To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: The far right.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The far right'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'The far right.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Shekhovtsov, Anton. "Russia and the European Far Right." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2018. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10047343/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores contemporary relations between various Russian actors and European far right ideologues, movements, organisations and parties. The thesis demonstrates that each side of this relationship is driven by evolving and, at times, circumstantial political and pragmatic considerations that involve, on the one hand, the need to attain or restore declining or deficient domestic or international legitimacy and, on the other hand, the ambition to reshape the apparently hostile domestic or international environments in accordance with one’s own interests. Introduction discusses the research background of the thesis, and outlines its conceptual framework, methodology and structure. Chapter 1 discusses pro-Russian elements of the European far right milieu before the Second World War. Chapter 2 looks at the active cooperation between Russian and Western far right politicians after the fall of the Soviet Union. Chapter 3 examines the right-wing authoritarian evolution of Vladimir Putin’s regime – an evolution that facilitated the deepening of the relations between Russian pro-Kremlin actors and the European far right. Chapters 4 and 5 consider two areas of dynamic cooperation between various Russian actors and European far right politicians and organisations aimed at supporting and consolidating alternative institutions that aim at challenging and undermining liberaldemocratic practices and traditions: electoral monitoring and the media. Chapter 6 looks at openly pro-Russian activities that Austrian, French and Italian far right parties have carried out in their national contexts, and identifies several types of operators who furthered cooperation between them and Russian actors. Chapter 7 explores the performance of European far right politicians on high-profile discussion platforms in Moscow and at sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg and Brussels, and analyses the narratives that they promote within these settings. Conclusion presents main findings of this research.
2
Diekmann, Maya. "The rights of the Right : How European far-right populist parties instrumentalise human rights rhetoric to mobilise supporters." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-42933.
Full textAbstract:
There is a puzzling occurrence in Western Europe: Some far-right populist parties, traditionally seen as antithetical to liberalism, are appropriating liberal rights for their own illiberal ends. On the premise that the parties instrumentalise liberal elements to achieve more legitimacy in a climate of tolerance and respect for human rights in Western Europe, this thesis examines how far-right populist parties use human rights for mobilising purposes. Using Clifford Bob’s four conceptual elements of mobilising human rights rhetoric, in a qualitative content analysis the language of three Western European far-right populist parties is analysed. It is argued that, by drawing from a liberalism of fear, far-right populists frame human rights as a Western achievement, under threat by immigration from Islamic countries and the “corrupt elite” that allows for immigration to continue. By doing so, populists manage to incorporate human rights rhetoric in their mobilisation efforts, without challenging human rights per se.
3
Eriksson, Elin. "Perceptions of Women in the Far-Right : A Comparative Ideology Analysis of Far-Right Perceptions of Women." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444733.
Full textAbstract:
This bachelor’s thesis aspires to contribute to the field of research concerning women and far-right extremism. Scholars have during recent years called attention to the surge of far-right extremism and female participation in jihadi terrorism. However, when these fields of research meet, various knowledge gaps are distinguishable. The explicit research gap that this thesis aims to fill concerns a lack of comparative research on how men and women in the extreme-right perceive women. To fill this gap, this thesis aspires to describe how women are perceived, on a sex-disaggregated basis, in the far-right extremist movement by answering the research question: How do the female far-right extremists in Proud Girls and the male far-right extremists in Proud Boys' perception of women differ? Using the gender-separated US extreme-right group Proud Boys/Proud Girls as a typical case, the study performs an ideology analysis to distinguish how the groups perceive women. Thus, this study contributes to the field by presenting a comparative analysis of how extreme right perceives women. The results of the study suggest a difference in how Proud Boys and Proud Girls perceive women as the former conveys a more misogynist perception whereas the latter adheres to a more empowering view of women.
4
LaMontagne, Tamara Marie. "Psychosocial Differences in Far Right, Far Left, Islamic, and Single Issue Lone Extremists." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6451.
Full textAbstract:
Acts of lone extremism are on the rise, yet little is known about who commits these acts. Research in this area has failed to delineate by extremist subtype. This has led to the misconception these acts and actors present with such variance psychosocially that they cannot be predicted. The purpose of this research was to assess whether statistically significant relationships exist between lone extremist subtypes on the psychosocial variables of mental illness, substance use, and having radicalized friends or family members. The conceptual framework for this study was De La Corte's psychosocial principles of terrorism, which addressed the social and political influences of terrorism with the complex psychosocial constructs that may exist. The Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States was chosen as the dataset and includes de-identified individual-level information on 1,865 extremists. The research questions that guided this study sought to determine if significant differences exist between 4 lone extremist subtypes across 4 psychosocial variables. Crosstabulation analysis and multiple chi-square tests for independence were used to test the relationship between categorical variables. Statistically significant relationships were found among each lone extremist subtype and having radicalized family members and friends (p=.00). In terms of mental illness, far left extremists were the only extremist subtype that yielded a significant relationship (p=.00). Also, a significant relationship was found between substance use and far right (p=.00), far left (p=.01), and single issue (p=.04) extremists. In terms of social change, this research presented support for studying lone extremism by subtype and also provided a foundation towards constructing a predictive model.
5
Rhodes, James. "Far right breakthrough : the support for the BNP in Burnley." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.495977.
Full text
6
Hutchins, Travis Zane. "A familiar danger: The reemergence of the far right eastern Germany." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1442963.
Full text
7
Swarts, Craig Allen. "The John Birch Society: A New Perspective on Far-Right Conservatism." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392975738.
Full text
8
Hobbs, Mark. "Using lies : Holocaust denial by the British far right 1942-2001." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.698081.
Full text
9
Rosato, Vanessa. "The Rise of the Far Right: Explaining Popularity and Potential Influence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1061.
Full textAbstract:
The 2016 election cycle has shown a dramatic radicalization of the right, featuring elements such as out-group demonization, law and order rhetoric, and populist strategies that have not been so prevalent in the US since the rise of Nixon’s Silent Majority in the 1970s. The UK has experienced a similar ideological shift, though its emergence has perhaps not been so notoriously outspoken. All the same, the fervent anti-statist and anti-elitist narrative employed by the Leave Campaign is starkly similar to language historically associated with the populist rhetoric of the Far Right. Drawing on analyses of economic, socio-cultural, and geopolitical trends that have changed the status quo of each of these countries in the post-crisis era, I attempt to elucidate potential factors that have made Far Right narratives of fear, paranoia, and insecurity particularly salient.
10
Copsey, Nigel Scott. "The extreme right in contemporary France and Britain." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241030.
Full text
11
Moreno, Brandon Alexander. "Images in the Rhetoric of the Far-Right in France and Germany." Thesis, Northern Arizona University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13421845.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to explore the shifts in the rhetoric utilized by the European Far-Right political parties in response to terror attacks. The subjects of study are the National Front and Alternative for Germany within France and Germany respectively with both states having experienced attacks by Muslim terrorists within recent years. This study was conducted through the employment of Image Theory through a content analysis, specifically through the lens of the Barbarian and Enemy Images and if they can be observed in either party’s rhetoric. This shift in rhetoric can be seen expressed by both parties as they acted and reacted through their policy platforms over the years of observation.
