generic forms inherited from the age of the fall of Constantinople. Eventually, the chronicle-writer makes an attempt to create a new type of narrative with the characters on the foreground, which will allow his reader to feel empathy for them notwithstanding their language and faith.

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Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa: A look at their linguistic production and attitudes (1415–1885)." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 36, no. 2-3 (2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2-3.10lev.

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This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who — with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church — compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.

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Levi, Joseph Abraham. "Portuguese and Other European Missionaries in Africa." Quot homines tot artes: New Studies in Missionary Linguistics 36, no. 2-3 (December 1, 2009): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.36.2.10lev.

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Summary This study looks at some of the works produced by Catholic missionaries in Africa from the pre-dawn of the Modern Era (Fall of Constantinople, 1453), in particular the Fall of Ceuta (1415), to the Berlin Conference (1884–1885). Particular emphasis will be placed on the linguistic production of a few Franciscan, Augustinian, Capuchin, Dominican, and/or Jesuit clerics, working under the aegis of the Portuguese Crown, who – with the invaluable help of native assistants, usually members of the clergy or closely affiliated with the Church – compiled the first grammars, word lists, glossaries, and dictionaries of the indigenous languages with which they worked and interacted on a daily basis. Their endeavour, though meritorious and not always free from preconceived ideas of the ‘other’, paved the way for future studies in the field.

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Housley, Norman. "Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, Nicholas of Cusa, and the Crusade: Conciliar, Imperial, and Papal Authority." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 643–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001275.

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This essay surveys the ways the attitudes of Piccolomini and Cusa toward the initiation of a crusade were shaped by their shifting allegiances between 1432 and their deaths in 1464. Piccolomini's developing interest in crusade, which became his central concern during his reign as pope, is traced through his years at Basel and in the service of Frederick III. Cusa's attitude toward crusade is approached in terms of the apparent contradiction between the views set out in hisDe pace fideiand the role that he played at imperial diets in the 1440s and 1450s. In the case of both men, the impact of the fall of Constantinople in 1453 is reassessed.

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Langford, Michael J. "Pre-modern Interfaith Dialogues with Special Reference to Nicholas of Cusa." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 118–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816687690.

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Hume claimed that the religions of the world are in such opposition that their alleged miracles conflict. However, even before Hume there were examples of eirenic interfaith dialogue, and this article 1 provides a historical review of eleven of these, prior to an account of Nicholas of Cusa’s De Pace Fidei (1453), which sought mutual understanding notwithstanding the recent fall of Constantinople. The Platonic nature of Cusa’s dialogue is discussed and especially the relation of ratio to intellectus in his thought. Finally, some implications for contemporary interfaith dialogue are examined and, in particular, the presence of a kind of argument that does not fit comfortably into the traditional via negativa/via positiva dichotomy.

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Rizzo, Luana. "Interreligious Dialogue in the Renaissance: Cusanus, De Pace Fidei." Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 65, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 71–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2020-0047.

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Abstract The paper examines the Dialogue De pace fidei written by Nicolaus Cusanus in 1453 to settle disputes arising from events that triggered religious unrest, such as the fall of Constantinople in May 1453, the invasion and massacre of the Turks led by Sultan Mehmed II and the defeat of the Christians. Following the disintegration of medieval Christianity, Cusanus, instead of promoting a crusade, as Cardinal Bessarione did, proposed a more suitable way to make the major exponents of different religions interact in a fruitful dialogue, hoping for the peace of a single universal faith. The arguments through which Cusanus claimed the concept of a concordance and pacification of the faith reveal the originality and topicality of the message communicated by the humanist, founded on the doctrine of peace in the faith, overcoming inter-confessional barriers and religious divergences. The author contrasts the divergences, massacres and wars with a doctrinal comparison among different religions through dialogue. The paper invites reflection upon the religious struggles that still spread discord in the world.

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MILWRIGHT, MARCUS, and EVANTHIA BABOULA. "Bayezid's Cage: A Re-examination of a Venerable Academic Controversy." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 21, no. 3 (July 2011): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000204.

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AbstractThis article discusses a story that has enjoyed a long life in scholarly literature, drama, and the visual arts: the alleged caging of the Ottoman Sultan Bayezid I Yildirim (r. 1389–1402) by the Central Asian conqueror, Temür (r. 1370–1405). Attention is focused on the evolution of scholarly discourse on the existence (or otherwise) of the cage. The period from the late seventeenth to the first half of the twentieth century is looked at in particular detail. The debate around the captivity of Bayezid is only fully understood when it is located within a larger historical framework, namely the changing political relationships between Christian Europe and the Ottoman Empire from the fall of Constantinople in 1453 until the nineteenth century.

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Papastavrou, Elena, and Daphni Filiou. "On the beginnings of the Constantinopolitan School of embroidery." Zograf, no. 39 (2015): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1539161p.

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This paper examines Greek-Orthodox ecclesiastical embroidery in Ottoman Constantinople after 1453 until the emergence of the Constantinopolitan School of embroidery. We are well informed about the artistic production that flourished between the last decades of the seventeenth century and midnineteenth century via preserved artifacts and inscriptions bearing the embroiderers? signature. Nevertheless, our knowledge of the production between the fall of Byzantium and the last decades of the seventeenth century is lacking. In this paper, our aim is to evaluate whether the Byzantine artistic tradition continued to live in the Greek Constantinopolitan production. The iconographical and technical analysis of different artifacts will give the answer to this question revealing at the same time the foundation basis of the embroidery of that School.

