Journal articles on the topic 'The Karate Kid'

El siguiente ensayo es un intento por responder a diversas preguntas que surgen de pensar la educación hoy y nuestra identidad como educadores. Es el resultado de diferentes reflexiones originadas gracias a la filmografía referenciada y empleada para caracterizar un modelo de maestro y, por extensión, de estudiantes que se perfila en los materiales consultados. Particularmente, la secuela “Kung Fu Panda”, “Karate Kid” y algunos clásicos de las artes marciales como las películas protagonizadas por Jackie Chan; películas donde encuentro contenidos que permiten puntualiza varios de los desafíos de los educadores bajo la presión de la dinámica de los nuevos tiempos y las posibilidades que existen para repensarlas en el contexto particular de Colombia.

Peningkatan penguasan gerak karate untuk anak yang berlatih atau belajar sangat diperlukan, apalagi dalam suasana yang menyenangkan dan manarik sangat penting. Tujuan dari penelitian adalah ingin mengembangkan model pembelajaran Senam Karate Kids (SKK) untuk memudahkan siswa menguasai karate, yang terbagi menjadi tiga bagian yaitu: gerakan pemanasan, gerakan inti, dan gerakan pendinginan, yang dilakukan sebelum melakukan latihan karate agar mudah menguasainya. Jenis penelitian ini adalah penelitian pengembangan, subjek dalam penelitian ini adalah siswa kelas rendah SDI At’Taqwa Surabaya. Pengembangan produk model pembelajaran SKK mengikuti konsep Borg dan Gall (1983) yang meliputi sepuluh tahap yaitu: (1) Potensi dan masalah, (2) Pengumpulan data, (3) Desain Produk SKK, (4) Validasi desain oleh ahli teknologi pendidikan dan Validasi ahli oleh pelatih karate dan guru Pendidikan Jasmani Olahraga dan Kesehatan (PJOK), (5) Uji coba produk kelompok kecil (KK), (6) Revisi hasil ujicoba KK (7) Uji coba produk kelompok sedang (KS), (8) Revisi hasil ujicoba KS, (9) Ujicoba kelompok besar (KB), (10) Diperoleh produk hasil pengembangan yakni model pembelajaran SKK siswa SD At’Taqwa. Teknik analisis data menggunakan deskriptif kuantitatif dalam bentuk persentase. Hasil penelitian menunjukan model pembelajaran SKK di dalamnya berisikan tentang pemanasan inti dan pendinginan yang memasukkan gerak dasar beladiri karate mulai kihon, kata dan kumite. Hasil validasi desain nilai kelayakan 3.61 kategori baik, validasi ahli nilai kelayakan 3.57 kategori baik, sehingga dapat dilanjutkan ke tahap berikutnya yakni ujicoba kelompok kecil dengan persentase hasil ujicoba 7% baik, sedang 23%, kurang 22% dan kurang sekali 48%, kemudian dilakukan revisi, hasil kelompok sedang diperoleh hasil persentase hasil ujicoba 3% baik sekali, 11%baik, sedang 26%, kurang 42%, kurang sekali 18%, kemudian di revisi sampai pada kelompok besar dengan hasil persentase ujicoba baik sekali 7%, baik 22%, sedang 43%, kurang 19%, sehingga hasil akhir model pembelajaran SKK dapat digunakan di SDI At’Taqwa Surabaya. Simpulan dari hasil penelitian adalah model pembelajaran SKK dapat digunakan untuk membantu siswa yang berlatih dalam praktik karate di SDI At’Taqwa dengan lebih mudah. Model Pembelajaran SKK dapat menjadi pilihan guru atau instruktur dalam melatih karate di SD lainnya.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menghasilkan model latihan karate kids pada anak usia sekolah dasar (SD) kelas atas (10-12 tahun). Penelitian pengembangan ini dilakukan dengan mengadaptasi langkah-langkah penelitian sebagai berikut: (1) pengumpulan informasi di lapangan, (2) melakukan analisis terhadap informasi yang telah dikumpulkan, (3) mengembangkan produk awal, (4) validasi ahli dan revisi, (5) uji coba lapangan skala kecil dan revisi, (6) uji coba lapangan skala besar dan revisi, dan (7) pembuatan produk final. Uji coba skala kecil dilakukan di klub Forki Kota Yogyakarta berjumlah 7 anak. Uji coba skala besar di klub Inkanas DIY berjumlah 16 anak. Instrumen pengumpulan data yang digunakan yaitu: (1) pedoman wawancara, (2) skala nilai, (3) pedoman observasi model, (4) pedoman observasi keefektifan model, dan (5) kuesioner untuk siswa. Teknik analisis data yang dilakukan yaitu analisis deskriptif kuantitatif dan analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini berupa model latihan karate kids pada anak usia SD kelas atas (10-12 tahun) yaitu: (1) model latihan maegeri, (2) model latihan gyaku tsuki, (3) model latihan mawashigeri, dan (4) model latihan oi tsuki. Dari hasil analisis data penilaian para ahli materi dan kuesioner anak, dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa model latihan karate kids pada anak usia SD kelas atas (10-12 tahun) ini dinilai baik dan efektif. Kata kunci: model latihan, karate kids

No study yet is undertaken to measure pain caused by ear tagging in kid goats using ear postures. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to elucidate the effect of ear tagging procedure on pain in black Karadi kids using ear position and frequency of ear changes. Twenty black Karadi kids, aged 10-14 days, were used in this study. Ear postures were scored using focal sampling and recorded with instantaneous time sampling to measure the duration of each ear posture. Each kid was observed separately for 6 minutes before and 6 minutes after the ear tagging process with 30 seconds intervals. A total of 24 ear posture samples were recorded from each kid. Results revealed that Ear tagging significantly increased ears backward (P<0.01) and decreased ears plane (P<0.001). However, no significant effect of ear tagging was found on ears forward (P<0.19) and asymmetrical postures (P<0.43). In addition, number of ear posture changes was significantly (P<0.001) increased after ear tagging. It was concluded that observing ear postures of kids directly after painful husbandry procedures such as ear tagging is a reliable non-invasive method to assess pain caused by these painful methods and hence helps better understands animal welfare.

Nesse texto, buscamos acessar o imaginário mítico e poético das Artes Marciais por meio da linguagem cinematográfica, posto que esta relação com a arte traz à tona uma dimensão sensível que pode disparar reflexões acerca da relação mestre e discípulo. Nessa análise estética, partimos da compreensão de corpo apresentado nos estudos fenomenológicos propostos pelo filósofo francês Maurice Merleau-Ponty, que nos mostra que o corpo não tem outra maneira de ser corpo senão vivenciando as experiências, criando significações na sua relação primordial com o mundo. Da mesma forma, assumimos também a atitude fenomenológica na condição de método, permitindo que as reflexões aqui anunciadas sobre o corpo, o cinema e as Artes Marciais possam vislumbrar o fenômeno educativo que atravessa e é atravessado pela relação mestre e discípulo. Pensamos que o acesso à linguagem expressiva na obra cinematográfica constitui-se como um arquivo memorável e imemorial de acontecimentos que nos transportam para realidades e mundos compartilhados pela presença perceptiva, despertando nossas sensações e acendendo nossa reflexão sobre temas, eventos, emoções, entre outros aspectos que permeiam a vida e a existência humana.

There is no study about changes in behaviour and peripheral temperature of kid goats undergoing ear tagging procedure. This study was designed to elucidate that pain caused by ear tagging affects peripheral temperatures and behavioural observations in Karadi kid goats. Nineteen native black goat kids, aged 10 – 14 days, were used in this study. Eye and nasal temperatures were recorded before the ear tagging process, and after ear tagging 5 periods in 30 minutes. Besides, the researchers observed each kid's behaviour for 30 minutes before ear tagging and 30 minutes after it, using focal sampling method and the data recorded with instantaneous time sampling to measure the duration and frequency of each behaviour of the kids. Results revealed that peripheral temperatures were significantly decreased for both eye (P≤0.01) and ear (P≤0.01) after ear tagging. The temperatures of both eye and ear decreased after tagging significantly (P≤0.01) for 30 minutes. The proportion of time kid goats spent normal standing and suckling the dam’s teat decreased whereas the proportion of time spent head-shaking increased after tagging. Significant differences were found between abnormal standing (P≤0.01) and vocalization (P≤0.01). It is concluded that ear tagging causes a considerable pain in kid goats and using surface temperatures and behaviour are useful indicators to approve it.