12
Burke, Shani. "Anti-Semitic and Islamophobic discourse of the British far-right on Facebook." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2017. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27177.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis uses critical discursive psychology to analyse anti-Semitic and Islamophobic discourse on the Facebook pages of two far-right organisations: Britain First and the English Defence League. Using the Charlie Hebdo attack as a time frame, I examine how the far-right manage their identity and maintain rationality online, as well as how users on Facebook respond to the far-right. This thesis demonstrates how Britain First and the English Defence League present themselves as reasonable in their anti-Semitic and anti-Islamic stance following the Charlie Hebdo shooting. Ultimately, I bring together the study of fascist discourse and political discourse on social media using critical discursive psychology, in a novel synthesis. The Charlie Hebdo shooting and the shooting at the kosher supermarket in Paris in January 2015 (as well as other attacks by members of the Islamic State) have led to Muslims being seen as a threat to Britain, and thus Muslims have been exposed to Islamophobic attacks and racial abuse. The current climate is a challenging situation for the far-right, as they are presented with the dilemma of appearing as rational and even mainstream, whilst nevertheless adopting an anti-Islamic stance. The analysis focuses on how Britain First and the English Defence League used the shooting at the Kosher supermarket to align with Jews in order to construct them as under threat from Islam, and promote its anti-Islamic stance. I also analyse visual communication used by Britain First to provide evidence that Britain First supported Jewish communities. Discourse from Facebook users transitioned from supportive towards Jews, to questioning the benefits that Jews brought to Britain, and expressing Holocaust denial. Furthermore, I discuss how other far-right politicians in Europe such as Geert Wilders from the Dutch Party for Freedom, portrayed himself as a reasonable politician in the anti-Islamic stance he has taken in the wake of the Charlie Hebdo attack. Findings are discussed in light of how the far-right communicate about the Charlie Hebdo shooting whilst maintaining a reasonable stance when projecting anti-Semitic and Islamophobic ideology, and how such discourse can encompass hate speech. I demonstrate how critical discursive psychology can be used to show how various conflicting social identities are constructed and interact with each other online. This thesis shows how the far-right use aligning with Jews as means to present Muslims as problematic, and how such alignment has resulted in the marginalisation of both Jews and Muslims.
13
Anderson, Richard Paul. "The far right in the UK : the BNP in comparative perspective : examining the development of the British National Party within the context of UK and continental far right politics." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5449.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.
14
Anderson, Richard P. "The far right in the UK: The BNP in comparative perspective. Examining the development of the British Nation Party within the context of UK and continental far right politics." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5449.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines through the means of a comparative perspective, factors which have allowed the British National Party to enjoy recent electoral success at the local level under the leadership of party chairman Nick Griffin. Such electoral successes have arisen despite the seemingly relative obscurity of the party at the turn of the century. A number of different aspects are examined in order to achieve this aim. The history of the far right in the UK is examined to establish whether the BNP have changed their stance in comparison to previous far right movements. The BNP are also investigated comparatively with other West European parties who have enjoyed national success, as a means of discovering whether the party are similar to their far right neighbours and why they have not enjoyed similar national success. The press coverage of the BNP is examined at a local and national level, using content analysis and the LexisNexis database. The thesis looks at the role played by the BNP in local elections and the decline of participation in political activity, to establish if there is a link between these two factors. Finally a case study is taken of Calderdale in West Yorkshire, to establish directly if any of the above factors can be directly applied to BNP electoral success in this district. The research discovers that there are opportunities for the BNP to establish a connection with the electorate in local politics which are not necessarily available at times of general election.
15
Black, Tyler. "Interpreting the relation between immigrant hostility and the extreme far right in england." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/826.
Full textAbstract:
The study of race relations in England developed in the modern era amongst conflict between races, political parties and local communities. England, consisting of a predominantly white population, is an interesting case of race relations in that immigrants of color seem to be in the center of many of the most controversial conflicts of the past century. Existing research on race relations in England suggests that the region is largely racist due to the conflicts of the past and the current political success of the anti-immigrant extreme right-wing parties (ERPs). But the times at which these parties have been successful compared with high levels of animosity towards non-white immigrant groups have not been thoroughly studied in the past decade. This research will attempt to answer questions regarding racial hostility and ERP success. Do ERPs receive support from purely racist groups during times of high levels of immigration? Or is their racist rhetoric cloaked by logical justification for anti-immigrant policies? ERPs such as the British National Party and The National Front have risen, fallen, evolved and dissolved since the 1960s. They have, in some cases, worked together to gain votes, but eventually break apart to form small, non-political factions that concentrate on social protests. Most recently, England has seen the decline of these particular ERPs, although anti-immigrant social groups still remain strong. Those that were associated with recently dissolved ERPs may turn their attention United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party that has a message similar to the BNP, but has a more consistent and attractive political platform. UKIP is an anti-immigrant party and its current success is an interesting case study in this thesis.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
16
Beltran, Veda Elizabeth. "Xenophobia, Populism, and the Rise of the Far-Right in France and Germany." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1478.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to further examine the populist wave that has struck the West, with specific regards to France and Germany. The growing anti-immigrant sentiment, the discontent with “establishment” politics, and fear-mongering tactics has given rise to far-right political parties such as the National Front and the Alternative for Germany. These political parties prove threatening to the democratic institutions in place, for they wish to limit the liberties of those who seem too different. Through delving into the core values of these countries and specific events revolving around foreigners, I explain how xenophobic ideology has been allowed to permeate through France and Germany’s society and has increased the legitimacy of political leaders like Marine Le Pen and Frauke Petry.
17
Hiestand, Gerald. "Augustine and the justification debates did Calvin step too far in the right direction? /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2005. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
18
Winn, Meredith. "This Land is My Land: The Dynamic Relationship between Migration and the Far-Right." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1752370/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines the dynamic intersections of the relationship between migration and the far-right through three empirical, stand-alone chapters. The first substantive chapter re-evaluates existing theories of far-right support using a novel theory and comprehensive dataset to assess how immigration opinion and immigration levels interact to shape individual far-right support. The findings suggest that increases in asylum-based migration are associated with increased far-right voting, but that this is effect is mainly observed in those with negative or neutral opinions toward immigration. The second substantive chapter examines the other side of this relationship by analyzing the impact of far-right electoral and legislative success on asylum-recognition rates in EU member states. The results of empirical analyses show that when far-right parties gain legislative seats, the expected rate of asylum approvals decreases. This suggests that far-right parties in legislatures have measurable effects on migration outcomes. Finally, the third substantive chapter uses original field research to assess how far-right politics impacts the lived experiences of immigrants in France and Switzerland, relying on a small survey and interviews conducted in the field. The results show that immigrants are generally aware of far-right parties and distrustful toward them. However, undocumented migrants and asylees are among the most negatively impacted by far-right activity. Overall, this dissertation moves beyond the entrenched debate of how migration does or does not facilitate far-right support and contributes to the academic understanding of how migration and far-right politics interact.
19
Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.
Full textAbstract:
Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
20
Chernyshev, Maxim. "EVOLUTION OF POLITICAL CLEAVAGES AND ENTRY OF THE FAR-RIGHT IN GOVERNMENT COALITIONS IN ITALY AND POLAND." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3118.