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Nikolic, Maja, and Bojana Pavlovic. "The image of Michael VIII in the historical works of the Palaiologan period." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 54 (2017): 143–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1754143n.

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The present paper tends to examine the image of the founder of the Palaiologan dynasty, Michael VIII(1259-1282), in the historical works written during the reign of the last Byzantine dynasty and after the Fall of Constantinople in 1453. With the analysis of Michael?s coming to the throne and the union of the churches in Lyons in 1274, it looks as if the first ruler of the Palaiologoi was mostly remembered, in historiography and among the most learned, elite circles of the capital, as a usurper of the throne and rights of his minor predecessor, Emperor John IV Laskaris. The blinding of the son of Theodore II was an event that had far reaching consequences not only during the reign of Michael VIII, but also his consequent heirs.

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Halperin, Charles J. "“Scratch a Russian, Find a Turk”." Russian History 45, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04504004.

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In this first-rate monograph, Cornelia Soldat confirms earlier impressionistic assertions that the portrayal of Ivan iv as a tyrant and the Muscovites as barbarians in German-language pamphlets (Flugschriften) written as propaganda during the Livonian War (1558–1582), are simply projections onto the Muscovite discourse of the motifs of the anti-Ottoman discourse that originated in the fifteenth century after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Therefore the pamphlets have no value whatsoever for the study of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Muscovite history. These conclusions have wider significance for the interpretation of the historical reliability of two other source genres beyond the scope of Soldat’s monograph, Livonian chronicles and defector German travel accounts written by Germans who served Ivan iv but then fled Muscovy to write scurrilous denunciations of him as a tyrant.

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Haskell, Yasmin. "The Tristia of a Greek refugee: Michael Marullus and the politics of Latin subjectivity after the fall of Constantinople (1453)." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 44 (1999): 110–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500002236.

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Almost everything we know of Michael Marullus – Greek exile, Neoplatonist, mercenary soldier – is mediated by his poetry, much of which seems positively to invite biographical decoding. The poet tells us he was conceived in the year Constantinople fell to the Turks (1453), after which his family fled, via Ragusa (modern Dubrovnik), to Italy. Here he grew up under the Iliadae … tecta Remi (Siena?), received an excellent education, and from an early age was frequenting the humanist academy of Giovanni Pontano at Naples. Marullus reports that when just seventeen, fate tore him away from his studies and plunged him into a military career (Epig. 2.32.71–3). Between wars, both abroad and within Italy, he composed Latin poetry – including four books of controversial ‘pagan’ hymns –, edited Lucretius, and fraternised with such prominent figures in the literary and intellectual culture of the day as Jacopo Sannazaro and Giovanni Pico della Mirandola. Severed from an eventful life by a fittingly dramatic death, Marullus drowned in an attempt to cross the river Cecina in full flood. His poetic talents were much appreciated in his own time, for example by Leonardo Da Vinci and Thomas More. The love lyrics to ‘Neaera’, though perhaps stiff and conventional to modern taste, inspired Ronsard. His untimely death drew Latin epitaphs from all over Italy.

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Harris, J. "The Siege and Fall of Constantinople in 1453: Historiography, Topography and Military Studies, by Marios Philippides and Walter K. Hanak." English Historical Review 128, no. 532 (May 9, 2013): 670–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cet080.

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HARRIS, JONATHAN. "Publicising the Crusade: English Bishops and the Jubilee Indulgence of 1455." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 1 (January 1999): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046998008446.

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According to the Byzantine scholar Andronicus Callistus, the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks on 29 May 1453 was a cataclysm of such magnitude that it was mourned not only by the Greeks, but by people of every nation. This may sound like the type of rhetorical flourish with which Byzantine authors were fond of adorning their works, yet recent scholarship has tended, if anything, to corroborate Callistus' assertion. Over the past few years, historians of the crusades have been largely successful in showing that the fifteenth century, far from witnessing the decline of the crusading ideal, was a period when it remained as potent as ever, even in a country as far removed from the main theatres of action as England. Consequently, the fall of such an important Christian city was greeted with shock and anger throughout western Europe, and for the rest of the century the burning question for crusading strategists was how the disaster could be reversed.It is of course true that no large-scale expedition was ever launched against the Turks after 1453, the efforts of successive popes ultimately failing to organise a united Christian response. Yet this does not detract from the overwhelming evidence that all sections of western society took the threat posed to Christendom very seriously, and continued to believe that to take up arms against the infidel was one of the highest acts of piety.

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Macura, Milan. "Byzantine law as a nursery garden for legal transplants with specific review of Dusan's Code." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 519–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-17584.

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The term Byzantium or Byzantine Empire is used for a state creation that existed from the 4th to the 15th century, more precisely until 1453 and the fall of Constantinople due to the Ottoman conquests. Regardless of what historical discussions and opinions otherwise differ regarding the origin of Byzantium, in this scholarly work May 11th, 330 AD, was taken as the beginning of the Byzantine Empire, the date when New Rome came into existence (Greek NέaῬώme, Lat. Nova Roma) at the site of the Byzantine Greek colony. The paper will analyze the influence of Byzantine law on the further development of the law in the world, as well as the temporal continuity and development of Byzantine law that relies on Roman law. In addition, through a comparison of the Byzantine Code Members and later Dusan's Code, the theory of legal transplants developed by Alan Watson will be analyzed.