The review examines new publications on the history of Karaites – the monographs “Karaites in the Russian Empire in the late 18th – early 20th centuries” and the “Karaite communities: biographies, facts and documents (late 18th – early 20th centuries”. They studied a significant chronological period – from the time of the Karaites appearing in the Crimea and up to the beginning of the 20th century. A reasoned conclusion is made that the so-called “ The Golden Age” is the most tense in the history of the Karaite people – the time from the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula to the Russian Empire in 1783 and until 1917. It was during these 100 years when the significant transformations took place in the old-timers communities of the peninsula, when the ideas of Russian culture and education spread among the Crimean Karaites, and they themselves were actively integrated into Russian social structures. The monographs are equipped with a detailed historical excursion, which reveals many relevant and little-known facts from the past of the Karaites.

Purpose: The normal behavior of goat kids is influenced by painful husbandry procedures such as ear tagging, with kids reducing peripheral temperature and increase restlessness. The present study was designed to elucidate that pain caused by ear tagging affects peripheral temperatures and behavioral observations in Karadi kid goats. Study Design: Experimental Study Design. Subjects and Methods: Nineteen native black goat kids, aged 10-14 days, were used in this study as a sample. Eye and nasal temperatures were recorded before ear tagging process (control) and after ear tagging 5 times in 30 minutes. In addition, the behavior of each kid was observed for 30 minutes before and 30 minutes after ear tagging using focal sampling recorded with instantaneous time sampling to measure the duration and frequency of each behavior of the kids. Results: It was revealed that peripheral temperatures were significantly decreased for both eye (P<0.01) and ear (P<0.01) after ear tagging. The temperatures of both eye and ear increased directly after tagging and then decreased significantly (P<0.01) for 30 minutes. The proportion of time kid goats spent normal standing and suckling the dam’s teat decreased whereas the proportion of time spent head-shaking increased after tagging. In addition, abnormal standing was seen after ear tagging which was absent before the process of tagging. Significant differences were found between abnormal standing (P<0.01) and vocalization (P<0.01). While the differences between suckling, normal standing and head shaking were not significant. Conclusions: It is concluded that ear tagging causes considerable pain in kid goats.

Kadiasker notebooks (Şer`iyye Sicilleri) are valuable, but at the same time , little studied materials of the Crimean Khanate. Based on historical sources, socio-economic life in Karasuvbazar kadillik was analysed. This paper considers the circulation of money and trade in the region. Much attention is paid to the cost of the main products in different years. The author quotes real estate prices, animals, slaves and prisoners, he also writes about remuneration in various fields.

Poslije kraja starog Carstva u Napoleonovoj eri, države koje su sada Austrija i Njemačka postepeno su se podijelile. Ali zbog suparništva koje se javilo između Pruske i Austrije u decenijama prije nego što je novo Njemačko Carstvo isključilo Austriju, pojam “Njemačke” morao se ponovo definisati tako da se ona razlikuje ne samo od Francuske nego i od Austrije. Zagovaranje ideje o svojstveno “njemačkoj” kulturi bez priznavanja superiornosti praktično svih kulturnih centara a pogotovo bečke bogate kulturne i muzičke baštine zahtijevalo je ponovno iscrtavanje karte evropskog muzičkog pamćenja uz pomoć velikih djelitelja kao što su uloge religije ili roda. Nijemci su rado smatrali da su oni, kao većinom protestanti, intelektualniji, napredniji i muževniji za razliku od dekadentnih, tradicionalističkih katolika u Austriji. To “proizvođenje drugosti” Austrije utjecalo je na prihvatanje kompozitora kao što je Beethoven, koga je Pruska prisvojila kao Nijemca, ili Schuberta kao tipičnog Austrijanca. Slične razlike konstruisane su prilikom pomjeranja odnosa između Njemačke i Austrije poslije Prvog svjetskog rata i nakon nacionalsocijalizma, i kada se sama Njemačka još jednom podijelila.

The tribal aristocracy in The Golden Horde Khanate and its successors, shaped by the steppe culture, developed with the elements inherited from the ancient heritage of geography. Since the Asian Hun State, the legacy of four numbers, which has come to the forefront in political, military and social life, has found its place in the name of the Four Beys System / Four Karaçu Beys. The four beys system has become one of the essential elements of the administration in addition to the Khanate position in the Crimean Khanate. The beginning of this system is based on the 4000 soldiers given to Cuçi in the land and tribal division made by Genghis Khan to his sons and the Kıyat, Seycut, Kinhit and Hüşin tribes to which they belong. Although the Mongolian tribes, which were a few in number in the ancient Turkish homeland of Cumania, they tried to keep the rule under the leadership of the Kıyat, and lost their authority after the silence of the Ak Orda (White Horde) dynasty. With the leadership that changed hands between the Mangit and the Sirins, the intertribal balance of power was transferred to the Sirin, Barın, Argin, Kipchak and Mangit tribes under the leadership of the Sirins, who played an active role in the establishment of the Crimean Khanate. The Tribes played an active role in both, internal and external affairs of the Crimean Khanate under the chief Karaçu of the Sirin tribe. After the Crimean Khanate came under the Ottoman protection, the Karachu beys, on the one hand, became the assurance of the Genghisids to hold the throne, on the other hand, they became the control element of power of the Genghisids. The Karachu beys’ keeping the interests of their tribes above everything, has turned the relations in the north of the Black Sea into a slippery ground where the balances were constantly changing.