Full textAbstract:
This project focuses on a comparative analysis of governing coalitions between conservative and far-right parties in recent years in Italy (1994) and Poland (2005). The aim is to show how the inclusion of the radical right in government coalitions in these countries reflects recent changes in Western and Eastern European party systems through the reformulation of the old and formation of new party cleavages. The focus in the recent literature on personality clashes of party leaders over the distribution of ministry portfolios does not explain the nature of the disagreement between these leaders about key issues of national politics. I argue that the mechanism of policy formulation between prospective coalitional partners can be traced at the level of party cleavages which pre-exist the negotiation process between party leaders. The political breakthrough of the far-right parties became possible because of the development of new issues related to the process of European integration and based on the longstanding confrontation between the left and right parties since the beginning of the Cold War. The disintegration of the previous party systems as a result of the collapse of the Communist regime in Poland and the First Republic in Italy in the post-Cold War era created a vacuum partly exploited by the previous anti-system far-right parties and the new emerging ones. At the same time, a clear tendency toward the cartelization of the programmatic supply was prominent on both the left and right sides of the political spectrum. I argue that the rise to prominence of center-right coalitions in the two countries led by Silvio Berlusconi and Jaroslav Kachinskiy respectively represents not only a new dimension in the development of the right wing in Europe but also constitutes a model of political realignment where new cleavages are gradually substituting for the old cleavages described in the Lipset-Rokkan model.M.A.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
21
Barfuss, Frank. "Just a Click Away: Radicalization in the Net Generation." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32213.
Full textAbstract:
The use of the Internet as vehicle of socialization has exploded in the 21st century and while this presents exciting possibilities, it also comes with troubling ones. Among those who have embraced this new medium are extremist groups, who use the Web as a space in which to communicate, exchange ideas, network and reach new followers. In regards to this last point, it provides them near unlimited opportunities to gain access to potential recruits and converts, raising interesting questions in terms of the dynamics of the radicalization process and how it manifests itself within the confines of this new arena. Through an analysis of postings made to the discussion board of Stormfront.org, this research paper examines whether or not the radicalization process follows the same transformative pattern in the virtual world as has been described in some of the leading academic theories that address this phenomenon in the physical one.
22
Efthymiadou, Panagiota, and Anelia Miteva. "Authoritarian, far-right responses to the Covid-19 pandemic: an analysis of QAnon’s crisis narratives." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Institutionen för konst, kultur och kommunikation (K3), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-43984.
Full textAbstract:
The coronavirus pandemic has changed the lives of individuals all over the world. The goal of this research is to investigate and understand the narratives and underlying messages of the QAnon movement concerning COVID-19. The theoretical basis for this analysis is that of uncertainty-identity theory and extremism to study the process by which people embrace these types of movements and their values. Also, to examine the spread of QAnons’ messages and conspiracy theories on digital media, network society theory is used. In order to carry out this research, we conducted qualitative content analysis on data gathered directly from QAnon sources. According to the results of the study, the movement proceeded to create crisis narratives that tap into social anxieties and political uncertainty. Accordingly, the pandemic was used for the movement to grow, gain new momentum and supporters, and even merge other conspiracy theories making the narratives more elaborate.
23
Wickström, David. "Dawn of the radicals : The connection between economic growth and political radicalism." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för nationalekonomi och statistik (NS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-47340.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores how economic performance, measured as real GDP-growth per capita, affects the vote share of parties which relies on radical ideological platforms. Using a fixed effect model with panel data, based on real electoral outcomes of 18 western European democracies, the result reveals an ambiguous reality. The overall conclusion implies that low growth rates benefit the electoral success of radical-right parties and holds for robustness checks. No solid evidence of the relationship is found on the radical-left side.The result further reveals that the individuals decision to vote radical is relative more affected by the ongoing business cycle trend between the elections rather than sudden changes close to the election day. The relationship also appears to be stronger among nations of southern Europe.
24
Bailey, Gavin. "Community, politics and extremism : a study of far-right and radical Islamist engagement with wider society." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2913/.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the activities of those allied to the British National Party (BNP) and al-Muhajiroun, groups deemed ‘extremist’ by mainstream society, particularly those actions done as part of the extremist group, but which engage with the wider community. The research comprised of participant-observation and biographical interviews, both with extremist and non-extremist activists and focused on public community engagement. It was conducted in two sites in Stoke-on-Trent; a ‘white site’ with a number of BNP members in leadership positions, and a more dispersed ‘Islamic site’ in which a number of young men were engaged in al-Muhajiroun’s street-based activism. In the context of Community Cohesion and Preventing Violent Extremism policies and programmes, these groups and their members are presented as an existential threat to the nation while still allowed to carry on much of their business. In this light, the research looks at the backgrounds, connections, and political attitudes of extremist activists in order to situate them as community members and not as standing apart from society. The thesis asks how the political and policy context affects their contact with others. It finds that the connections and continuities, in background and political attitudes, between extremists and others, makes clear cut divisions problematic, and so undermines the rhetoric of ‘them and us’. The thesis argues that the government and media emphasis on particular extremist groups, as opposed to racism and intolerance more generally, is counterproductive. The singling out of particular groups allows those social groups from which the stereotyped extremists are drawn to see themselves as unfairly targeted. The conflation of political extremism with terrorism and other violent extremism at the same time exaggerates any threat of violence. A sense of injustice and fear can then fuel further extremism.
25
Lundström, Tomas. ""Let us build an ark!" : Jonas De Geer and the negotiation of religion within radical nationalism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295456.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis illuminates meaning(s) of religion in a Swedish radical nationalist context. The empirical study is based on a critical text analysis of author Jonas De Geer, key ideology producer of Swedish radical nationalism. The research questions concern how the publications of Jonas De Geer, during the period 1996-2016, address issues related to religion and Christian imagery. The primary aim of the thesis – to study how the concept of religion is understood, negotiated and used in a Swedish radical nationalist context – is enunciated through an examination of how identity and antagonists are construed through the notions of religion in the material, and how these concepts change over time. An applied text analysis, informed by critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The empirical analysis suggests that Christianity and national identity are construed as intertwined and natural, while Judaism is portrayed as the primary antagonist. Additionally, Islam and modernist ideals are depicted as weapons used by Jewish influence to dominate the West. Drawing on these empirical implications, the study concludes that religion functions as a racist configuration in De Geer's symbolic universe.
26
Lööf, Malin. "Violent discourses within the Far Right : A case study on discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80186.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to contribute to a greater knowledge and understanding of violent discourses within the Far Right community with emphasizes on online violent content. The study has, by analyzing the narrative, identified four discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) in order to legitimize violence. By studying three texts in the time span of fifteen years published by the organization, the ambition is to identify a change in the discourse of violence. Today’s society is greatly influenced by the presence of the Internet. The rise of populist political parties in European and American counties etc. has lead to discussions regarding the cause of this phenomenon. A reoccurring debate is if the Internet is to blame for this, since it is accessible for most people, with non-or little legislative control regarding credibility. What can be stated for a fact, however, is that these forces are once again gaining more support and power. Due to this, finding explanations for this turn of event, which is updated to the society that we live in now is of importance. In order to understand this phenomenon the study has examined the Far Right organization the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR). In the empirical part of the thesis four themes of violent discourses were identified; the enemies, the threat, family politics and women’s role in society and community-building processes. The four discursive strategies identified are in accordance with the chosen methodological framework, namely, critical discourse analysis. Aforementioned discursive strategies and analysis questions which, framed the empirical material, were analysed through the lenses of Norman Fairclough’s theory three-dimensional conception of discourse. In the discourses, amongst other things, it could be identified that the discourses had indeed become more violent.