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George-Tvrtković, Rita. "Bridge or Barrier? Mary and Islam in William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa." Medieval Encounters 22, no. 4 (October 13, 2016): 307–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342229.

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Both Christianity and Islam claim the Virgin Mary, but most Christians throughout history have seen her as a barrier between the two religions, not a bridge. In the medieval period, Latin Christians noted errors in Qurʾānic Mariology and raised standards of the Virgin in wars against Muslims. By the sixteenth century, the use of Mary as an interfaith barrier escalated among Catholics who employed her to combat both Ottomans and Protestants. Yet two medieval churchmen, William of Tripoli and Nicholas of Cusa, stressed concord between Christian and Muslim Mariologies, despite the fact that they were both writing at times of great interreligious strife: William soon before the fall of Acre in 1291, and Nicholas soon after the fall of Constantinople in 1453. This article discusses how William and Nicholas, unlike most of their confreres, saw Mary as a theological link between Islam and Christianity. This perspective represents but one point in the historical trajectory of Christian views of Mary vis-à-vis Islam, a spectrum which has shifted from seeing the Virgin as either a bridge or barrier, depending on her polemical or irenic utility.

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Parks, W. Hays. "The Protocol on Incendiary Weapons." International Review of the Red Cross 30, no. 279 (December 1990): 535–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400200089.

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From the time that man discovered fire and devised ways to use it as a tool for survival and advancement, it also has been employed as a weapon for destruction. Sun Tsu's The Art of War (500 B.C.) refers to incendiary arrows, while Thucydides’ The Peloponnesian War describes a flame weapon used by the Spartans in 42 B.C. Edward Gibbon, in The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, ascribes Roman success at Constantinople (1453 A.D.) to “Greek fire,” ignited naptha mixed with pitch and resin and spread upon the surface of the water. Great Britain employed Greek fire almost five centuries later as a defence along its coastlines in anticipation of an invasion in 1940.In the European wars of the 16th and 17th centuries, armies employed compulsory taxation of the countryside in lieu of looting to finance their activities. A defaulting town would have some of its buildings burned, leading to the tax being referred to as Brandschatzung, “burning money.” This practice became widespread during the Thirty Years war.

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McDonald, William C. "Michel Beheim’s Von Den Türken und dem adel sagt dis: A demotic lament and crusading song contemporary with the fall of Constantinople in 1453." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 70, no. 3 (September 2017): 371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/062.2017.70.3.5.

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Аретов [Aretov], Николай [Nikolaĭ]. "Чий е този град? Завладяването на Константинопол и проблематичното османско наследство в българската култура." Slavia Meridionalis 11 (August 31, 2015): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.006.

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Whose is this city? The conquest of Constantinople and the problematic Ottoman legacy in Bulgarian cultureOttoman legacy is curious topic in Bulgarian cultural studies. Despite the overall quest for prestigious legacies and heritages (Antique, Thracian, even Byzantine, not to mention Slav and Proto-Bulgarian), it is still neglected and even rejected. Mass-consciousness admits some traces and influences in the field of material culture, in cuisine, rarely in traditional costumes and even more rarely in customs. Ottoman legacy is often seen as ‘legacy of shame’ from witch modern Bulgarians should deliberate themselves.The paper deals with one particular Bulgarian image of the key event in the interrelations between Balkan peoples and Ottomans – the conquest of Constantinople (1453). Starting from the problematic differentiations between the “own” and “alien” the paper presents one odd dramatic work on that topic, written in verses by Svetoslav Milarov in 1871–1873 and published in full text in 1883. The analysis puts this work in the context of other mythical plots such as the Fall of Bulgarian Kingdom and different perspectives toward it. Czyje jest to miasto? Podbój Konstantynopola i problematyczne osmańskie dziedzictwo w kulturze bułgarskiej Dziedzictwo osmańskie stawia interesujące wyzwania przed bułgarskimi badaczami kultury. W nurcie powszechnych dążeń do wskazywania korzeni nobilitujących Bułgarów (antyk, Tracja, Bizancjum, nie wspominając o Słowianach i Protobułgarach) dziedzictwo osmańskie jest systematycznie pomijane czy wręcz kwestionowane. Potoczna świadomość zbiorowa uznaje obecność osmańskich wpływów i śladów w kulturze materialnej, w kuchni, rzadziej w obyczajach. Dziedzictwo osmańskie uznawane jest zwykle za „wstydliwe”, a zatem za takie, od którego Bułgarzy winni się uwolnić.Autor analizuje różne teksty dotyczące kluczowego wydarzenia w stosunkach między Bułgarami i innymi narodami bałkańskimi a Otomanami – zdobycia Konstantynopola (1453). Punktem wyjścia jest refleksja na temat zmienności kategorii „swoje” i „obce”, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do najważniejszego miasta Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. Podobną dynamikę można dostrzec w greckich pieśniach ludowych na temat wspomnianego wydarzenia, ciekawy jest też sposób jego przedstawienia w bułgarskim folklorze (pieśni i podania ludowe). Szczególną uwagę poświęcono osobliwym, mało znanym dramatom i wierszom Swetosława Miłarowa z lat 1871–1873, w całości opublikowanym w 1883 roku. Autor artykułu sytuuje te utwory w kontekście innych mitologii (zwłaszcza dotyczących upadku pierwszego państwa bułgarskiego) z różnych perspektyw, zestawia je też z analogicznymi konstrukcjami narodowych mitologii Serbów oraz innych bałkańskich narodów chrześcijańskich.