Vienas įdomiausių radinių, paminėtų pirmojoje Martos Sch­miedehelm disertacijoje, yra segė iš Lattenwalde’s. Šią segę tyrinėtoja skiria labai profiliuotoms segėms su atramine plokštele (Schmiedehelm, 1943, S. 96). Segė, anot M. Sch­miedehelm, buvo iš Eduardo Gisevijaus – garsaus Tilžės kolekcininko – rinkinio (Tamulynas, 2009, p. 9–11). Segės radimo aplinkybės tiksliau nežinomos. Emilis Hollack (1908, S. 81–82) užsimena apie anksty­vojo romėniškojo laikotarpio kapinyną, nedaug vėlesnį arba vienalaikį su Lattenwalde’s segės deponavimo laiku. Galbūt tai ir buvo kapinynas, kuriame ši segė buvo užkasta. Ją rei­kia sieti su vadinamąja Dollkeimo-Kovrovo arba Sembos-Notangos kultūra. M. Schmiedehelm kartotekoje yra Lattenwalde’s segės eskizas. Segę piešė ir H. Jankuhnas. Jo iliustracija yra pa­tikimesnė (1 pav.). Šie piešiniai rodo, kad buvo išlikusi tik segės viršutinė dalis, o kojelė ir užkaba yra susilydžiusios. Vis dėlto tai yra neabejotinai Almgreno IV grupės A 67-68 tipo labai profiliuota segė. Negalint segės konkrečiau skirti vienam arba kitam tipui, reikia apžvelgti abu. A 67-68 tipų segėms, rastoms europiniame Barbari­cume, skirta nemažai dėmesio. Segių yra gana daug. Kur kas mažiau duomenų turima apie šių tipų seges vakarų bal­tų kultūrinėje srityje (plg. Stadie, 1919, S. 397, Abb. 175; Almgren, 1923, S. 156; Nowakowski, 2007, s. 22–23; Mą-czyńska, 2001, S. 168, 173). M. Schmiedehelm 1943 m. disertacijoje šių tipų segių sąraše mini devynias seges iš Mozūrų paežeryno regiono (plg. Katalog, 2 pav.). Šią informaciją galima patikrinti, re­miantis kitais archyviniais šaltiniais. Tyrinėtoja pamini segę iš Zydroj Nowy, kapo Nr. 2. Kadangi kartotekoje išlikęs pie­šinys (3 pav.), galima šią segę sieti su Jezerine tipo segėmis ir išbraukti iš A67-68 tipo segių sąrašo. Du pastarųjų segių radiniai žinomi iš naujų P. Iwanickio tyrinėjimų Lisy vietovėje, taip pat iš Geldapės apylinkių. Pasak M. Schmiedehelm, iš Sembos teritorijos buvo žino­mos dvi segės: iš Dollkeimo (2:11 pav.) ir aptariamoji iš Lattenwalde’s (1 pav.). Dar vienas radinys žinomas iš Lietuvos, iš Adakavo (2:1 pav.). Taigi iš viso vakarų baltų kultūros regione žino­ma 14 segių. Stiliaus požiūriu ankstyviausias radinys yra Adakavo segė (2:1 pav.), skiriama A67 tipui, ir, pasak Stefano De-metzo, datuojama Augusto ir Tiberijaus laikotarpiu, o tai ati­tinka B1a periodą (Demetz, 1998, S. 140–143; 1999, S. 128, Taf. 35:1, 2). Visos likusios segės, sprendžiant iš archyvinių piešinių, yra tvirtos konstrukcijos, turi suplokštintą galvutę. Jas gali­ma sieti su A67b arba A68 tipais. Šios segės Romos imperi­joje pasirodė Tiberijaus valdymo laikotarpiu ir aptinkamos kartu su Klaudijaus ir Flavijų monetomis (Demetz, 1998, S. 143–144; 1999, S. 195). Wielbarko ir Przeworsko kul­tūrose segės datuojamos B1b periodu (Dąbrowska, 2003, s. 157). Segės yra vienos iš gausesnių, ankstyviausiai da­tuojamų radinių. Jeigu remtumės tik Mozūrų radiniais, tai šių segių chronologijai patikslinti duomenų nėra. Priešingai, A67-68 tipų segės, kaip importiniai daiktai, buvo ir yra lai­komos chronologijos rodikliais. Dėl to tenka rinktis Vidurio Europos Barbaricumo chronologiją – B1b–c periodą. Vakarų baltų srityje A67-68 tipo segės daugiausia žino­mos Bogaczewo kultūros paminkluose – Mozūrų paežeryno regione (1 žemėl.). Žiūrint į šių daiktų paplitimą matyti, kad segių aptikta palei liniją, einančią iš pietvakarių į šiaurės ry­tus, o tai leidžia teigti, jog jų patekimo į Mozūrus tarpinin­kai turėjo būti Przeworsko kultūros žmonės. Minėta A67-68 tipo segių paplitimo linija veda į šiandienės Geldapės apy­linkes. Čia pačioje mūsų eros pradžioje tikriausiai ėjo kelias, jungiantis Mozūrus su nadruvių sritimi ir toliau su Nemuno žemupio sritimi. Iš nadruvių srities pagal Prieglių tikriausiai buvo galima buvo patekti į Sembos pusiasalį. Kalbant apie seges iš Sembos ir Lietuvos, negalima atmesti galimybės, jog tai yra Wielbarko kultūros įtaka, nors labiausiai gundanti hipotezė yra apie Bogaczewo kultūros tarpininkavimą. Įdomu, kad Lietuvoje, be Adakavo segės, nėra kitų apta­riamo tipo segių radinių, tačiau yra panašiai datuojamų A69 tipo segių ir vadinamųjų Flügelfibeln, kurių daugiausia rasta Noricume ir Panonijoje (Michelbertas, 1992, p. 280–281, Abb. 1; 2001). Pastarųjų tipų segės Mozūrų paežeryne neži­nomos. Galbūt tai lėmė skirtinga Lietuvos ir Mozūrų radinių kilmė. A69 ir sparninės segės, rastos Lietuvoje, Latvijoje ir Semboje, yra neabejotinai importuotos iš Romos imperijos (Michelbertas, 2001). O štai A67b-68 tipų segės, aptiktos Mozūrų srityje, tikriausiai buvo gamintos barbarų meistrų. A67b-68 tipo segių radinius (1 žemėl.) galima palygin­ti su Jezerine’o tipo segių paplitimu (Nowakowski, 2009, S. 111–112, Abb. 5). Pastarosios segės yra keliomis dešim­timis metų ankstyvesnės (2 žemėl.). W. Nowakowskis dėl Jezerine’o tipo segių paplitimo iškėlė mintį apie Gintaro kelio Mozūrų-nadruvių atšaką, vedančią iš šiaurinių impe­rijos provincijų galbūt link Gotlando (Nowakowski, 1996 b; 2009). Galima pabrėžti, kad tuo pačiu laikotarpiu kaip Jezerine’o tipo seges, reikia datuoti A67 tipo segę iš Adakavo, kuri į dabartinę Lietuvos teritoriją greičiausiai pateko minėta Gintaro kelio Mozūrų-nadruvių atšaka. A67b-68 tipo segių paplitimo žemėlapio vaizdas yra ki­toks – matyti radinių Mozūruose ir labiau į šiaurę esančiose srityse. Radinių nebuvimą Nemuno žemupyje kompensuoja du radiniai šiaurinėje Sembos dalyje ir, būtent, Lattenwalde’ėje. A67b–68 tipo segių paplitimo žemėlapis kalba apie žmonių aktyvumą I amžiaus antrojoje pusėje. Toks vaizdas yra prieš paplintant prūsų serijos akinėms segėms (plg. Nowakows­ki, 1996 a, Anhang B, Karte 3) ir šiek tiek vėlesnis, paplitus Jezerine’o tipo segėms, kurių nerasta Semboje. Tai yra vadi­namasis Dollkeimo-Kovrovo kultūros O periodas, paliudytas šio kapinyno medžiagos ir radinių Kuršių nerijoje. Žiūrint į to laikotarpio ar šiek tiek vėlesnį pagrindinės akinių segių serijos paplitimo horizontą, matyti, kad Sem­boje yra jau daugiau radinių, tačiau jie visi koncentruojasi šiauriniame pakraštyje netoli Dollkeimo vietovės. Mozūrų radiniai paplitę kaip ir A67-68 tipo segės (plg. Nowakowski, 1995, s. 27) (3 žemėl.). Primenant karo metu dingusias seges iš Lattenwalde’s ir Dollkeimo, galima kalbėti ne tik apie naujų A67b–68 tipo se­gių mokslinėje apyvartoje pasirodymą. Svarbu tai, kad galima liudyti žmonių aktyvumą šiame regione jau pačiame anksty­viausiame Sembos romėniškojo laikotarpio kultūros formavi­mosi etape (Dollkeimo-Kovrovo kultūros O periodas). Turint omenyje minėtų segių radinius galima teigti, kad šios kultūros pradžia buvo būtent Dollkeimo apylinkėse ir susijusi su pato­gaus išėjimo į jūrą iš Kuršių įlankos kontrole. Galima kalbėti ir apie Gintaro kelio Mozūrų-nadruvių atšakos pabaigą. Su šia atšaka galbūt galima sieti tik seges A67b. Stilistiniu požiūriu jos yra ankstyvesnės už A68 tipo seges. Tačiau radiniai neleidžia teigti, jog A67b tipo segės, aptiktos Mozūruose, priklauso ankstyvesniam chronolo­giniam laikotarpiui. Dėl to A67b ir A68 tipai aptarti kartu. Pradedant šių segių chronologiniu horizontu, galima kalbėti apie Mozūrų–Sembos kelio variantą, kuriuo tikriausiai buvo gabenamas gintaras į Romos imperiją.