27
Viskanic, Max. "Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail 2016-18 : Migrants, Refugees and the rise of Far Right Populism." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0049.
Full textAbstract:
Le premier chapitre analyse l’impact d’un afflux relativement large et homogène d’immigrés polonais sur le Royaume Uni et quel effet ce choc a eu sur le vote Brexit de 2016. Je trouve que l’immigration polonaise au Royaume Uni a augmenté le vote Brexit mais pas assez pour expliquer la décision de quitter l’union européenne. Afin d’obtenir une variation exogène dans la répartition des immigrés polonais je me base sur le développement de réseaux de migrants proches des camps de réinstallation de guerre crées pour les soldats polonais après la deuxième guerre mondiale dont je collecte la localisation dans les archives nationales. Dans le deuxième chapitre j’utilise le démantèlement de camps de migrants illégaux proche de Calais et la répartition de migrants s’en suivant pour étudier l’impact d’une exposition à peu de migrants pendant une courte période de temps. Je trouve que l’exposition a peu de migrants réduit le vote Front National (le parti d’extrême droite français) mais que cet effet se dissipe si de grands groupes de migrants sont relocalisés. Dans ce cas, le contact ainsi que la taille relative du groupe jouent un rôle important dans la réaction des autochtones aux migrants. Dans le dernier chapitre j’analyse l’impact de la crise des réfugiés sur la demande et l’offre politique en Italie. Je montre que l’ouverture de petits centres d’accueil de migrants en Italie a réduit le vote d’extrême droite, les crimes de haine contre les immigrés ainsi qu’augmenté le vote en faveur des partis de gauche. Les effets proviennent principalement de municipalités qui sont moins connectes à internetThe first chapter analyses the impact of a relatively large and homogeneous shock of Polish immigrants in the UK and what impact said shock had on the Brexit vote in 2016. I finnd that Polish migration to the United Kingdom has increased voting for Brexit, but not enough to sway the vote for Leave. In order to achieve exogenous variation in the allocation of Polish immigrants I rely on the formation of migrant networks close to War Resettlement Camps created for Polish soldiers after WWII, which I collect from the National archives. In the second chapter I use the dismantlement of the illegal Migrants camp close to Calais and the subsequent redistribution of migrants to study the impact to the exposure to few migrants over a short amount of time. I find that the exposure to few migrants decreases the voting for the Front National, but that this effect dissipates if large migrant groups are resettled. In this case contact as well as relative group size play an important role in explaining native's reactions to migrants. In the last chapter I analyse the impact of the refugee crisis on the demand and supply of politics in Italy. I show that the opening of small reception centres for migrants in Italy have decreased voting for the extreme right, decreased hate crimes against immigrants as well as increased votes for left wing parties. The effects are mostly driven by municipalities, which are less connected to the internet. This shows the differential amplification effect digital media can have vis-a-vis traditional media. Furthermore, I find that mayors from extreme right wing parties close and are less likely to open reception centres than other politicians, rationally reacting to their decreased political support
28
Jernstedt, Edvin Tomas. "Clothes Trading and Issue Ownership, a Strategic Countermove : A case study about Hungary; Fidesz’s intrusion into the Far-right." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-30566.
Full textAbstract:
This research touches the basics of a clothes-trading process. The process occurs as an outsideparty is being politically absorbed by a mainstream party which aim is to oust the smaller party from the electoral arena. The outside-party would ensure survival by dismiss its policy dimension, thus moving towards an opposite strategic direction away from the incoming mainstream party. The toolkit is taking from the PSO-theory by Bonnie M. Meguid (2008) in order to describe the clothes-trading process by each step as a party strategy. It is a defeat fire with fire type of conflict, with the end not yet discovered, but assumed to be a total exchange between the parties’ issue ownership. So far it is too early to predict the outcome. Further studies have to be made on the future elections in order to elaborate the clothes-trading process more in detail. But the research has set the basics of how and why such a process would occur.
29
Dunzweiler, Krista J. "Saving America's gays and lesbians from hell : a fantasy theme criticism of the anti-gay rhetoric of the far-right." Scholarly Commons, 2000. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/536.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates the worldview of six rhetors of the far-right using the rhetorical method of fantasy theme analysis. The specific rhetors examined in this study are Peter J. Peters, Dan Gayman, Edward Fields, Fred Phelps, Jeny Falwell, and James Dobson. In order to understand the discourse of the six rhetors, five research questions were developed to guide the study: (1) What are the images portrayed of homosexuals and gay rights advocates in the fantasy themes of the rhetors examined in this study? (2) What are the images portrayed of Christians in the fantasy themes of the rhetors examined in this study? (3) How do the fantasy themes differ in extremity among the rhetors of the far-tight with regard to homosexuality and supporters of gay lights? (4) How do the fantasy themes of the rhetors work together to create a rhetolical vision for the far-light regarding homosexuality? (5) How do the collective fantasy themes of the far-right rhetors potentially influence actions against and aggression towards homosexuals? In order to answer these questions, a fantasy theme analysis was conducted on various artifacts of the six rhetors chosen for examination in this thesis. The analysis indicated that the fantasy themes of the rhetors work together to create a rhetorical vision in which a drama is played out. In this drama, homosexuals and supporters of gay rights are depicted as villains and fundamentalist Christians are characterized as heroes. Through the depictions of these characters and their actions the ultimate ideal of America as a country is provided. This ultimate ideal focuses on a setting where homosexuals do not exist and gay rights is not an issue. Through these fantasy themes the rhetors encourage America's patriots and fundamentalist Christians to remove homosexuals from society. In addition, the collective rhetorical vision of the six rhetors provides motives for aggressive actions against homosexuals, including acts of violence.
30
White, Owen Thomas. "How does the US utilize Islamophobia in Counterterrorism Policy." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/103321.
Full textAbstract:
How does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy?