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Ziaka, Angeliki. "Rearticulating a Christian-Muslim Understanding: Gennadios Scholarios and George Amiroutzes on Islam." Studies in Church History 51 (January 2015): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050166.

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From the eighth century, the Eastern Orthodox Churches engaged in various forms of theological dialogue and debate with newly emergent Islam. Although scholars have tended to study Islamic-Christian relations in terms of confrontation and direct conflict, this aspect, dominant as it may be, must not lead us to overlook another aspect of the relationship, that of attempts at rapprochement and understanding. Despite the acerbity of Byzantium’s anti-heretical and apologetic literature against Islam, there were also attempts at communication and mutual understanding between Christianity and Islam. These efforts became more tangible after the fall of Constantinople (1453), which marked a partial change in Orthodoxy’s theological stance towards Islam. The polemical approach, which had prevailed during Byzantine times, gave way in part to an innovative and more conciliatory theological discourse towards Islam. Modern Greek research categorizes the theological discourse that was articulated during this period according to two diametrically opposing models: the model of conciliation and rapprochement with Islam, which was not widely influential, and that of messianic Utopian discourse developed by Christians who had turned to God and sought divine intervention to save the community.

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Parks, W. Hays. "El Protocolo sobre las armas incendiarias." Revista Internacional de la Cruz Roja 15, no. 102 (December 1990): 572–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0250569x00013765.

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Desde que el hombre descubrió el fuego y se dio cuenta de su posible utilización como instrumento de supervivencia y de progreso, también lo ha empleado como arma de destrucción. En El Arte de la Guerra de Sun Tsu (500 d.C), se menciona el empleo de flechas incendiarias y, en La Guerra del Peloponeso de Tucídides, se describe un arma incendiaria utilizada por los espartanos en el año 42 a.C. Edward Gibbon, en The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, atribuye el éxito de los romanos en Constantinopla (1453 d.C.) al «fuego griego», una composición incendiaria a base de nafta mezclada con brea y resina que se vertía en la superficie del agua. Casi cinco siglos más tarde, Inglaterra utilizó el fuego griego como arma de defensa a lo largo de sus costas para impedir la invasión de 1940.En las guerras europeas de los siglos XVI y XVII, los ejércitos recurrían al sistema tributario obligatorio por parte de los campesinos en lugar de esperar que hubiera botín para financiar sus actividades.

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Tsibranska-Kostova, Mariyana. "The Image of the Town: Medieval Sofia in Original Bulgarian Works from the 16th Century." Studia Ceranea 5 (December 30, 2015): 337–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.05.12.

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The paper follows out the way of denomination and description of Sofia town in manuscripts from different genre during the period of the 15th-17th centuries, namely: the original hagiographic and hymnographic works of the men of letters from the 16th century Sofia literary school; the bedrolls; some marginal notes. This type of sources is rich enough not only for shaping the image of the town according to the linguistic evidences it was depicted with, but for making some general conclusions about its place in the so called “linguistic world view” as a semiotic model for approaching the lifestyle, the spiritual culture and the Bulgarian ethnic consciousness during the Ottoman domination. The chosen frame of time is not hazardous. It was a transitory period for both naming process and the creation of a new cultural situation, when the ideological and political dominant of the medieval town (the capital in particular) as an incarnation of the ruler’s institution has been already changed. Moreover, with the fall of Constantinople in 1453 the very Byzantine prototype of the town-mother and the spiritual center of the Orthodox world were destroyed. It is a matter of scholarly interest to give an idea on how another, different (new) model of the town was created in the Bulgarian cultural space to replace the past glorious vision, and how it reproduced the tradition. Briefly, how does the text create an image? It is a way to introduce the notion of hierotopy and its language in the original Bulgarian works of the given period. The specifically Bulgarian material inscribes itself in the common typological frames of the Balkan medieval culture in Ottoman times. The paradigm of holiness and the formation of the holly space require those aspects to be carried out in the light of the complex interdependency between the text, the image and the historical context – a binding triad that will be the base for the attending presentation.

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Crawford, Gregory A. "Book Review: Great Events in Religion: An Encyclopedia of Pivotal Events in Religious History." Reference & User Services Quarterly 56, no. 4 (June 21, 2017): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.56.4.304a.

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Designed to be comprehensive in its scope, this set covers major religious events from remote prehistory (ca. 60,000 BC) to the highly contemporaneous (AD 2014). Taken together, the editors have done an admirable job in choosing topics to cover and in compiling a highly readable, informative, and thought-provoking compilation. The first volume covers the period of prehistory to AD 600 and includes entries for topics as diverse as the first burials that indicate a belief in an afterlife found in Shanidar Cave, Iraq (ca. 60,000 BC), the discovery of the oldest human-made place of worship at Göbekli Tepe in modern Turkey (tenth millennium BC), the ritual use of alcohol (ca. third millennium BC), the founding of Buddhism (sixth to fourth centuries BC), the Roman conquest of Judaea in 63 BC, the conversion of Saul (Saint Paul) in AD 34, the Council of Chalcedon in AD 451, and the papacy of Gregory the Great (reigned AD 590–604). Volume 2 covers from AD 600 to 1450, thus encompassing the Middle Ages in the West, the rise of Islam in the Middle East, the growth of Christian monasticism, the crusades, the development of the first universities in Europe, and the lives of Joan of Arc and Jan Hus. The final volume covers from 1450 to the present, starting with the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks and ending with the rise of the Islamic State (ISIS, ISIL, or Daesh) in 2014.