PRIKAZI – REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. IZVJEŠĆA SA ZNANSTVENIH SKUPOVA - CONFERENCE REPORTS 3rd International Conference CLIMATE CHANGES: THE KARST RECORDS III, 11.-15. svibnja 2003., Montpellier, Francuska Od 11. do 15. svibnja 2003. u Montpellieru (Francuska) održana je treća međunarodna konferencija Climate Changes: The Karst Records III. Prvi ovakav skup održan je 1996. u Bergenu (Norveška), sljedeći 2000. u Krakowu (Poljska), nakon čega je zbog pojačanog interesa za ovu tematiku, a time i veće znanstvene produkcije, dogovoreno da se konferencija održava svaku treću godinu. Nakon Franuske (2003.), za domaćina konferencije 2006. godine predložena je Rumunjska. Ovaj skup okupio je znanstvenike iz 27 država sa 6 kontinenata koji su kroz 62 usmena izlaganja i 37 postera prezentirali svoja recentna znanstvena dostignuća iz područja paleoklimatologije temeljena na istraživanju krša, točnije speleoloških objekata i njihovih akumulacijskih oblika – siga. Sige, prepoznate kao medij koji zbog zaštićenosti i stabilnih mikroklimatskih uvjeta vrlo dobro "pamti" klimatska stanja šireg okoliša za vrijeme taloženja (a osim toga su i puno dostupnije od jezgri dubokomorskih bušotina i polarnih ledenih pokrova), zadnjih su desetljeća u središtu znanstvenog interesa različitih znanstvenih disciplina. Stoga su i teme radova bile doista raznolike; najveći je dio radova obuhvaćao paleoklimatske varijacije utvrđene na temelju omjera stabilnih izotopa siga iz gotovo svih klimatskih područja, te njihovo datiranje različitim metodama. Sige kao objekt istraživanja bile su obrađene i vezano uz petrografska svojstva, fluidne inkluzije, luminiscenciju, sezonske varijacije intenziteta taloženja itd., dok se kod speleoloških objekata proučavao stupanj okršavanja, utjecaj tektonike, špiljski sedimenti kao i paleontološki i arheološki nalazi. Dio radova obuhvaćao je rezultate monitoringa trenutnog stanja špilja, hidrologije, geokemije, atmosferskih uvjeta itd., a bilo je riječi i o promjenama morske razine kao posljedici klimatskih fluktuacija tijekom geološke prošlosti.Osim već tiskane knjige izvadaka u pripremi je i zbornik, dok se u međuvremenu kvalitetniji radovi recenzirani tiskaju u respektabilnom časopisu Francuskoga geološkog društva Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France.A gdje je Hrvatska, zemlja "klasičnog krša", u svemu tome? Država s 46% nacionalnog teritorija prekrivenog kršem (26000 km2) i još mnogo više pod morem, bila je zastupljena samo s jednim (1) radom – zapaženim, ali gotovo "pionirskim" u odnosu na radove sofisticiranih laboratorija i instituta zapadnih zemalja. Rad Isotope records in submarine speleothems from the Adriatic Coast, Croatia, autora Maše Surić, Nade Horvatinčić, Axela Suckowa, Mladena Juračića i Jadranke Barešić, analizira paleoklimatske promjene na istočnoj obali Jadrana koje su kroz omjere stabilnih izotopa kisika i ugljika ostale zabilježene u danas potopljenim sigama. Terenski dio konferencije obuhvatio je posjet mjestu Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert (tradicionalnoj postaji hodočasnika na putu prema svetištu Santiago de Compostella), te špiljskom sustavu Grotte de Clamouse, ukupne dužine oko 4 km od čega je 1965. gotovo 1 km uređen za turističke posjete. Osim impozantnih primjeraka špiljskog nakita, čija je raznolikost posljedica izmjena kalcitnih, aragonitnih i dolomitnih karakteristika nadsloja, ovaj objekt može biti i primjer kako se prekrasan špiljski prostor može upropastiti prilagođivanjem turističkim posjetima brojnim metalnim, staklenim i električnim instalacijama. Na trenutke posjetitelj može dobiti dojam da se kreće kroz muzej ili zbirku, a ne kroz više od stotinu metara dubok speleološki objekt. Dojam dodatno pojačava i ambiciozno zamišljen, ali kičasto izveden sound & light show. Obične turiste može fascinirati, ali istinske prirodnjake, zaljubljenike u krš – jedino ogorčiti. U svakom slučaju, terenski dio skupa i ovaj put bio je iskorišten za stvaranje novih i obnavljanje starih poznanstava koja će rezultirati međunarodnom znanstvenom suradnjom, posebno kad su u kombinaciji oprema i financije bogatijih zemalja i neistražena područja "onih drugih" zemalja. Ostaje nada da će takvim oblikom suradnje, na sljedećoj konferenciji Climate Changes: The Karst Records IV, Hrvatska biti malo bolje predstavljena svojim prirodnim i ljudskim potencijalima. Maša Surić 161 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. PRIKAZI Atlas svijeta za 21. stoljeća, urednik: M. Lapaine i suradnici, Naklada Fran, Zagreb, 2003., 751 str. Nakladnik Fran iz Zagreba objavio je hrvatsko izdanje atlasa The 21 st Century World Atlas, koji je izvorno publicirao izdavač Trident Press International. Hrvatsko izdanje uredio je M. Lapaine sa suradnicima. Atlas nije tek hrvatski prijevod izvornika jer su pojedini stručnjaci dopunili i izmijenili neke sadržaje, a osim toga, S. Frangeš preveo je velik broj toponima na hrvatski jezik. Prijevodi su ispisani uz gornji rub karte kako se ne bi mijenjao izvorni jezik karata (engleski). Atlas je podijeljen u deset glavnih cjelina: Geopolitički okvir, Klimatologija, geologija i biogeografija, Demografija i socijalni pokazatelji , Osnovne ekonomske djelatnosti, Industrija, trgovina i promet, Afrika, Amerika, Azija, Europa i Oceanija. Na kraju je dodan rječnik osnovnih geografskih pojmova s odgovarajućim prijevodima (npr. perz. Kavir = solna pustinja) i kazalo s preko 60 000 geografskih imena. U općegeografskom dijelu atlasa na brojnim tematskim kartama zorno je prikazana prostorna raspodjela različitih prirodnih i socio-ekonomskih pojava i procesa. Iscrpnost kartografskih prikaza može se uočiti na primjeru poglavlja Socijalni i ekonomski pokazatelji, u kojemu su objavljene sljedeć i tematski zemljovidi: Potrošnja kalorija, Donacije hrane, Proizvodnja hrane, Smrtnost dojenčadi, Zdravstvena zaštita, Bolnička infrastruktura, Telefoni, Potrošnja energije, Pismenost, Izdavanje knjiga, Tiskanje novina, Broj upisa u školu, Omjer đaka i nastavnika u osnovnim školama, Znanstvenici i tehničari, Ekonomski aktivno stanovništvo, Dječja radna snaga, Struktura ekonomski aktivnog stanovništva, Ekonomska aktivnost, Ekonomska aktivnost žena, Ekonomska aktivnost muškaraca, Nezaposlenost, Bruto nacionalni dohodak, Bruto nacionalni dohodak po osobi, Struktura bruto nacionalnog dohotka, Inflacija, Ekonomski rast, Inozemni dug, Sredstva potrošena na obrazovanje, Sredstva potrošena na zdravstvenu zaštitu, Vojni izdaci, Izvoz i uvoz oružja, Trgovinska razmjena oružja i Logistika nuklearnog oružja. Kartogrami i kartodijagrami su jasni, pregledni i informativni.Kartografsko -geografski pregled po kontinentima ima jedinstvenu shemu. Ponajprije se nižu satelitske snimke, a potom digitalni modeli reljefa kopna i podmorja, geografske karte i kratki, ali sadržajni prikazi pojedinih zemalja. Na geografskim kartama kontinenata sitnim su slovima ispisani brojni toponimi. Njihova je čitljivost, na žalost, mala na prikazima planinskih predjela, koji su označeni nijansama sme đe i plavo-ljubičaste boje. Korisnik može doznati osnovne geografske informacije o svakoj državi putem kratkog geografskog uvodnika, zemljovida i različitih dijagrama.U hrvatskom izdanju atlasa svijeta mogao bi se očekivati iscrpniji prikaz Hrvatske. Priređivači nisu htjeli odstupati od izvornika, ali u reprintu zemljovida mogla se obratiti pozornost na pogrešno ispisane toponime (npr. naselje Sali na Dugom otoku ucrtano je u uvali Telašćica, Golfo di Venezia neobično se proteže duž zapadne obale Istre, naveden je stari naziv Požege – Slavonska Požega i sl.) . Međutim, navedene pogrješke ne umanjuju vrijednost atlasa, koji doista čini izvrstan kompendij najnovijih znanstvenih spoznaja o državama svijeta i Zemlji u cjelini, pa ga zbog toga rado preporučujem. Josip Faričić Nikola STRAŽIČIĆ: Svi hrvatski otoci, Descriptio Croatiae, Hrvatska revija, časopis Matice hrvatske, godište 1/2001., broj 3-4, Zagreb, 77-103. Hrvatska obala je najrazvedenija na Jadranskom moru, jer obuhvaća 97,2% jadranskog arhipelaga. S ponosom se ističe da je Hrvatska "zemlja tisuću otoka". Stvarni broj je i ve ći. Na pitanje koliko ih je unutar granica suvremene Hrvatske najmjerodavniji odgovor dao je prof. dr. sc. Nikola Stražičić. 162 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U uvodu se razmatraju podatci o ukupnom broju hrvatskih otoka kritički prema pojedinim autorima. U nastavku izložene su teškoće oko kategorizacije osnovnih pojmova "otok" - "otočić" - "greben" i "hrid". Posebno je zanimljiv dio članka u kojem su opisani i predočeni "zaboravljeni" - "novi" i nekadašnji otoci. U timskom radu autora iz Hidrografskog instituta Republike Hrvatske u Splitu (2000.) navodi se, na temelju topografskih karata u razmjeru 1:25000, da unutar granica Hrvatske postoje 79 otoka, 526 otočića i 641 grebena i hridi; ukupno 1246 otoka.Prof. Stražičić upozorio je kritič ki i dokumentirano na manjkavost dosadašnjih rezultata i naglasio da je ukupan broj hrvatskih otoka i dalje otvoren. U zaklju čnim razmišljanjima dao je niz svrhovitih prijedloga. Ponajprije predlaže, uz potporu državnih službi, imenovanje interdisciplinarne ekipe (od geografa, hidrogeologa, oceanografa, kartografa, lingvista i drugih specijalnosti) koja bi odredila kriterije za kategorizaciju pojedinih otoka, prema veličini i nazivu, te za određivanje kategorija naseljenosti. Nadalje, kako nazvati najmanji oblik stalno nad razinom mora "greben" ili "hrid", o tome posavjetovati se s lingvistima, ali i sa stanovništvom dotičnog otoka. Problem se javlja i kod napučenosti otoka, primjerice "stalno naseljen", da li prema domaćem (autohtonom) ili doseljenom stanovništvu, kako razlikovati pojmove "sezonski naseljen" i "povremeno naseljen"...Na kraju, uz pomoć lučkih kapetanija njihovim plovilima potrebno je obići i snimiti sve otoke unutar granica Hrvatske, istodobno provjeriti stanje na topografskim i posebice pomorskim kartama i planovima. Prof. Stražičić je otočanin, rođen na Mljetu, a čitav radni vijek proveo je u Rijeci. Najveći dio svoga života posvetio je istraživanju mora u najširem smislu, posebice Jadrana i nadasve naših hrvatskih otoka. Godine 1968. izradio je magistarsku tezu Otok Mljet – primjer izoliranog otoka. Deset godina kasnije (1978.) obranio je disertaciju Otok Cres – prilog poznavanju geografije naših otoka. Za sveukupan životni opus godine 1998. Senat Sveuč ilišta u Rijeci dodijelio mu je počasno zvanje "profesor emeritus". prof. Stražičić prvi je geograf u Hrvatskoj koji je dobio to visoko priznanje. U reprezentativnoj Hrvatskoj reviji s novim glavnim urednikom, ambicioznim magistrom Mladenom Klemenčić em, izašao mu je i najnoviji rad Svi hrvatski otoci ilustriran s 27 jedinstvenih panoramskih snimaka u boji. Članak Svi hrvatski otoci sinteza je dugogodišnjih minucioznih istraživanja u kojima je prof. Stražičić, na sebi svojstven na čin, prenio jezgrovito, veliko i bogato iskustvo, istodobno i poruka, kako bi trebalo nastaviti s interdisciplinarnim istraživanjima tih dragulja na pročelju Hrvatske i u trećem mileniju.Josip Riđanović Tihomir KOVAČEVIĆ Tihi: Baraćeve špilje, Turistička zajednica općine Rakovica, Rakovica, 2003., 48 str. Baraćevim špiljama pripada počasno mjesto u povijesti istraživanja hrvatskog krša i speleologiji. Davne godine 1892. u Rakovici je osnovan "Odbor za istraživanje i uređenje Baraćevih špilja", prva takva udruga na tlu Hrvatske i u ovom dijelu svijeta. Od prvih podataka objavljenih u literaturi 1874. do danas špilje su više puta bile predmetom speleoloških, hidrogeoloških, paleonotoloških, arheoloških i biospeleoloških istraživanja. Na temelju njihovih rezultata i rezultata najnovijih istraživanja nastala je i ova knjiga u kojoj nam autor otkriva njezine ljepote i tajne.Knjigu čini 8 poglavlja. Zanimljiv tekst bogato je ilustriran sa 65 fotografija, crteža i nacrta špilja. Opisan je položaj špilja, osnovni podatci o geološkim značajkama terena, nazivlje i podatci o dimenzijama različitih istraživača. Slijedi poglavlje o povijesti istraživanja s nizom zanimljivih podataka – od prvih opisa do suvremenih istraživanja. Opći dio zaokružen je poglavljem o paleontološkim i arheološkim istraživanjima. Dosad su nađeni ostatci pleistocenske faune i tragovi boravka ljudi iz srednjeg vijeka i razdoblja turskih ratova. 