Owen White
The 'War on Terror' has been the longest ongoing conflict that the US has been involved in and shows no sign of ending in the near future. The threat of terrorism is something that the US government has continually warned the populace about prior to the start of the 'war on terror.' The the fear that the US places on terrorism focuses on Islamic extremism in particular and can be considered to be unjust. This leads to the understanding that the US takes part in Islamophobia because of its continuation of an unjust fear towards Islam. Islamophobia is an idea that has primarily been associated with individuals instead of the state or media. This thesis utilizes the work of Khaled Beydoun to show how the US has kept the idea of Islamophobia away from the state's sphere of responsibility while also creating policy that takes part in Islamophobia. Beydoun provides this thesis with new definitions for Islamophobia that allow for new conclusions to be made when the state is considered. This is combined with an understanding of how the media covers events and protects the state from the ideas of Islamophobia. The understanding of violence, as shown by Asad, created within the state influences this thesis greatly because of its connection to how the state reacts to attacks. The state has historically targeted minority groups as an "other" that can be targeted with policy and seen as a threat to the populace. This has allowed far-right groups who target minority groups to grow without being targeted by the state, these groups are allowed to continue their violence because it aligns with the states goals. This thesis looks to combine these ideas with case studies of different attacks in order to show how the US utilizes Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy.Master of Arts
How does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy? Owen White The United States has been involved in the 'war on terror' since the attacks of September 11, 2001. This has led the US to creating policy that has been meant to protect the populace from another attack of this caliber from happening. The policies that have been created have focused on targeting the threat of Islamic extremist violence. This thesis looks to show how the US has unfairly targeted Muslim populations with the policy that it has created, while other threats have grown without being addressed. First, it will be shown how Islamophobia is not something that can only be committed by an individual, as commonly believed. This thesis will utilize new definitions of islamophobia to highlight how the state can take part in islamophobia and how Islamophobia is kept from being associated with the state. This will be combined with a discussion of three different cases, as well as a discussion of how the US creates policies. The US historically created policy based upon the enemy that it had identified at the time, the current case being Islamic extremism. This targeting has generally been focused on minority groups while larger far-right groups have gone about without being targeted. Far-right groups grew in this time period because the state did not label them as a threat and they carried out violence against the targets identified by the state. This thesis will show how the state has allowed far-right violence to grow within the state and allowed it to become a part of the violence within the state while targeting minority groups that have smaller followings and pose less of a direct threat. It will look to show how the state has enabled this growth while continually focusing policy in another direction. Combining these ideas with the cases that are studied allow this thesis to answer, "how does the US utilize Islamophobia in counterterrorism policy?"
31
Townsend, Rebecca Jane. "'Wir Sind die Juden von Heute!' : a linguistic study of lexis, metaphor and argumentation strategies in contemporary German far-right discourse." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423118.
Full text
32
Dimitrov, Mladen. "Securitizing Migration in the West - On the ways in which the refugee crisis has been socially constructed by Europe's far-right." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23445.
Full textAbstract:
The research focus of this study is to investigate the ways in which the so-called European refugee crisis has been socially constructed as number one urgent matter for the European community in the years between 2015-2017. Noting the unprecedented rise of the public support for far-right parties in the European polls, the goal of this study is to understand and conceptualize the ways in which the refugee crisis has been presented as an existential threat by the right-wing political leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany, three core European members, which held elections in 2017. This has been done by utilizing the theoretical framework, composed of the Copenhagen School, as well as the categorization framework which builds upon the results from previous literature on the topic of the securitization of migration. In addition, by utilizing critical discourse analysis this study probes the hypothesis that regardless of the magnitude of the crisis, the securitizing discourses are largely revolving around four overarching realms: the identity, criminological, political and economic realm. The findings infer that the securitizing discourses of the right-wing leaders in the Netherlands, France and Germany in relation to migration are identical and are revolving around the aforementioned domains, regardless of the countries’ political landscape.
33
von, Brömssen Kerstin. "2083 – A European Declaration of Independence - An Analysis of Discourses from the Extreme." Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27400.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses three of the dominating discourses Anders Behring Breivik used in his compendium, the official title of which is 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, also known as Breivik's Manifesto. It is believed Breivik posted his Manifesto on the Internet shortly before the attacks in Norway in July, 2011. The number 2083 stands for the year when the "Western European Civil War" was expected to be completed, all traitors executed, and all Muslims deported from Europe. This article will discuss dominating discourses in the Manifesto, seen from a background of a European multicultural backlash, in which the political far-right movement is increasing. Furthermore, this article will end with a discussion of education and the importance of analysis of such phenomena within different subjects.
34
Tipaldou, Sofia. "Russia’s nationalist-patriotic opposition: the shifting politics of right-wing contention in post-communist transition." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/308508.
Full textAbstract:
Mi tesis doctoral trata los factores que influyen la aparición de organizaciones de extrema derecha contemporáneos en
Rusia y subraya el papel clave de liderazgo en dichas organizaciones. Las preguntas de investigación son: ¿Hasta que
punto ha cambiado el movimiento de derecha radical ruso a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué factores son responsables de la
transformación interna (la aparición y la evolución) del movimiento de derecha radical en Rusia?
Las variables dependientes centrales de mi estudio son el surgimiento y el cambio de los modelos organizativos de la
derecha radical rusa y tienen que ver con el por qué, el cuándo y el cómo emergen nuevas estructuras movilizadoras y
como cambian su forma, sus estrategias, discursos, y modelos. El objeto de mi estudio es el movimiento nacionalpatriota
ruso, lo cual llamaré "oposición nacionalista-patriota" y definiré como: el amplio espectro de organizaciones
nacionalistas extra-parlamentarias (partidos, movimientos y milieus), así como sus aliados dentro de la Duma. Utilicé
una serie de métodos de recolección de datos que incluyen la observación participante, entrevistas semiestructuradas
(entrevistas a informantes claves), el uso de documentos generados por los movimientos bajo investigación, artículos de
prensa e investigación de archivos.
Mi estudio utiliza un enfoque interdisciplinario que combina diferentes disciplinas (ciencia política, sociología,
economía) y diferentes métodos, y su objetivo es forjar un puente entre la documentación existente de ciencia política y
de sociología sobre el fenómeno de la derecha radical. Queriendo entender el surgimiento y evolución de los
movimientos, mi tesis aborda el desafío analítico de identificar las circunstancias que incluyen procesos estructurales y
culturales y los combina con un enfoque basado en la actividad humana. Se basa en el esfuerzo continuo de fusionar las
teorías de nacionalismo y de los movimientos sociales con el fin de contribuir a la construcción de una teoría más sólida
sobre la protesta de los movimientos de la derecha radical.
Mi argumento es que las organizaciones rusas de derecha radical contemporáneas cambian su forma, la estrategia, el
discurso y el modelo a través de un proceso de adaptación basado en nuevas divisiones socioeconómicas (en la línea de
estado-nación/ confederación sin la dominancia de una nación, cívica ciudadanía basada en derechos cívicos/ en sangre,
y organizaciones políticas parlamentarias/ extra- parlamentarias), en la respuesta del gobierno hacia estas divisiones (en
particular a través de la política de migración), y en las oportunidades que el régimen u otros factores externos (por
ejemplo la tecnología) se abre o se cierra a ellos. Las oportunidades están determinadas por el contexto estructural que
incluye elementos culturales, sociales y políticos. La movilización y los resultados del movimiento nacionalista-patriota
pueden alimentar de nuevo en ambas estructuras de movimiento y estructuras de contexto. Durante este proceso, el
papel del liderazgo es crucial, para capitalizar las oportunidades existentes, para construir una atracción al mensaje
público de que es capaz de atraer el apoyo del público, y para transformar sus formas y estructuras organizativas de una
manera que les permita sobrevivir y lograr sus objetivos.