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Schulze, H. J. "Fall 1453." DMW - Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 112, no. 13 (August 20, 2009): e49-e50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0029-1235920.

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Kalic, Jovanka. "Despot Stefan and Byzantium." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643031k.

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The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .

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Бузыкина, Юлия Николаевна. "Review of: Sacred Architecture of Byzantium. Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches. London; New York: I. B. Tauris & Co Ltd, 2014. 446 p. ISBN 978-1-78076-291-3." Theological Herald, no. 2(37) (June 15, 2020): 351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/2500-1450-2020-37-2-351-356.

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Книга Николаса Н. Патрикиоса («Сакральная архитектура Византии: искусство, литургия и символизм в раннехристианских церквях») представляет собой обобщающую работу о византийской архитектуре от эпохи Константина до падения Константинополя. Важность её заключается не только в том, что автор проработал огромный массив материала — 370 памятников, разделив их на семь типов (с. 48) и проследив эволюцию каждого из них и в целом и в деталях, но и в том, что автор учитывает взаимосвязь между архитектурной типологией и наполнением здания, демонстрируя, как особенности литургии в разные исторические периоды соотносятся с архитектурной эволюцией, а также с образным наполнением церковного пространства. Эта отличительная черта работы сообщает ей необходимую полноту. Для Патрикиоса архитектура, литургия и священное изобразительное искусство представляет собой единое целое. Чтобы учесть все компоненты целого, автор делит повествование на следующие главы: церковь и государство; сакральная архитектура; великолепные церкви; духовное искусство; литургия и Евхаристия; символизм в архитектуре и искусстве. The book by Nicholas N. Patrikios ("Sacred Architecture of Byzantium: Art, Liturgy and Symbolism in Early Christian Churches") is a generalizing work on Byzantine architecture from the era of Constantine to the fall of Constantinople. Its importance lies not only in the fact that the author has worked through a huge array of material - 370 monuments, dividing them into seven types (p. 48) and tracing the evolution of each of them in general and in detail, but also in the fact that the author takes into account the relationship between the architectural typology and the content of the building, demonstrating how the features of the liturgy in different historical periods correlate with the architectural evolution, as well as with the figurative content of the church space. This distinctive the feature of the work gives it the necessary completeness. For Patrikios architecture, liturgy and sacred art of constitutes a single whole. To take into account all the components of the whole, the author divides the narrative into the following chapters: church and state; sacred architecture; magnificent churches; spiritual art; liturgy and Eucharist; symbolism in architecture and art.

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Awaluddin, Muhammad Aiman, and Anisa Safiah Maznorbalia. "A suggestion that Europe also a Muslim: a study from historical and contemporary perspectives." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 9, no. 1 (May 24, 2019): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v9i1.83-110.