163 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. U drugom dijelu knjige detaljno su opisane značajke Donje, Gornje i Nove Baraćeve špilje. Opisan im je položaj, a u iznošenju značajki autor se poslužio citatima Dragutina Hirca i Ivana Krajača s početka 20. stoljeć a. Navedeni su i najnoviji rezultati istraživanja prema kojima je Donja Baraćeva špilja dugačka 565 metara, Gornja 520 metara, a Nova 94,5 metara. Poglavlje o biospeleologiji napisao je dipl. ing. Roman Ozimec. Objavio je dosad poznate podatke o povijesti biospeleoloških istraživanja, podatke o ekološkim uvjetima, pregled i analizu špiljske faune te istaknuo važnost nastavka istraživanja i zaštite. Poglavlje je opremljeno odličnim fotografijama te tablicama s kronologijom biospeleoloških istraživanja, preliminarnim taksonomskim popisom kavernikolnih vrsta i biospeleološkom bibliografijom špilja. Završno poglavlje posvećeno je rezultatima Međunarodne speleološke ekspedicije "Rakovica 2002.". Na samom početku ekspedicije otvoren je Prvi speleološki dom Republike Hrvatske u Novoj Kršlji. Tijekom ekspedicije istraživani su sustav Panjkov ponor - Varićakova špilja, vrelo Sinjac i Kusa i dr. Na kraju knjige objavljena je speleološka bibliografija koja dodatno pridonosi vrijednosti ove knjige. Nenad Buzjak Milenko M. PASINOVIĆ: Područ je Kotora na listi svjetske i prirodne baštine UNESCO. "Cicero" – Cetinje, kompjutorska priprema "Tricen", Kotor, 2001., 110 str. Autor je rođeni Bokelj, redoviti sveučilišni profesor na Fakultetu za turizam i hoteljerstvo u Kotoru. Knjižica je praktičnog formata (23x15 cm), otisnuta je na kvalitetnom papiru. Opremljena je s 14 reprezentativnih fotosa u boji i 7 crno-bijelih slika i crteža. Upotrijebljeno je 20 bibliografskih jedinica literature i 4 izvora podataka uključujući i vlastita istraživanja. Kratak izvadak dat je na engleskom, talijanskom, francuskom i njemačkom jeziku.Poslije predgovora slijede u tekstu: Boka kotorska (prikaz granica, prostorni pojam i pregled glavnih dijelova, Morfogenetske i morfološke karakteristike, Kotorsko-Risanski zaliv – embrion Boke kotorske, Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne baštine UNESCO, Simbioza prirode i čovjeka stara pet milenijuma i Dvije decenije nakon zemljotresa.Bokokotorski zaljevi duboko su oko 30 km (29,6) uvučeni na sjeveru između Orjena (1893 m), najviše obalne planine u istočnoj regiji Jadrana, Katunskog krša (1308 m, 1228 m i 1212 m) na istoku i Lovćenu (Štirovnik, 1749 m) na jugu. Impozantan okvir krševitih planina s izrazitim strmcima zatvara plitko more (površine 87,3 km2 i dubine do 60 m), u stvarnosti čudesan i jedinstven sklop Bokokotorskih zaljeva. Boka kotorska je horizontalno najrazvedeniji kraj (105,7 km duljina obale) i vertikalno najraščlanjeniji dio u najvišoj reljefnoj strukturi Jadranskog primorja. Geografski položaj Boke je specifičan. Na njezinu prostoru dodiruje se prirodno visoki i najljući krš izravno s najdubljim dijelom morske pučine Jadrana. Društveno, povijesno i gospodarski u Boki se isprepliću utjecaji milenijskog stvaralaštva Mediterana, posebice u gradskoj arhitekturi, s tradicionalnim i suvremenim kulturama Istoka. Boka kotorska je izraziti primjer jedinstva suprotnosti. Pri određ ivanju prostornog pojma Boke logič ki je kriterij "slijevno područ je" tj. prostor odakle voda teče prema zaljevima odnosno prema moru. "Slijevno područje" odre đuje se razvodnicom. U vododrživim stijenama to je površinska ili topografska razvodnica, koja se povlači najvišim vrhovima na terenu. U karbonatnim stijenama na kojima je razvijen krški reljef, što se pretežno odnosi na prostor Boke kotorske, mjerodavna je dubinska ili hidrogeološka razvodnica. Preuzeti brojčani podatci o veličini slijevnog područja na osnovi površinske (topografske) razvodnice za Boku kotorsku ne odgovaraju stvarnosti. O postanku Boke kotorske Pasinović iznosi kritički i potanko gledanja ranijih autora. Znakovito, me đutim, ističe sadašnji izgled zaljeva, koji je relativno mlad i posljedica je izdizanja razine mora u holocensko doba. Navodi činjenice da je prije 25 tisuća godina razina Jadrana bila niža za 96,4 m od sadašnjeg. Boka je tada bila kopno. Na Orjenu i Lovčenu snježna granica spuštala 164 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. se do visine 600 m odnosno 900 m. Dno Boke kotorske u to vrijeme karakterizirala su izolirana udubljenja prekrivena rastresitim materijalom. Dokazano je da je prije 10 tisuća godina razina Jadranskog mora bila niža za 31 m od današnjega. Tada se već počeo nazirati složeni izgled današnjih zaljeva Boke kotorske. Batimetrijska istraživanja u najnovijem razdoblju potvrđuju postojanje izdvojenih krških udubljenja na morskom dnu, posebice na lokalitetu Verige, gdje je maksimalna dubina od 45 m veća za 4 m i u kumburskom suženju od 50 m veća, najveća dubina 5 m od okolnog dna mora.U najvećem dijelu zaljeva žalo je ograničeno na uski pojas ili ga uopć e nema (Risan – Perast i Orahovac). Na tom potezu obalni strmci spuštaju se izravno ispod mora do njegova dna. Prosje čna dubina mora u Boki je 27,6 m. Srednje dubine u pojedinim zaljevima iznose u Kotorskom 27 m, Risanskom 25,7 m, Tivatskom 25,5 m i Toplanskom 31 m. Opća značajka batometrije svih zaljeva Boke kotorske je da su male dubine. Posebna je zanimljivost horizontalne razvedenosti Boke kotorske 7 otoka. To su u Kotorskom zaljevu ispred Perasta Sveti Đorđe (Juraj) i umjetni otok Gospa od Škrpjela. U Tivatskom zaljevu: Stradioti (Sveti Marko), otok Gospe od Milosrđa i Prevlaka (otok cvijeća). U Toplanskom zaljevu su otok Lastvica (Mamula) i otok Mala Gospa (Gospa od Žanjice).Boka sa svojim zaleđem prima najveć e količ ine padalina u Europi. Crkvice, mjerna stanica u Malovom dolu na 1050 m nadmorske visine u Krivošijama na Orjenu, zabilježila je količinu od 5317 mm i to tijekom mokrog dijela godine! Boka je najvećim dijelom u stijenama karbonatnog sastava, koje dosežu dubinu i do 5 km! Na toj podlozi razvijen je najizrazitiji krški reljef, kako na površini, tako još više u podzemlju, odnosno u podmorju. Tu je najveće izvorište vode istodobno i najsušniji kraj u istočnoj regiji Jadrana. Prema podatcima skupa stručnjaka za opskrbu vodom 1986. godine u Risnu s navedenog prostora u sušnim mjesecima godine svake sekunde dotječe u more oko 1000 litara vode od koje se tek 220 litara (22%) iskoristi za pitku vodu! Zaključeno je, da Boka spada u "najžednije" krajeve u Europi! Hidrografske karakteristike Boke kotorske u skladu su s prevladavajućim litološkim značajkama karbonatnih stijena, geološkom građom i hidrogeološkom funkcijom terena. Od hidro-pojava najviše su rašireni izvori, vrulje, povremene tekućice i jedna katavotra (Gurdić). Katavotra je specifični izvor, zapravo otvor kroz koji poslije dugotrajnih kiša izbija na površinu slatka voda, a u doba hidrološkog minimuma tim istim otvorom voda ponire u dublje dijelove podmorja. Ukratko su opisani i predočeni izvori Ljute u Dobroti, Sopota i Spile kod Risna, Morinjske rijeke, koja odvodnjava zapadne i jugozapadne strane Orjena, te Gurdić i Škurda kod Kotora. Škurda je svojevrsna hidrografska specifičnost Boke kotorske. To je krška rječica. Izvori su joj na Lovćenu, a odvodnjava Njeguško polje. Škurda je usjekla korito kanjonskog tipa u masivnim i dobro uslojenim vapnencima lovćenskog strmca. Vodostaj Škurde ovisan je od količine i duljine trajanja kiše. Bez obzira na godišnje doba, poslije izdašnijih kiša teče Škurda čitavom duljinom toka kao bujica. Na ušću je nataložila obilje šljunčanih nanosa u obliku manje delte zvane Benovo. U blizini mora Škurda se račva u dva rukava. Jednim rukavom otječe sjevernom stranom gradskih zidina. To je kotorska Škurda, obično stalan tok, jer ga napajaju izvori iz vlastitog korita. Drugim rukavom teče dobrotska Škurda jedino poslije dužih kiša. S izvora Škurde opskrbljuje se ponajprije i ponajviše gradski vodovod u Kotoru. Poslije potresa 1979. pokušalo se ugradnjom betonske zavjese izolirati utjecaj mora. U ljetnim mjesecima ponovno je zaslanila voda. Škurda je tipična krška tekućica podložna naglim i znatnim promjenama. U zadnje vrijeme znalo se dogoditi da na njezinom izvorištu potpuno nestane vode čak u trajanju jednoga dana! Boka kotorska svojim smještajem je u geotektonski vrlo labilnom kraju, štoviše, u pojasu razornih potresa. Značajniji potresi u južnom Jadranu jezgrovito su opisani. O katastrofalnom potresu 15. travnja 1979. dat je iscrpan prikaz. U općini Kotor na spomenicima kulture procijenjena je golema šteta u visini od 18.658,930 USA dolara!Područje Kotora na listi prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO najopsežniji i najzanimljiviji je dio sveukupnog teksta. Autor nas potanko i dokumentirano upoznaje s brojnim postupcima koji su prethodili upisu Kotora na listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. 165 PRIKAZI - REVIEWS Geoadria, vol. 8/1, 161-166, 2003. Odluka je usvojena na Skupštini op ćine Kotor, 14. lipnja 1979. i glasi: "Ovom odlukom kao prirodno, kulturno i istorijsko dobro od posebnog zna čenja, proglašava se Kotor s područjem: Dobrote, Orahovca, Perasta, Risna, Morinja, Kostanjice, Stoliva, Prčanja, Mula, Škaljara i morskog bazena ovog područja, koje obuhvaća 12000 ha kopna i 2600 ha mora." Katastrofalni potres 15. travnja 1979. pospješio je prijam Kotora za upis u svjetsku prirodnu i kulturnu baštinu UNESCO, štoviše i za kulturnu baštinu u opasnosti. Prijedlog je prihvaćen na sjednici Međunarodnog komiteta od 22. do 26. listopada 1979. u Kairu i Luksoru. Također, u Berlinu 10. ožujka 1997. Boka kotorska uvrštena je među 28 najljepših zaljeva na svijetu. Prema podatcima Regionalnog zavoda za zaštitu spomenika kulture u općini Kotor izvršena je kategorizacija od prvog do trećeg stupnja za 104 spomenika kulture. Zanimljivo je da je 12 spomenika uvršteno u prvu, najvišu kategoriju spomeničkog blaga. Simbioza prirode i čovjeka u Boki kotorskoj stara je pet milenija. Prvi tragovi ljudskog postojanja, oko 3000 godina prije Krista, iz mlađeg kamenog doba, otkriveni su na lokalitetu Spila, 300 m nad morem, sjeveroistočno od Perasta.Na obali Risanskog zaljeva, točnije u mjestu Lipci, pronađeni su na svodu otisci između kojih se posebno ističe brod na jedra. To potvrđuje rani početak pomorstva u Boki kotorskoj. Najstariji ostatci likovnog izražavanja tadašnjih stanovnika datirani su u rano brončano doba.Prof. Pasinović je geograf društveno-gospodarskog usmjerenja s posebnim interesom za pomorstvo i turizam. Poslije obranjene disertacije "Pomorstvo i turizam s posebnim osvrtom na crnogorsko primorje" (1977.) i nakon objavljivanja reprezentativnog vodiča: Kotor – vjekovi sačuvani za budućnost" (1988.) poklonio je javnosti i najnovije djelo "Područje Kotora na listi svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO". Prof. Pasinović je jedan od osnivača Fakulteta za turizam i hotelijerstvo u Kotoru i najzaslužniji je što je ta visokoškolska, sveučilišna institucija ostala u Kotoru. Svojim je radom i organizacijskim sposobnostima znač ajno pridonio da se Kotor upiše u listu svjetske prirodne i kulturne baštine UNESCO. Sada se zalaže da se to priznanje mjerodavnih stručnjaka zapamti i blago sačuva za mlađi naraštaj. Čestitamo profesoru Pasinoviću i želimo mu puno daljnjih uspjeha. Josip Riđanović 166