La realización de las entrevistas con líderes de los movimientos nacionalistas patriotas muestra que su actividad es
fundamental para la creación y supervivencia de los movimientos. Mi estudio elabora una serie de movimientos
conceptuales, incluyendo la introducción de una definición más amplia de la derecha radical que toma en cuenta las
complejas relaciones que existen dentro y entre las organizaciones que la componen y su interacción con las
organizaciones de oposición; la introducción del término estructuras de oportunidades tecnológicas; y la evolución del
partido La Otra Rusia (anterior Partido Nacional-Bolchevique) del frente nacional-patriota.
La investigación presente contribuye a la obtención de una visión más clara de los patrones y la dinámica de la derecha
radical en contextos de transición, especialmente en los no-democráticos. El caso de estudio de Rusia se integra en el
debate de las ciencias sociales enfocado en la aparición y el desarrollo de los movimientos de extrema derecha y
pretende aportar herramientas para entender mejor casos similares que atraviesan un cambio sistémico rápido. Cuenta
con implicaciones más amplias sobre el papel de las organizaciones nacionalistas en la transición democrática; el
entendimiento de los movimientos similares en otros entornos de transición, como en Ucrania, o en contextos
occidentales con características similares, por ejemplo los entornos de crisis económica del sur de Europa; y la mejor
comprensión de presiones en la política interna que puedan afectar la toma de decisiones gubernamentales en una serie
de cuestiones, como podría ser en la política exterior.My PhD dissertation deals with the factors that influence the emergence of contemporary far right organizations in Russia and underlines the key role of leadership in those organizations. The research questions addressed in my research are: To what extent does the Russian radical right movement vary over time? What accounts for the internal transformation (the emergence and further evolution) of radical right organizations in Russia? The central outcome variable of my study are the emergence and organizational change of the Russian radical right movement that has to do with the why,when, and how mobilizing structures arise and how they change their form, strategy, discourse, and model. The population of my study is the broader radical right movement in Russia, which I will call “nationalist-patriotic opposition” and define as: the wide spectrum of extraparliamentarian nationalist organizations (parties, movements, and milieus), as well as their allies within the Duma. I used a number of data-gathering methods that include participant observation, semi-structured interviewing (key informant interviews), the use of indigenously generated documents by social movement organizations, newspaper articles, and archival research. My study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines different disciplines (political science, sociology, and area studies) and different methods based on extensive fieldwork (key-informant semi-structured interviewing, participant observation, and archival research) and aims to forge a bridge between political science and sociology literature on this topic. It addresses the analytical challenge of identifying circumstances that include both structural and cultural processes and combine them with an agent-based approach in order to understand movement emergence and development. It is based on the ongoing effort of merging nationalism and social movement theories in order to contribute to the construction of a more solid theory of radical right protest. My argument is that Russia's contemporary radical right organizations have changed their form, strategy, discourse, and model through an adaptation process under the influence of new socioeconomic cleavages (along the lines of nation-state/ nationless confederacy, civic/ blood citizenship, and parliamentarian/ extraparliamentarian political organizations), the government's response towards these cleavages (particularly through migration policy), and opportunities the regime or other external factors (e.g. technology) opens or closes to them. Opportunities are shaped by the structural context which includes cultural, social, and political elements. The mobilization and outcomes of the nationalist-patriotic movement may feed back into both movement structures and context structures. During this process, the role of leadership is crucial, for capitalizing on the existing opportunities, for constructing a message attractive to the public, and for transforming their organizational forms and structures in a way that will enable them to survive and to accomplish their goals. Evidence from interviews with leaders of nationalist-patriotic movements shows that their agency is fundamental for the movements' creation and survival. My study makes a series of conceptual contributions, including the introduction of a broader definition of the radical right that accounts for the complex relations that exist within and among the organizations that comprise it and their interaction with opposing organizations; the introduction of the term “technological opportunity structures”; and the disentanglement of the existent form of the National- Bolshevik Party- The Other Russia- from the nationalist-patriotic front. The present research contributes to obtaining more insight into the patterns and dynamics of right-wing radicalism in transitional settings, especially non-democratic ones. The case study of Russia seeks to contribute to the debate in social science on the emergence and development of radical right wing movements about a broader category of similar cases that undergo rapid systemic change. It has further implications for our understanding of the role of nationalist organizations in democratic transition; on the understanding of similar movements in other transitional settings, e.g.. Ukraine, or in Western non-transitional settings with similar characteristics, e.g. Southern European economic crisis environments; and for the better understanding of pressures in domestic policy that may impact governmental decision-making in a series of issues, e.g. foreign policy.
35
Gallagher, Dean. "Ideological Misinformation: How News Corp Australia amplifies the discourses of the reactionary right." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21412.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyses the interactions between Australian mainstream media and social media political influencers and how these interactions amplify ideological misinformation. Social media, particularly YouTube, is increasingly a primary source of news and information for people, principally in the younger 18 – 35-year demographic. Yet while social media has opened up horizontal networks of mass self-communication that allow anyone with an internet to communicate on a mass scale, it has also precipitated a significant rise in the dissemination of reactionary right and extremist messages. The analysis is embedded in Manuel Castells network society theory and utilising Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis framework and José van Dijck’s combination of the Network Society theory with Actor Network Theory. By analysing the discourses employed by News Corp around notions of “identity politics” “western civilisation” and “the left”, this paper argues that the discourses of News Corp Australia are largely the same as the Alternative Influence Network (AIN) on YouTube – a loosely connected group of reactionary right-wing influencers. It further analyses the way News Corp reports on these influencers, concluding that the intertwining discursive patterns of both News Corp and the AIN have the effect of discriminating against a range of minority groups due to its centring of white, western identity as default. News Corp produces and amplifies ideological misinformation through both power and counterpower communication networks. This is concerning considering News Corp’s prominence and influence in the Australian media landscape. Finally, it argues that the ideological misinformation amplified by News Corp Australia is contributing to a new ideological paradigm that combines populist nationalism with neoliberalism.
36
Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.
Full textAbstract:
British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
37
Rymell, John. "Militants and militancy in the Croix de Feu and Parti Social Francais : patterns of political experience on the French Far Right (1933-1939)." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.255833.
Full text
38
Triantafillou, George. "Golden Dawn and Front National: A Comparison of Ideological Discourse." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34868.
Full textAbstract:
The literature has lacked a comparative analysis into Greece's Far Right party, Golden Dawn's, (GD) ideological discourse. The Far Right party is the most extreme in the Greek Parliament, promoting an ultra-nationalist agenda and being accused of operating as a terrorist organisation by the state. Looking at characteristics such as nationalism, euroscepticism and authoritarianism, this thesis compares GD to the prototypical radical right party, Front National (FN), and predicts that they will be more radical in every aspect of their discourse. In addition, it seeks to fit them within a party classification.
39
Lindén, Linnéa. "The Rise of the Far-Right Movement in Sweden : an Analysis of the Political Effects of an Increase in the Shre of Asylum Seekers." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-450387.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates how a change in the municipal asylum seeker share affects voting for the Sweden Democrats (SD), a far-right anti-immigration party, in both national Parliament and Municipal Council elections in Sweden. To circumvent the endogeneity problem, I use an instrumental variables strategy where the share of available apartments in Allmännyttan is used as an instrument for the municipal share of asylum seekers living in Migration Agency provided accommodation (ABO). I have exploited municipal level panel data on municipality characteristics, allocations of asylum seekers and national elections. I am not able to find support for any effect of a change in the municipal share of asylum seekers on voting for the Sweden Democrats. Consequently, I cannot provide any support for either the group position theory or the contact hypothesis.