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In the past century saw that Europe associates themselves as a Christian domain until now. The proclaimation of Edict of Thessalonica in 380 AD made the Nicene Christianity as the state in Roman Empire and saw a transition from paganism to a Christian domain or Christendom. Since its inception, several edict has been enacted and several peace treaties have been broken to diminish an idea of multiculturalism within theirs faith land. The establishment of Muslim rules in Iberian Peninsula has changed the dominion of Christian. Muslims in Spain introduced convivencia, which saw that Abrahamic religions, Islam, Judaism and Christianity co-exist together, removing racial, cultural and religious barriers to embrace each other that nurture spirit of inclusion. The Golden Age of Muslim Civilization evidence that Cordova has become a center of Europe, perhaps the world for scientific knowledge advancement. Subsequently, contribute for Renaissance Age in Europe. Additionally, fall of Constantinople in 1453 under Ottomans reshaping the geographcial of Europe and permanently marked the term of European Islam. Through tedious analysis on medias, reports and past journals, this article adopted critical analysis in understanding the complexity of history of Europe, at the same time positioning Islam as part of Europe culture. The contribution of Islam in Europe seems negligible and less attention has been given. Past researchers tend to overlooked and belittled impacts of Islam in Europe continent, thus diminish any legitimacy of Islam in Europe. Critical analysis methodology assist researcher to understand the main issues, reviewing past and present evidence from reliable sources to establish concrete arguments in providing critical evaluation on the discussed issues. It is also a form of method involve investigating topics more deeply, by going beneath the surface of reality to explore the truth of a particular issue. The article established it arguments through historical analysis in Europe starting from ancient time to present situation to give a clear analogy and legitimacy on the presence of Islam in Europe. The finding shows that Islam indeed part of Europe since establishment of Umayyad Caliphate and presence of Islam in Sicily. Moreover, contemporarily, the rising of Muslims, issues of atheism and secularism proof that Europe is no longer center of Christianity but already become multiculturalism society. Pada abad lalu, Eropa mengasosiasikan diri mereka sebagai sebuah domain Kristen sampai sekarang. Maklumat Edict of Thessalonica pada 380 AD menjadikan Kekristenan Nicene sebagai negara di dalam Imperium Romawi dan melihat peralihan dari paganisme kepada suatu domain Kristen atau Kekristenan. Sejak didirikan, beberapa dekrit telah diberlakukan dan beberapa perjanjian damai telah dipatahkan untuk mengurangi gagasan multikulturalisme di dalam tanah kepercayaan mereka. Pendirian aturan Muslim di Semenanjung Iberia telah mengubah kekuasaan Kristen. Muslim di Spanyol memperkenalkan convivencia, yang melihat bahwa agama Abrahamik, Islam, Yudaisme dan Kristen hidup berdampingan bersama-sama, menghilangkan hambatan rasial,budaya dan agama untuk merangkul satu sama lain yang memupuk semangat inklusi. Zaman keemasan peradaban Muslim membuktikan bahwa Cordova telah menjadi pusat Eropa dan mungkin dunia untuk kemajuan pengetahuan ilmiah. Selanjutnya, berkontribusi untuk Renaissance Age di Eropa. Selain itu,jatuhnya Konstantinopel pada tahun 1453 di bawah Ottomans membentuk kembali geografi Eropa dan secara permanen menandai istilah Islam Eropa. Melalui analisa yang membosankan tentang media, laporan dan jurnal masa lalu, artikel ini mengadopsi analisa kritis dalam memahami kompleksitas sejarah Eropa, pada saat yang sama memposisikan Islam sebagai bagian dari budaya Eropa. Kontribusi Islam di Eropa tampaknya diabaikan dan kurang mendapatkan perhatian. Peneliti masa lalu cenderung mengabaikan dan meremehkan dampak Islam di benua Eropa, sehingga mengurangi legitimasi Islam di Eropa. Metodologi analisis kritis membantu peneliti untuk memahami isu utama, meninjau bukti-bukti masa lalu dan sekarang dari sumber terpercaya untuk membangun argumen konkret dalam memberikan evaluasi kritis pada masalah yang dibahas. Ini juga merupakan bentuk metode yang melibatkan penyelidikan topik lebih dalam, dengan menjangkau bagian bawah dari permukaan realitas untuk mengeksplorasi kebenaran dari masalah tertentu. Artikel itu menetapkan argumen melalui analisis sejarah di Eropa mulai dari zaman kuno untuk menyajikan situasi dan memberikan analogi yang jelas dan legitimasi di hadapan Islam di Eropa. Temuan ini menunjukkan bahwa Islam memang bagian dari Eropa sejak berdirinya kekhalifahan Umayyah dan kehadiran Islam di Sisilia. Selain itu, bersamaan dengan meningkatnya umat Islam, isu ateisme dan sekularisme merupakan bukti bahwa Eropa tidak lagi menjadi pusat Kekristenan tetapi sudah menjadi masyarakat multikulturalisme.

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Fabris, Antonio. "From Adrianople to Constantinople: Venetian‐ Ottoman diplomatic missions, 1360–1453." Mediterranean Historical Review 7, no. 2 (December 1992): 154–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09518969208569639.

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Philippides, Marios. "The Date of the Conquest of Constantinople: May 29, 1453." Istanbul Research Institute 2, no. 1 (December 22, 2020): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.53979/yillik.2020.16.

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Kusuma, Yolan Sadewa Aditya, and Lutfiah Ayundasari. "Penaklukan Konstantinopel tahun 1543: Upaya Turki Utsmani menyebarkan agama dan membentuk kebudayaan Islam di Eropa." Jurnal Integrasi dan Harmoni Inovatif Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial 1, no. 1 (January 31, 2021): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um063v1i1p61-68.

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Muhammad Al-Fatih, the 22-year-old leader of the Ottoman Empire, has learned a lot from the failure of his predecessors in trying to conquer Constantinople, so that when he came to power in 1451 AD Muhammad Al-Fatih immediately set his sights and was serious about conquering Constantinople, until he was conquered in 1453 AD. So that Islam successfully spread to Constantinople, Islam which has entered Constantinople over time will have an impact on local culture which was previously European Roman style, when Constantinople was conquered and Islam entered its culture Identical to the Ottoman Turkish Islamic culture. It is proven by Muhammad Al-Fatih that he immediately changed the magnificent Aya Shofia church to be converted into a mosque and changed the name of the city to Islam Bul which means Islamic city. Muhammad Al-Fatih yang berusia 22 tahun pemimpin Kekhalifanan Turki Utsmani telah banyak belajar dari kegagalan para pendahulunya dalam usaha menaklukkan Konstantinopel, sehingga ketika berkuasa pada tahun 1451 Masehi Muhammad Al-Fatih langsung mengarahkan pandangannya dan bersungguhsungguh untuk menaklukan Konstantinopel, hingga berhasil ditaklukkan pada tahun 1453 Masehi. Sehingga Agama Islam berhasil tersebarke Konstantinopel, Agama Islam yang telah masuk didalam Konstantinopel berjalannya waktu akan berdampak pada kebudayaan setempat yang sebelumnya bergaya Romawi eropa, ketika Konstantinopel ditaklukan dan Islam masuk kebudayaannya Identik dengan kebudayaan Islam Turki Utsmani. Dibuktikan dengan Muhammad Al-Fatih langsung mengubah gereja megah Aya Shofia untuk dialihfungsikan menjadi masjid dan mengganti nama kota menjadi Islam Bul yang bearti kota Islam.

