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Journal articles on the topic 'The Fourth Wave of Democracy and Dictatorship'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

McFaul, Michael. "The Fourth Wave of DemocracyandDictatorship: Noncooperative Transitions in the Postcommunist World." World Politics 54, no. 2 (2002): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2002.0004.

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The transition from communism in Europe and the former Soviet Union has only sometimes produced a transition to democracy. Since the crumbling of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the twenty-eight new states have abandoned communism, but only nine of these have entered the ranks of liberal democracies. The remaining majority of new postcommunist states are various shades of dictatorships or unconsolidated “transitional regimes.” This article seeks to explain why some states abandoned communism for democracy while others turned to authoritarian rule.
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2

Olimat, Muhamad S. "The Fourth Wave of Democratization." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 25, no. 2 (2008): 16–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v25i2.399.

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The tragic events of 9/11 provided the impetus for a fourth wave of democratization in the Arab world. This new phase contains a democratic opportunity that is gathering momentum and, if managed well, will materialize into a genuine transition to democracy across the region. Under this wave, democratization is a matter of security, necessity, and moral imperative. The long-term western policy of “order” at the expense of “change” has proven detrimental to world peace. In this wave, Islamists seem to be leading the way in landslide electoral victories. Dealing with them is unavoidable if democr
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3

Olimat, Muhamad S. "The Fourth Wave of Democratization." American Journal of Islam and Society 25, no. 2 (2008): 16–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v25i2.399.

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The tragic events of 9/11 provided the impetus for a fourth wave of democratization in the Arab world. This new phase contains a democratic opportunity that is gathering momentum and, if managed well, will materialize into a genuine transition to democracy across the region. Under this wave, democratization is a matter of security, necessity, and moral imperative. The long-term western policy of “order” at the expense of “change” has proven detrimental to world peace. In this wave, Islamists seem to be leading the way in landslide electoral victories. Dealing with them is unavoidable if democr
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4

Albertus, Michael. "Landowners and Democracy." World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000277.

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Are large landowners, especially those engaged in labor-dependent agriculture, detrimental to democratization and the subsequent survival of democracy? This assumption is at the heart of both canonical and recent influential work on regime transition and durability. Using an original panel data set on the extent of labor-dependent agriculture in countries across the world since 1930, the author finds that labor-dependent agriculture was indeed historically bad for democratic stability and stunted the extension of suffrage, parliamentary independence, and free and fair elections. However, the n
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5

Humagain, Sanjeev, Girdhari Subedi, and Tikaram Aryal. "The Perils of Parliamentarism: Chasing the Flows of the Third Wave of Democratization in Asia." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (2020): 120–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27533.

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What is the present state of democracy among the Asian countries that were (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization? What makes the differences? Why some specific factors play prominent role on the deepening of democracy among them? These are the primary questions of this study. The findings from ten young Asian democracies are as follows. First, all the Asian countries that (re)democratized during the third wave of democratization are practicing democratic system at present. Six of them experienced the breakdowns, while four remain as a continuous democracy. Second, out of el
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6

Heilbrunn, John R. "Social Origins of National Conferences in Benin and Togo." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 2 (1993): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011939.

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Political life in Africa was described 25 years ago as ‘an almost institutionless arena with conflict and disorder as its most prominent features’. However, the wave of national conferences in Africa in the current decade would have been inconceivable without the various institutions and beliefs that have persisted despite the prevalence of dictatorship. These ‘fragments of democracy’ have been manifest in trade union movements, voluntary associations, and the nascent political parties that have organised popular protests against authoritarian régimes during the past few years.
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7

Kornai, János. "The system paradigm revisited." Acta Oeconomica 66, no. 4 (2016): 547–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2016.66.4.1.

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The term paradigm was introduced to the philosophy of science by Thomas Kuhn — he used this term to denote the specific approach applied by a school of reasearch to examine its subject matter. Researchers using the same paradigm seek answers to similar questions, and employ similar methods and concepts. In an article published in 2000, the author of this essay introduced the term system paradigm, which focuses on the systems functioning in a society. This study develops the theoretical considerations outlined in that earlier article on the basis of experience on post-socialist transition. The
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8

Obijiofor, Levi, Richard Murray, and Shailendra B. Singh. "Changes in journalism in two post-authoritarian non-Western countries." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (2016): 379–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682147.