40
Saleemi, Asmara. "Electoral System Effects On Anti-muslim Sentiments In Western Europe." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2011. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc103386/.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to answer the question, why is there a variation in anti-Muslim sentiments across Western Europe? There is existing literature on individual and country-level variable s to explain why prejudice exists, but this research examines the impact of political institutions on anti-Muslim sentiments. Based on new institutionalism theory, electoral systems can shape public attitudes by providing far-right parties a platform to put their concerns on the agenda, and these parties promote anti-Muslim popular sentiments. The results of this analysis support this argument in that the larger the average district magnitude in a country, the greater the anti-Muslim sentiments. The findings also show that an increase in far-right party vote-share also covaries with an increase in anti-Muslim sentiments.
41
Enqvist, Charlotta. "The Sweden Democrats and the issue of climate change -A study on the definition and legitimization of social realities in a globalized world with a specific focus on power relations." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-94149.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to investigate the constructed vision of social reality that the Sweden Democrats define and thus defend and legitimizes through their climate and environmental policy. With a focus on the power relations that are constitutive of the Sweden Democrats' definition of social reality, the intention is to clarify the Sweden Democrats' position on the issue of climate change and to make visible what underlies their actions concerning the ratification of the Paris Agreement. To achieve the purpose, critical discourse analysis is used as a method where political documents concerning the Sweden Democrats' climate, environment, and energy policy during the period 2018-2021 constitute the empirical material. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' definition of climate change is both ambiguous and ambivalent, where Sweden's self-image and Swedish interests are prioritized over climate measures. The result also shows that the Sweden Democrats' definition of climate change is constituted by underlying power relations to preserve the power of the nation-state and the subordinate position of developing countries. One conclusion that can be drawn is to reduce the Sweden Democrats to just being climate change deniers is to simplify because their attitude to climate change is characterized by ambivalence and self-interest rather than skepticism and denial. Another conclusion is that the Sweden Democrats' attitude to climate change is more about defending and preserving existing power relations and less about questioning the existence of climate change. A third conclusion that can be drawn is that the Sweden Democrats' action regarding the Paris Agreement is more about opposing a social change that entails increased equality and about legitimizing the nation state's continued relevance in a globalized world, and less about opposing the content and implementation of the Paris Agreement.
42
Hailou, Chanel. "Bachelor Thesis." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22881.
Full textAbstract:
With the increase and popularity of the use of internet, hate speech has reached wider dimensions in societies. This thesis will provide empirical examples to show the relation between speech and actions. This paper will use speech-act theory and social movement theory to portray the relation between hate speech on social media and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremist. Even though, there has been a lot of work for counter terrorism, domestic terrorism is still overlooked. Empirical sources say that domestic terrorism poses a threat as much as international terrorism. This thesis will bring light over the connections of hate speech and domestic terrorism inspired by far right extremists. It will conclude that there is an evident relation that hate speech on social media is contributing to domestic terrorism actions encouraged by far right extremism.
43
Danielson, John Taylor. "Migration, Nationalism, and the Welfare State." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613316.
Full textAbstract:
Immigration and its impact on aggregate welfare state preferences and welfare state reform has been the subject of numerous academic and political debates. Despite prolonged attention to these issues, however, empirical research has yielded mixed results concerning what effect, if any, immigration has the structure and generosity of the welfare state. This issue is further exacerbated by the absence of concerted conceptual cross-germination between the various theoretical literatures that examine immigration's effect on various social, economic, and political outcomes, making it difficult to identify the mechanisms through which immigration may shape the welfare state. To address these issues, I draw on social psychological research, theories of the welfare state, research on radical right-wing parties, and case studies from the United States to argue that changes in both the volume and characteristics of immigrants entering Western Europe might: 1) undermine the cross-class alliances necessary for maintaining the welfare state, 2) reduce public support for welfare programs, and 3) provide politicians on the far-right with a symbolic resource that can be used to justify cutting/restructuring welfare state programs believed to benefit immigrants. Empirical examinations of these arguments using a wide range of data sources indicate that immigration may be directly and indirectly related to welfare state spending. With regard to the former, the data indicate that the influx of migrants from less-developed countries into social and Christian democratic countries has contributed to rising program demand and corresponding increases in expenditures on more reactive welfare state programs (i.e., unemployment benefits). With regard to the indirect impact of immigration on the welfare state, analyses of voting and public opinion data demonstrate that changes in immigration have contributed to the electoral success of predominantly neoliberal, far-right, nationalist parties and contributed to rising levels of anti-immigrant sentiment over time. These factors, in turn, resulted in: 1) declines in popular support for those social and Christian democratic parties that are dedicated to the maintenance and/or expansion of the welfare state, and 2) reductions in average levels of support for welfare state programs designed to address issues of unemployment, making the welfare state more vulnerable to future retrenchment.
44
Engholm, Hugo. "The lack of looks : A study on the Incel ideology of Incelism during the 2010s–2020s and its relation to historical and contemporary ideologies particularly within far-right milieus." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444624.
Full textAbstract:
The Incel milieu is known for its high level of misogyny, self-hate, and hate towards society. In recent years, it has received more and more scholarly attention and one topic which is often mentioned but rarely deeply discussed is if there is such a thing as an Incel ideology. This thesis argues that such an ideology exists, the ideology of Incelism, and this thesis strives to answer the question of how Incelism is constructed, and what relationships it has to other ideologies, particularly far-right ones. To answer this question the thesis has through a qualitative content analysis employed Michael Freeden’s morphology of ideologies which states that an ideology is constructed similar to a semantic field. Freeden’s approach, together with the theoretical frameworks of Eva Illouz’s research on how love and relationships have changed since the dawn of modernity, and the field of collective victimhood, has been used to analyze discussion threads pulled from the website www.Incels.co, the at the time largest Incel-exclusive online community. The results show that the ideology of Incelism contains five core concepts labeled “Hierarchy”, “Misogyny”, “The natural”, “Alienation”, and “Direct action”, eleven adjacent concepts could also be found as well as one peripheral. What was also found was that Incelism constitutes a thin ideology, meaning that it lacks certain aspects which needs to be borrowed from other ideologies, or that it needs to be hosted within a larger ideological construct. Through comparing Incelism to other ideologies it was found that it views macro-Liberalism, -Socialism and -Conservatism as ideological foes. It is instead within the milieus of the far-right Incelism finds ideological allies, potential host ideologies, and from where it has borrowed the concepts itself lacks. The results of this thesis show that Incelism is an ideology that is vast enough to support its own ideological field of core, adjacent and peripheral concepts, but that it still lacks certain concepts. An issue which is resolved by finding support from ideologies found within far-right milieus.
45
Jones, Ashleigh. "Plus ça change, plus c’est la même chose: France’s Front National from 1984 to 2017." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1165.