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Rulianto, Rulianto, and Altin Dokopati. "Pengaruh Penaklukan Konstantinopel Terhadap Kemajuan Turki Usmani Tahun 1453 ( Kajian Politik Ekspansi Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih)." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2020): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v3i1.1063.

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The purpose of this study is (1). To find out about the conditions of the ottoman turks before conquering Constantinople (2). To find out about the political progress and the ottoman military in the time of Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih (3). To find out the influence of constantinople’s conquest on the progress of Ottoman turks in 1453. This type of research is descriptive qualitative, and using the library research method one method of data processing which is done by systematically compiling so that general conclusions can be obtained. The result of this study was the influence of Constantinople’s conquest of the progress of Ottoman Turkey in 1453. The city of Constantinople as a country that is so strong lies in the territory of Byzantium. Efforts to conquer this region continue to be carried out from the time Umayyah, Abbasiyah, arrived at the time of Ottoman rule. The conquest could be carried out on the 20th of Jumadil early 857 H/ mei 291453 M, at 1.00 am, Tuesday, the main attack was launched. The mujahideen were ordered to raise the voice of the takbir while attacking the city. The population of Constantinople was at the height of its fear that morning. Mujahideen who are determined to fight in the cause of Allah, so brave to invade the crusaders in the city. In the end the city of Constantinople could be conquered by Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih with his troops. It nrought great influence to the Ottoman Turks in the field of military political, economy, governance, of religious and cultural science, and expanding to Europe.

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Melvani, Nicholas. "Gennadios Scholarios and the Church of the Holy Apostles." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 57 (2020): 117–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2057117m.

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The article tests the established view that Gennadios Scholarios, the first patriarch of Constantinople after the 1453 Conquest, used the church of the Holy Apostles in Constantinople as the seat of the Patriarchate for a few months in 1454 before moving to the building complex of the Pammakaristos monastery. After pointing out that all the sources that narrate the story of the installation of the Patriarchate in the famous Byzantine church date from the 16th century or later, the author examines sources contemporary with the events, including texts written by Scholarios himself. The aim of the article is to show that Scholarios officiated occasionally in the Holy Apostles and managed to salvage some of the relics it once held, but this does not mean that the church functioned as the official seat of the Patriarchate of Constantinople.

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Othman, Mohammad Redzuan. "THE CONQUEST OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453: THE VISIONS AND STRATEGIES OF SULTAN MEHMED II." SEJARAH 5, no. 5 (December 17, 1997): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol5no5.2.

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Bernardini, Michele. "Constantinople 1453. Des Byzantins aux Ottomans, edited by Déroche, Vincent et Nicolas Vatin." Eurasian Studies 15, no. 1 (February 26, 2017): 167–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340031.

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Kakaliagos, Aristotle, and Nikolaos Ninis. "Damage and failure of Orban’s gun during the bombardment of Constantinople walls in 1453." Frattura ed Integrità Strutturale 13, no. 50 (September 2, 2019): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3221/igf-esis.50.40.

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Dauverd. "Cultivating Differences: Genoese Trade Identity in the Constantinople of Sultan Mehmed II, 1453–81." Mediterranean Studies 23, no. 2 (2015): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/mediterraneanstu.23.2.0094.

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Conley, Thomas. "Greek Rhetorics After the Fall of Constantinople: An Introduction." Rhetorica 18, no. 3 (2000): 265–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2000.18.3.265.

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Abstract: This short paper will sketch the twilight years of Greek rhetorics, roughly from 1500 until just after the Greek War of Independence. This is an area that, like much else in neo-Greek intellectual history, has been sadly ignored in “Western” scholarship. Greek scholars played an important part in the reception of the works of Hermogenes, Longinus, and pseudo-Demetrius in the mid- and late-sixteenth century. But other Greek teachers and scholars at the College of St. Athanasius in Rome, at the University of Padua, at the Flanginian Academy in Venice, and at schools in Bucharest, Jannina, and Constantinople itself continued to add to those traditions with numerous school texts, homiletic handbooks, and some interesting philosophical treatments of rhetoric. Their names (Korydaleus, Skoufos, Mavrokordates, Damodos, and many others) are unknown to most students of the history of rhetoric—a situation this paper will try in its small way to change.

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Necipoğlu, Nevra. "Byzantines and Italians in Fifteenth-Century Constantinople: Commercial Cooperation and Conflict." New Perspectives on Turkey 12 (1995): 129–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600001187.

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During the final centuries of Byzantine rule, the city of Constantinople, unable to recover completely from the effects of the Fourth Crusade (1204) and continuously challenged from two directions by the western world and the Ottomans, could no longer live up to its former glory and reputation as the magnificent capital of a powerful empire. Yet, surprisingly, the critical circumstances of the late Byzantine period that negatively affected almost every aspect of life in the city did not affect its commercial function to the same extent. Hence, despite persistent political, social, economic, and demographic problems during the last fifty years preceding the Ottoman conquest, Constantinople still continued to function as a lively commercial center where Byzantine merchants operated side by side with foreigners, including Italians, Catalans, Ragusans, Ottomans, and others. But the most active group of foreign merchants operating in Constantinople were the Italians, particularly the Venetians and the Genoese, who had established more or less autonomous trade colonies in the city and enjoyed commercial privileges (most importantly exemptions from customs duties) since the eleventh-twelfth centuries. Amplified and made more extensive during the Palaiologan period (1261-1453), these privileges pushed the native merchants of the Byzantine capital into a clearly disadvantaged position vis-à-vis their foreign competitors.