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There have been significant changes in journalistic practices in various countries over the years. Yet little is known about the nature of changes in journalism in transitional developing countries following military rule. Drawing on email surveys of journalists in Nigeria and Fiji, two countries with recent histories of military dictatorship that are rarely examined in the research literature, this comparative study investigates journalistic practices in the two countries. Results show that in Nigeria, the transition from military rule to democratic system of government in May 1999 and the en
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9

Hashemi, Nader. "The Arab Spring Two Years On: Reflections on Dignity, Democracy, and Devotion." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 2 (2013): 207–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679413000099.

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The Arab Spring of 2011 is widely viewed today as one of the great historical moments of political transformation. Comparisons have been made to the European revolutions of 1848 and the post–cold war democratic transitions in Eastern Europe, while some have spoken of a possible “fourth wave” of democratization. These analogies make sense given that longstanding dictators who seemed impervious to political change, in a region known for persistent authoritarianism, were suddenly toppled by largely nonviolent protesters invoking the universal themes of political freedom, dignity, and social justi
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10

Basile, Teresa. "Testimonios y militancias de mujeres en Argentina: Revolución, Derechos Humanos y Feminismo." Catedral Tomada. Revista de crítica literaria latinoamericana 9, no. 16 (2021): 62–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/ct/2021.511.

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In this article,will examine a specific moment in the trajectories of both women's testimony and militancy, which have traced very powerful and certainly varied paths in recent decades in Argentina and Latin America, beginning at the beginning of democracy, after the Argentine dictatorship (1976-1983), with women's testimonies on the sexual crimes suffered in clandestine detention centers (CCD). They are part of a second wave within the literary and cultural tradition of Latin American testimony. In a first movement, the testimony of revolutionary matrix, which includes ethnographic, guerrilla
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11

Miller, Alyssa. "“I Do Not Forgive!”." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (2021): 205–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127089.

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Abstract Reconciliation is a central goal of transitional justice. Yet, its importance for democratization can give reconciliation a coercive edge, pressuring victims to abandon legitimate grievances for the good of the nation to come. This article considers struggles over popular sovereignty in Tunisia's democratic transition, by examining the anticorruption campaign Manish Msamah (“I do not forgive”). Manish Msamah was formed in 2015 to defeat the Project Law on Economic and Financial Reconciliation, legislation that proposed amnesty for crony capitalists who profited from the Ben Ali dictat
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12

Boukala, Salomi. "Waiting for democracy: Political crisis and the discursive (re)invention of the ‘national enemy’ in times of ‘Grecovery’." Discourse & Society 25, no. 4 (2014): 483–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926514536961.

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This article seeks to identify the polarising rhetoric adopted by Greek mainstream political parties during the era of ‘Grecovery’. The article focuses on the war of words between New Democracy, the leading party of the coalition government, and Syriza, the main opposition party on the occasion of the fourth anniversary of the murder of a 15-year-old schoolboy, Alexandros Grigoropoulos, by a police officer and the subsequent riots of December 2008 and the authorities’ closure of the Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation (ERT). It draws on the political statements of two political parties – New Dem
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13

Kwak, Tae Yang. "The Nixon Doctrine and the Yusin Reforms: American Foreign Policy, the Vietnam War, and the Rise of Authoritarianism in Korea, 1968–1973." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 1-2 (2003): 33–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645315.

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AbstractPark Chung Hee presided over the Republic of Korea (ROK) longer than any other leader (1961–1979) and he remains the individual most responsible for defining the country's formative features. Having witnessed the worst excesses of Park's later years, many of the early scholars of Korean politics have characterized the whole of Park's long rule as a monolithic dictatorship. One of these pioneering scholars, Sungjoo Han, locates the moment of “the failure of Korean democracy” in 16 May 1961, the very day that Park and his co-conspirators seized control from Prime Minister Chang Myn throu
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14

Tolstov, Sergii. "Practice and experience of the national reconciliation in Spain." European Historical Studies, no. 5 (2016): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2016.05.124-143.

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The contemporary political theory envisages the Spanish transition from authoritarianism to a modern multiparty political system as an important landmark and one of the most successful examples of the ‘third wave’ of the process of global democratization. Commenced in Southern Europe, the transition towards the democratic rule has affected Latin America, South Africa and a number of Asian countries and then went further to the majority of Central and Eastern European states. The political reforms and regime change became possible due to the ‘national reconciliation’, a series of compromises ne
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15

Gaido, Daniel. "Paul Levi and the Origins of the United-Front Policy in the Communist International." Historical Materialism 25, no. 1 (2017): 131–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341515.