Resumo O karate é uma luta originária de Okinawa, ilha ao sul do Japão. Historicamente, atravessou três períodos: a partir do século XVII, como bujutsu, técnica clandestina de luta; depois, como budo, quando foi convertido em luta tradicional japonesa, em fins do século XIX, propugnando valores educacionais e identitários; e finalmente, como esporte de luta, quando foi associado a performance motora e competitividade, no século XX. Ao considerar o papel do karate como veiculador de valores de um Japão idealizado – japonesidade –, este trabalho analisa representações cinematográficas dessa luta. A análise focou nos aspectos educativos retratados nos filmes, a série estadunidense The karate kid e o japonês Kuro obi, sendo conduzida conforme três categorias: a relação entre teoria e prática; ruídos e conflitos entre professor e aluno; e formação do aluno como futuro professor. Os resultados revelam que as obras criticam a esportivização do karate, enfatizando a representação de aspectos educacionais associados aos períodos do bujutsu e, principalmente, do budo. Também, colaboram para reafirmar e atualizar a japonesidade, ao tratar os princípios do budo e sua transmissão educacional de forma idealizada, sem aludir a seu caráter moderno. Ainda, os filmes apresentam divergências em relação à proposta contemporânea de uma pedagogia das lutas, fundamentada na ciência da motricidade humana. Por outro lado, as produções cinematográficas contribuem para a área educacional na medida em que possibilitam discussões a respeito dos processos formativos e seus percalços, retratados de forma original, recorrendo aos conceitos de yin/yang relacionados aos princípios zen-budistas do budo.