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RISSO, PATRICIA. "KATE FLEET, European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State: The Merchants of Genoa and Turkey, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). Pp. 214. $59.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 302–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801262060.

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Kate Fleet is curator of the Skilliter Centre for Ottoman Studies, Newnham College, Cambridge. Her book is a study of trade between Genoa and Asia Minor from about 1300 to shortly after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453, a time period corresponding to commercial strength of Genoa and the development of the Ottoman state toward empire. Citing the scarcity of Turkish sources, other than chronological lists, Fleet depends heavily on Western materials, particularly notary deeds in the Genoese archives and published primary sources such as Balducci Pegolotti's La practica della mercatura. She also includes, however, some Arabic and Ottoman Turkish sources.

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Şahin, Kaya. "Constantinople and the End Time: The Ottoman Conquest as a Portent of the Last Hour." Journal of Early Modern History 14, no. 4 (2010): 317–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006510x512223.

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AbstractThe Muslim conquest of Constantinople was seen in various apocalyptic traditions as one of the portents of the end. An Ottoman mystic, Ahmed Bî-cân, gave voice to these apocalyptic fears and expectations soon after the Ottoman conquest in 1453 CE. His apocalyptic narrative, expressed in the Turkish vernacular, placed the Ottoman enterprise within the final tribulations and hailed the sultan, Mehmed II, as an apocalyptic warrior. This endorsement heralded the emergence of a new imperial ideology in the sixteenth century: Ottoman history became an important component of universal history, while Ottoman sultans were attributed cosmic responsibilities and messianic abilities.

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Harris, Jonathan. "The Goudelis family in Italy after the Fall of Constantinople." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 33, no. 2 (September 2009): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174962509x417654.

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Kakaliagos, A., and N. Ninis. "Orban’s gun ballistics and assessment of historical evidence concerning the bombardment of Constantinople walls in 1453." Procedia Structural Integrity 10 (2018): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.prostr.2018.09.026.

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Shawcross, Teresa. "Jonathan Harris, The End of Byzantium. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010. Pp. xxii, 298; 16 b&w plates, 1 genealogical table, and 3 maps. $40. ISBN: 9780300117868.Marios Philippides and Walter K. Hanak, The Siege and the Fall of Constantinople in 1453: Historiography, Topography, and Military Studies. Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2011. Pp. xxiv, 759; 70 b&w plates, 3 b&w figs., and 4 maps. $220. ISBN: 9781409410645." Speculum 88, no. 1 (January 2013): 305–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713413000353.

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Ağır, Aygül. "From Constantinople to Istanbul: The Residences of the Venetian Bailo (Thirteenth to Sixteenth Centuries)." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 1 (2015): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114y.0000000082.

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Medieval Italian city-states with access to the sea, most notably the Venetian and Genoese, were in need of safe ‘stopovers’ that would allow their inhabitants to travel to distant places across the territories in which they conducted commerce. As the most important ‘stopover’ and centre of consumption, Constantinople became a point of attraction for Italian merchant colonies, particularly after the eleventh century. Among these, the most powerful one with the largest settlement was the Venetian colony. Following a decree dated 1082 (Chrysoboullos) that granted them certain privileges, the Venetians settled across the southern shores of the Golden Horn. In terms of administration, it appears that, until the Latin period (1204–1261), no formal officers were appointed to the Venetian Merchant Colony. ‘The bailo’ was first instituted in Constantinople only after the treaty of 18 June 1265. The mention of a house owned by the bailo dates as late as 1277. Documents on the residence of the bailo remain silent until the early fifteenth century. It is unclear if the palace of the bailo mentioned in fifteenth-century documents and the house allocated to the bailo in 1277 are the same building. Despite the Turkish conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Venetians, albeit with interruptions, continued to live on the historic peninsula. However, it is no longer possible to speak of a Venetian settlement similar to the one that had existed in Byzantine times. Per the agreement signed on 16 August 1454, the Venetians were granted a house and a church that ‘once’ belonged to Anconitans. The possible location and architectural features of the residences of the bailo, which have left behind no archaeological data, are discussed here through written sources including Ottoman documents.

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Ganchou, Thierry. "Le mésazon Démétrius Paléologue Cantacuzène a-t-il figuré parmi les défenseurs du siège de Constantinople (29 mai 1453)?" Revue des études byzantines 52, no. 1 (1994): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rebyz.1994.1893.

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Moody, Ivan. "The Idea of Byzantium in the Construction of the Musical Cultures of the Balkans." Arts 9, no. 3 (July 26, 2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9030083.

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In this article, I discuss the persistence of Byzantium as a cultural model in the arts, and in music in particular, in the countries of the Balkans after the fall of Constantinople. By examining ways in which the idea of Byzantium persisted in Balkan artistic cultures (and especially in music) after the fall of Byzantium, and the way in which this relates to the advent of modernism during the later construction of the Balkan nation-states, I illustrate not only the pervasiveness but also the strength of Byzantinism as a pan-Balkan characteristic.

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Journal articles on the topic 'THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE 1453'

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