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During its first four congresses, held annually under Lenin (1919–22), the Communist International went through two distinct phases: while the first two congresses focused on programmatic and organisational aspects of the break with Social-Democratic parties (such as the ‘Theses on Bourgeois Democracy and the Dictatorship of the Proletariat’, adopted by the first congress, and the 21 ‘Conditions of Admission to the Communist International’, adopted by the second), the third congress, meeting after the putsch known as the ‘March Action’ of 1921 in Germany, adopted the slogan ‘To the masses!’, w
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16

Novas-Ferradás, María, María Carreiro-Otero, and Cándido López-González. "Galician Female Architects—A Critical Approach to Inequality in the Architectural Profession (1931–1986)." Arts 9, no. 1 (2020): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010033.

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The remoteness of Galicia, a cultural and linguistic bridge between Portugal and Spain, did not prevent it from playing a significant role in the history of female architects in the Iberian Peninsula. Nine Galician pioneers have carved the path since the first generation of Spanish female architects outlined the precedents during the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939). They were also present in an initial period, even if housewifization theories were intensively fueled by the dictatorship (1939–1975); likewise during the continuity period in the transition to democracy (1975–1982), and the se
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17

HOLLIDAY, IAN. "Japan and the Myanmar Stalemate: Regional Power and Resolution of a Regional Problem." Japanese Journal of Political Science 6, no. 3 (2005): 393–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905001969.

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For years Myanmar has been caught in a political stalemate generated both by deadlock between the military government and the democratic opposition, and by polar differences between China and the United States. In searching for ways forward, analysts might therefore want to look beyond these dominant actors. This article considers the contribution that a regional power, Japan, could make to political change. It examines first political stalemate in Myanmar, second Japan as a regional power, third Japanese engagement with Myanmar, fourth Japan and resolution of the Myanmar problem, and fifth fu
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18

Idris, Idris Mahmoud, Elfatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam, and Abdulhamid Mohamed Ali Zaroum. "The Role of Political Institutions in Africa In Building Democratic Governments." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): 436–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.3.21r.

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The “third wave” of democratization, which saw the fall of old authoritarian regimes across Africa, as well as the introduction of multiparty elections and other significant new changes, has faded. Today, we are witnessing a reversal of democratic gains in favour of dictatorship, resulting in political instability and severe outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kenya, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and elsewhere. This article seeks explanation for the failures of the democratization process in Africa, focusing on the challenging role of political institutions in determining the nature of
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19

Lindberg, Staffan I., and Minion K. C. Morrison. "Exploring voter alignments in Africa: core and swing voters in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (2005): 565–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001229.

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This article describes and analyses voter alignments in the new democracy of Ghana in two recent elections, 1996 and 2000. These elections are a part of the Fourth Republic that began with a ‘founding’ election in 1992, ushering Ghana into Africa's new wave of democratisation. First the size of the core voting population is established to be about 82% of the voting population, refuting the assumption that voting volatility in new and transitional democracies is always extremely high. A second conclusion is that core and swing voters cannot be distinguished by structural factors, whereas thirdl
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20

CLEMENT, JESSICA. "Electoral rule choice in transitional economies." Journal of Institutional Economics 12, no. 4 (2016): 895–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000138.

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AbstractThe Arab Spring and subsequent global unrest sparked a debate about whether a fourth wave of democracy emerged in the global political arena starting in 2010. A key issue arises from these emerging democracies, or ‘countries in transition’, about what types of government institutions will be adopted by the new democracies. The previous literature on advanced democracies shows the economic structure of a nation impacted its choice of electoral rule system. This paper looks at what determines electoral rule choice in transitional nations. Using a panel database with 65 transitional count
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21

Anwar, Sofia, and Aisha Asif. "Socioeconomic and Demographic Factors Affecting Individual's Life Satisfaction in Selected SAARC Countries: A Micro Data Analysis." Review of Economics and Development Studies 2, no. 1 (2016): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v2i1.124.

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Life satisfaction is increasingly recognized as a significant dimension of wellbeing. Thus the main b of the objective study will be to explore the association among income, family composition, health, and religion over life satisfaction. In this effort, correlates of the life satisfaction for the SAARC countries Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh analyzed. Micro data from the World Values Survey (WVS) fourth wave (1999 to 2004) for Pakistan, India and Bangladesh was utilized comprising a wide range of information on political, social and cultural values of countries. The multinomial logistic reg
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22

Hendrawan, Arie, Bambang Tri Atmojo, and Wahyu Rizki Pratama. "Demokrasi Brazil: Bagaimana Brazil Melewati Fase Transisi dan Konsolidasi Demokrasi?" Insignia: Journal of International Relations 7, no. 2 (2020): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2020.7.2.2584.