Full textAbstract:
This paper analyzes the evolution of the Front national (FN), a French political party on the far right, from its initial breakthrough victory in 1984 all the way through to its unprecedented showing in France’s 2017 presidential election. The most obvious change it explores is that of leadership, seeking to determine in what ways the ‘original’ FN controlled by its founder Jean-Marie Le Pen (1972-2011) differs from the party’s ‘new’ incarnation under his daughter Marine Le Pen (2011-present). It begins by examining the makeup and motivations of the party’s electorate in the 1984 elections to the European Parliament, and by identifying the FN’s ideological predecessors more broadly. With a focus on the turning-point presidential elections of 2002, 2007, and 2012, the paper then follows the development of the party’s rhetoric, strategy, and supporters since the 1980s, as well as how it is perceived by the wider public. Throughout, attention is paid to unique factors that have impacted the FN’s trajectory, such as the gender difference between Jean-Marie and Marine, former President Nicolas Sarkozy’s courting of right-wing voters, and the influence of terrorism. It concludes by noting the hidden ‘victories’ that the FN has achieved, and with a warning never to underestimate the party, even when it seems to have suffered a loss.
46
Whitehead, James Graeme Miles. "How does othering in Abu Bakr Naji’s The Management of Savagery and Anders Breivik’s 2083 reveal what the two authors perceive as the main external threats to their own groups?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418930.
Full textAbstract:
Othering is central in the rhetoric of both Abu Bakr Naji and Anders Breivik throughout their works. Both authors use it as a device to drive a psychological wedge between the groups of ‘us’ and ‘them’. In the case of Naji, the in group is made up of violence oriented takfiris such as Al Qaeda, but Breivik hoped to appeal to other violence oriented far right groups and individuals, disillusioned with what he perceived to be a slow erosion of ‘traditional’ European life by the far left, feminism and other forces. My research question will revolve around how a use of othering by the authors can reveal what they regard as the major threat to their groups. Superficially, there seem to be many similarities in how each author uses othering to alienate and dehumanise different groups. However, closer inspection reveals entirely different priorities and different methods of othering in play. By examining how othering is used throughout the works, it is possible to see which outside groups are perceived to present the biggest threat to the inside groups and the results are perhaps surprising. Given that The Management of Savagery has been seen as the ISIS strategic manual and the key message throughout the work is try and bring the USA and her allies into a catastrophic war of attrition from which the violence oriented takfiris would rise, I had assumed that the USA, or the ‘Far’ enemy would take the brunt of Naji’s othering drive. Instead, the Shia and all Muslims who are unaligned with Al Qaeda, plus those Muslims closely aligned with the West or Western ideals are the key target for Naji. Likewise, I had expected most of the vitriol from Breivik’s right wing ‘manifesto’ to be directed at Muslim immigrants to Europe. However, his key concern, as evidenced by the othering used throughout his work, is in fact with what he terms ‘cultural Marxists’ – left leaning groups and political parties, which he sees as weakening Europe and allowing outsiders to take over.
47
Mwale, Brenda. "The balancing of competing rights : the right to disclosure at the International Criminal Court." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5189.
Full text
48
Al-Subaie, Salman Muhammed. "The right to a fair trial under Saudi Law of Criminal Procedure : a human rights critique." Thesis, Brunel University, 2013. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7763.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the compatibility of the Law of Criminal Procedure of 2001 in Saudi Arabia with the international human rights standards, and provides recommendations for criminal procedure reforms. The recent developments in the Saudi Arabian criminal justice system make it important to examine the right to a fair trial within the legal system of Saudi Arabia. This study starts by examining the international human rights standards related to the right to a fair trial and the right to a fair trial under the Saudi Arabian legal system. The study then examines the extent to which Shariah law recognizes the international human rights standards related to the right to a fair trial. This will involve the sources of Shariah and the school of thought in the Islamic jurisprudence as well as the crimes and punishments in Islamic law. The main argument is highlighted in Chapters Four and Five of this research, the former of which study the pre-trial process in the Saudi Law of Criminal Procedure in the light of international human rights standards, and the latter has evaluated the right to a fair trial under Saudi Arabia legal system. Various cases are examined in these two chapters, and the sources of those cases vary in terms of the level; for instance, some of them were provided by the General Court in Riyadh; others were provided by the Supreme Judicial Council; and others were obtained from the Modawanat-Al-Ahkam, which is the publication of the Ministry of Justice containing a variety of cases. Cases in the international domain were brought mainly from the Working Group of Arbitrary Detention in the HRC. The study provides suggestions necessary for the Law of Criminal Procedure in relation to specific articles.
49
Govender, Mahalingum. "Balancing the educator's rights to fair labour practices and to strike with the right to education." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1565.
Full textAbstract:
This treatise investigates the potential for law (including courts and tribunals) to intervene and act as a lever for the protection and advancement of the rights of the child including the right to basic education. The dissertation critically explores the debate on the educator‟s right to strike and fair labour practices and the child‟s right to education, by assessing the rights and liberties, which accrue to educators and the child (learners) in terms of existing law. The South African Constitution has made specific provision for the protection of the rights of children and the rights of educators and these rights are fundamental to the development of a society in transition. The vexed question that arises is whether these rights can co-exist in a society that has inherited a legacy of discrimination and inequality. The consequences of this legacy have resulted in the rights of educators competing with those of learners. The normalisation of the balance of these opposite rights is the challenge that lies ahead and this process will require intervention of all stakeholders rather than purely legislative intervention. This dissertation recommends a consensus-based approach, which is the most appropriate solution to balance the rights of educators with this of the child‟s right to education, as opposed to a declaration of the education sector as an essential service. It further proposes the establishment of a more structured and organised forum / institution and its sole purpose would be to deal with the individual or collective rights of educators that compete with the rights of learners.
50
Asperholm, Hedlund Laura. "Identifying and Understanding Anti-Immigration Disinformation : a case study of the 2018 Swedish national elections." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8595.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this study is to understand to what extent and how anti-immigration disinformation was utilised in Swedish online news media before the 2018 Swedish national elections. Disinformation is intentionally misleading or false information that benefits the creator and aims to influence how people think, feel and act regarding a certain issue. The analytical framework used in this study was based on theory and previous research. Disinformation can adopt different strategies: constructive, disruptive or distractive. Research also suggests that disinformation can be categorized into different types: fabrication, manipulation, misappropriation, propaganda, satire and parody. This study analyzed 123 articles from different online news media from ten days before the election up until election day. Using qualitative content analysis this study showed that 20 percent of the articles contained anti-immigration disinformation. All of those articles were found in far-right online news media where almost 50 percent of the published articles during the examined time period contained disinformation. All different types were found, but misappropriation, fabrication and propaganda were most common. About half of the articles containing disinformation used a constructive strategy and about one third used a disruptive strategy. A bit more than one third of the articles had a combination of two or more types and strategies. The results indicate that disinformation can indeed constitute a problem, especially for those who seek information on far-right platforms. This study unveils a polarized debate on immigration with a lion's share of the disinformation coming from far-right online news media, while the mainstream media only publish very few critical articles on immigration. As research shows that a negative framing of immigration can affect attitudes, and by extension voting behaviour, further research to examine the effects of anti-immigration disinformation on voter behaviour and election results is needed. Especially in light of a diminished trust in democratic institutions, a growing demand for populism and increasing support for anti-immigration parties.