Tirti savo auklėtinių sportinės ir varžybinės veiklos motyvus, šiuos motyvus skiepyti — svarbi trenerio darbo sritis. Lietuvoje boksininkų ir karatė kovotojų sportinės veiklos motyvai iki šiol menkai tyrinėti.Tyrimo tikslas — ištirti ir palyginti Lietuvos boksininkų, karatė kovotojų sportinės veiklos motyvus.Tyrimo metodai: literatūros šaltinių analizė, anketavimas, matematinė statistika.Anketinė apklausa atlikta 2004 metais per Lietuvos suaugusiųjų bokso pirmenybes. Buvo tiriama 30 Lietuvos boksininkų ir 32 karatė kovotojai (n = 62). Anketinėje apklausoje dalyvavo 29 didelio (14 boksininkų ir 15 karatė kovotojų) ir 33 mažo meistriškumo (16 boksininkų ir 17 karatė kovotojų) sportininkai. Tiriamųjų amžiaus vidur-kis — 20,5 ± 2,3 metų.Tiriamiesiems buvo pateikta 56 klausimų standartizuota F. Herzberg anketa, aprobuota LKKA Sporto pedagogikos ir psichologijos katedros, norint nustatyti šiuos aštuonis veiklos motyvus: fi nansinį, pripažinimo ir dėkingumo, atsa-komybės, santykių su vadovu, karjeros, laimėjimų, darbo turinio, bendradarbiavimo. Tyrimo rezultatai apdoroti matematinės statistikos metodais. Apskaičiuotos gautų rezultatų vidutinės reikšmės, vidu-tinis kvadratinis nuokrypis. Skirtumo patikimumas nustatytas pagal Stjudento t kriterijų. 95% patikimumo lygmuo (p < 0,05) laikytas statistiškai patikimu.Nustatyta, kad didelio meistriškumo Lietuvos boksininkams ir karatė kovotojams reikšmingiausi darbo turinio ir laimėjimų motyvai, mažo meistriškumo sportininkams — darbo turinio, bendradarbiavimo ir atsakomybės. Didelio meistriškumo boksininkams fi nansinis, pripažinimo ir dėkingumo, karjeros ir laimėjimų motyvai yra svarbiausi, palyginti su karatė kovotojų (p < 0,05). Mažo meistriškumo boksininkams fi nansinis motyvas svarbesnis nei tokio paties meistriškumo karatė kovotojams (p < 0,05), bet mažiau svarbus nei didelio meistriškumo boksininkams (p < 0,001). Visiems respondentams nereikšmingiausias yra karjeros motyvas.Raktažodžiai: sportinės veiklos motyvai, didelis ir mažas meistriškumas, boksas, karatė.