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Abstrak 
 Pada tahun 2014, skor indeks demokrasi Brazil sempat menyentuh angka 7.38, tetapi kemudian terus jatuh seiring dengan krisis politik yang mendera negara terbesar di Amerika Latin tersebut. Meskipun demikian, dari segi politik dan ekonomi, Brazil masih relatif lebih mapan dibandingkan dengan negara-negara Amerika Latin lain yang dibuktikan dengan keikutsertaannya dalam grup ekonomi utama (G-20). Hal itu membuat penulis tertarik untuk menganalisis, bagaimana Brazil mampu melewati fase transisi dan membangun konsolidasi demokrasi. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif ek
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23

Brocker, Manfred, and Mirjam Künkler. "Religious parties." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (2013): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068812473673.

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The saliency of religious parties in recent democratic consolidation processes forces the discipline to reconsider key questions on party change: Under what conditions do (radical) religious parties moderate? Is their mere inclusion in the democratic process enough to result in their moderation? If so, exactly what mechanisms are at work here? What roles are played by intervening variables such as coalition politics and electoral systems? And if this is not the case, what other variables may explain the movements of religious parties along the axis between moderation and radicalization? Does r
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24

BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV та Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development?" Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, № 8 (2020): 7–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.08.007.

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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession,
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BILORUS, Oleh, Volodymyr VLASOV, Sergіi GASANOV та Igor KHANIN. "The end of the globalization erа, deglobalization, “new” globalization, or transition to noospheric co-development? (part 2)". Fìnansi Ukraïni 2020, № 10 (2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33763/finukr2020.10.007.

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The article highlights the controversial issues of the state, contradictions and trends of modern globalization in the face of new challenges and threats associated with political, immigration, pandemic, climate, economic and trade shocks – Britain’s exit from the EU, the implementation of the US President’s policy “America Above All”, the beginning of trade de-globalization as a result of the revision of free trade agreements (FTAs) and the trade “war” between the United States and China, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic and climate change on deepening the global economic recession,
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26

Egbue, Ngozi G., Ignatius Uche Nwankwo, and Samuel O. Okpan. "Democracy, Development and Livelihoods in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 14, no. 1 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/6102/14(0150).

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Nigeria is the fourth largest democracy in the world with a population of over 180 million, as well as the sixth largest supplier of oil and therefore possesses enormous economic and development potentials. However, the majority of Nigerians remain extremely poor due largely to bad governance. The expectation was that return to democratic rule in Nigeria after several years of military dictatorship would accelerate development. On the contrary, Nigeria still lags behind in development indices such as poverty reduction, employment generation, effective healthcare delivery and level of corruptio
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27

Ifejika, Solomon I. "The Nigerian State and International Human Rights Laws in the Fourth Republic." Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 29, no. 1 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.47836/pjssh.29.1.31.

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Nigeria, during her long period of military dictatorship, earned an appalling human rights record accompanied by various degrees of sanctions by the international community. Underlying these odious developments were the various instances of violations and gross disrespect for international human rights law by the successive governments of the day. Thus, as part of the efforts at redeeming the country’s global human rights image, pro-democracy forces pushed for the return of the country to the democratic system, a desire that eventually materialized in May 1999. This paper, therefore, examined
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28

Grodsky, Brian Keith. "Counter-Elites Swimming Up-Stream: The Challenge of Pursuing a Political Rights Agenda where Economic Rights Trump." New Global Studies 6, no. 3 (2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/1940-0004.1175.

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AbstractThe most recent spate of ‘democratic revolutions’, ushering in the fourth wave of democratization, seems to lend support to those advocating for the primacy of political and civil rights, over economic, cultural and social ones, in the human rights framework. In this article, I challenge that idea, arguing instead that the most recent regime changes, like so many that have preceded them, were, if anything, more about economic rights than political ones. I reassess not only the most recent ‘revolutions’, but also those that took place over the course of the 20th century, showing commona
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29

Gehrmann, Richard. "War, Snipers, and Rage from Enemy at the Gates to American Sniper." M/C Journal 22, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1506.

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The concept of war is inextricably linked to violence, and military action almost always resounds with the emotion and language of rage. Since the War on Terror began in September 2001, post-9/11 expressions of terror and rage have influenced academics to evaluate rage and its meanings (Gildersleeve and Gehrmann). Of course, it has directly influenced the lives of those affected by global conflicts in war-torn regions of the Middle East and North Africa. The populace there has reacted violently to military invasions with a deep sense of rage, while in the affluent West, rage has also infiltrat
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