“A bunch of faggots for watching men hug each other in tights.”For the past five Marches, World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE) has produced an awards show which honours its aged former performers, such as Jimmy “Superfly” Snuka and Ricky “The Dragon” Steamboat, as pro-wrestling Legends. This awards show, according to WWE, is ‘an elegant, emotional, star-studded event that recognizes the in-ring achievements of the inductees and offers historical insights into this century-old sports-entertainment attraction’ (WWE.com, n.p.). In an episodic storyline leading up to the 2009 awards, however, the real-life personal shortcomings of these Legends have been brought to light, and subsequently mocked in one-on-one interview segments with WWE’s Superstar of the Year 2008, the dastardly Chris Jericho. Jericho caps off these tirades by physically assaulting the Legends with handy stage props. Significantly, the performances of Jericho and his victims have garnered positive attention not only from mass audiences unaware of backstage happenings in WWE, but also from the informed community of pro-wrestling fans over at the nihilistic humour website SomethingAwful. During Jericho’s assault on the Legend Jimmy “Superfly” Snuka at the March 02 WWE Raw event, a WWE-themed forum thread on SomethingAwful logged over sixty posts all reiterating variations of ‘gently caress me Jericho is amazing’ (Jerusalem, n.p.). This is despite the community’s passive-aggressive and ironically jaded official line that they indeed are ‘a bunch of faggots for watching men hug each other in tights. Thank you for not telling us this several times’ (HulkaMatt, n.p.). Why were these normally cynical fans of WWE enthusiastically expressing their love for the Jericho-Legends feud? In order to answer this question, this paper argues that the feud articulates not only the ideal of the “giving wrestler”, but also Roland Barthes’s version of jouissance. Consuming and commenting on WWE texts within the SomethingAwful community is further argued to be a performative ritual in which informed wrestling fans distance themselves from audiences they perceive as uncritical and ill-informed cultural dupes. The feud, then, allows the SomethingAwful fans to perform enthusiasm on two interconnected levels: they are not only able to ironically cheer on Jericho’s morally reprehensible actions, but also to genuinely appreciate the present-day in-ring efforts of the Legends. The Passion of the SuperflyTo properly contextualise this paper, though, the fact that “pro wrestling is fake” needs to be reiterated. Each match is a choreographed sequence of moves. Victory does not result from landing more damaging bodyslams than one's opponent, but is instead predetermined by scriptwriters—among whom wrestlers are typically not numbered—backstage. In the 1950s, Roland Barthes thus commented that pro wrestling ‘is not a sport, it is a spectacle’ (Mythologies 13). Yet, pro wrestling remains popular because this theatricality allows for the display of spectacular excesses of passion—here Barthes not only means “an intensity of emotion”, but refers to the physically tortured heroes of medieval passion plays as well—giving it an advantage over the legitimate sport of amateur wrestling. ‘It is obvious that at such a pitch, it no longer matters whether the passion is genuine or not. What the public wants is the image of passion, not passion itself’ (Mythologies 16). This observation still holds true in today’s WWE. On one hand, the SomethingAwful fans go ‘gently caress Jericho, [Superfly] will MURDER you’ (Jerusalem, n.p.) in disapproval of Jericho’s on-screen actions. In the same thread, though, they simultaneously fret over him being slightly injured from an off-screen real life accident. ‘Jericho looks busted up on his forehead. Dang’ (Carney, n.p.).However, Barthes’s observations, while seminal, are not the be-all and end-all of pro wrestling scholarship. The industry has undergone a significant number of changes since the 1950s. Speeches and interview segments are now seen as essential tools for furthering storylines. Correspondingly, they are given ample TV time. At over ten minutes, the Jericho-“Superfly” confrontation from the March 02 Raw is longer than both the matches following it, and a fifteen minute conversation between two top wrestlers capstones these two matches. Henry Jenkins has thus argued that pro wrestling is a male-targeted melodrama. Its ‘writers emphasize many traits that [legitimate sports such as] football share with melodrama-the clear opposition between characters, the sharp alignment of audience identification, abrupt shifts in fortune, and an emotionally satisfying resolution’ (Jenkins, “Never Trust a Snake” 81). Unlike football, though, the predetermined nature of pro wrestling means that its events can be ‘staged to ensure maximum emotional impact and a satisfying climax’ (Jenkins, “Never Trust a Snake” 81). Further, Jenkins notes that shouting is preferred over tears as an outlet for male affect. It ‘embodies externalised emotion; it is aggressive and noisy. Women cry from a position of emotional (and often social) vulnerability; men shout from a position of physical and social strength (however illusory)’ (Jenkins, “Never Trust a Snake” 80). Pro wrestling is seen to encourage this outlet for affect by offering its viewers spectacles of male physical prowess to either castigate or cheer. Jericho’s assault of the Legends, coupled with his half-screaming, half-shouting taunts of “‘Hall of Famer’? ‘Hall of Famer’ of what? You’re a has-been! Just like all the rest!” could be read to fit within this paradigm as well. Smarts vs. MarksWWE has repeatedly highlighted its scripted nature in recent years. During a 2007 CNN interview, for instance, WWE Chairman Vince McMahon constantly refers to his product as “entertainment” and laughingly agrees that “it’s all story” when discussing his on-screen interactions with his long-lost midget “son” (Griffin, n.p.). These overt acknowledgments that WWE is a highly choreographed melodrama have boosted the growth of a fan demographic referred to the "smart" in pro-wrestling argot. This “smart” fan is a figure for whom the fabricated nature of pro-wrestling necessitates an engagement with the WWE spectacle at a different level from mass audiences. The “smart” not only ‘follow[s] the WWE not just to see the shows, but to keep track of what “the Fed[eration]” is doing’ (McBride and Bird 170) with regards to off-camera events, but also 'has knowledge of the inner-workings of the wrestling business’ (PWTorch, n.p.). One of the few “GOLD”-rated threads on the SomethingAwful smart forums, accordingly, is titled “WWE News and Other Top Stories, The Insider Thread”, and has nearly 400 000 views and over 1000 posts. As a result, the smarts are in a subject position of relative insider-ness. They consume the WWE spectacle at a deeper level—one which functions roughly like an apparatus of capture for the critical/cynical affect mobilised around the binary of ‘real’ and ‘fake’—yet ultimately remain captured by the spectacle through their autodidact enthusiasm for knowledge which uncovers its inner workings.By contrast, there is the category of the “mark” fan. These “marks” are individuals who remain credulous in their reception of WWE programming. As cuteygrl08 writes regarding a recent WWE storyline involving brotherly envy:I LOVE JEFF HARDY!!!! i cried when i heard his brother say all the crap about him!! kinda weird but i love him and this video is soooo good!! JEFF hardy loves his fans and his fans love him no matter what he does i'll always love JEFF HARDY!!!!!!!!!!! (n.p.)This unstinting faith in the on-screen spectacle is understandable insofar as WWE programming trades upon powerful visual markers of authenticity—nearly-bare bodies, sweat, pained facial expressions­—and complements them with the adrenaline-producing beats of thrash metal and hard rock. Yet, smarts look down upon marks like cuteygrl08, seeing them as Frankfurt School-era hypnotised sots for whom the WWE spectacle is ‘the common ground of the deceived gaze and of false consciousness’ (Debord 117), and additionally as victims of a larger media industry which specialises in mass deception (Horkheimer and Adorno 41). As Lawrence McBride and Elizabeth Bird observe:Marks appear to believe in the authenticity of the competition—Smarts see them as the stereotypical dupes imagined by wrestling critics. Smarts approach the genre of wrestling as would-be insiders, while Marks root unreflexively for the most popular faces. Smart fans possess truly incredible amounts of knowledge about the history of wrestling, including wrestler’s real names and career histories, how various promotions began and folded, who won every Wrestlemania ever. Smart fan informants defined a Mark specifically as someone who responds to wrestling in the way intended by the people who write the storylines (the bookers), describing Marks with statements such as “Kids are Marks.” or “We were all Marks when we were kids.” Smarts view Marks with scorn. (169)Perhaps feeding on the antagonistic binaries drawn by WWE programming, there exists an “us vs them” binary in smart fan communities. Previous research has shown that fan communities often rigidly police the boundaries of “good taste”, and use negatively constructed differences as a means of identity construction (Fiske 448; Jenkins, “Get a Life!” 432; Theodoropoulou 321). This ritual Othering is especially important when supporting the WWE. Smarts are aware that they are fans of a product denigrated by non-fans as ‘trash TV’ (McKinley, n.p.). As Matt Hills finds, fandom is a mode of performative consumption. It is ‘an identity which is (dis)claimed, and which performs cultural work’ (Hills xi). Belonging to the SomethingAwful smart community, thus, exerts its own pressures on the individual smart. There, the smart must perform ‘audiencehood, knowing that other fans will act as a readership for speculation, observation, and commentaries’ (Hills 177). Wrestling, then, is not just to be watched passively. It must be analysed, and critically dissected with reference to the encyclopaedic knowledge treasured by the smart community. Mark commentary has to be pilloried, for despite all the ironic disaffection characterising their posts, the smarts display mark-like behaviour by watching and purchasing WWE programming under their own volition. A near-existential dread is hence articulated when smarts become aware of points where the boundaries between smart and mark overlap, that ‘the creatures that lurk the internet ...carry some of the same interests that we do’ (rottingtrashcan, n.p.). Any commonalities between smarts and marks must thus be disavowed as a surface resemblance: afterall, creatures are simply unthinking appetites, not smart epicures. We’re better than those plebs; in fact, we’re nothing like them any more. Yet, in one of the few forms of direct address in the glossary of smart newsletter PWTorch, to “mark out” is ‘to enthusiastically be into [a storyline] or match as if you [emphasis added] were “a mark”; to suspend one's disbelief for the sake of enjoying to a greater extent a match or [a storyline]’ (PWTorch, n.p.). The existence of the term “marking out” in a smart glossary points to an enjoyably liminal privileged position between that of defensively ironic critic and that of credulous dupe, one where smarts can stop their performance of cooler-than-thou fatigue and enthusiastically believe that there is nothing more to WWE than spontaneous alarms and excursions. The bodily reactions of the Legends in response to Jericho's physical assault helps foster this willing naiveté. These reactions are a distressing break from the generic visual conventions set forth by preceding decades of professional wrestling. As Barthes argues, wrestling is as much concerned with images of spectacular suffering as with narratives of amazing triumphs:the wrestler who suffers in a hold which is reputedly cruel (an arm- lock, a twisted leg) offers an excessive portrayal of Suffering; like a primitive Pieta, he exhibits for all to see his face, exaggeratedly contorted by an intolerable affliction. It is obvious, of course, that in wrestling reserve would be out of place, since it is opposed to the voluntary ostentation of the spectacle, to this Exhibition of Suffering which is the very aim of the fight. (17)Barthes was writing of the primitively filmed wrestling matches of the 1950s notable for their static camera shots. However, WWE wrestlers yet follow this theatrical aesthetic. In the match immediately following Jericho’s bullying of Superfly, Kane considerately jumps the last two feet into a ringside turnbuckle after Mike Knox pushes him into its general vicinity. Kane grunts at the impact while the camera cuts to a low-angled shot of his back—all the better to magnify the visual of the 150 kg Knox now using his bulk to squash Kane. Whenever Jericho himself traps his opponent in his “Walls of Jericho” submission manoeuvre, both their faces are rictuses of passion. His opponent clutches for the safety of the ring ropes, shaking his head in heroic determination. Audiences see Jericho tighten his grip, his own head shaking in villainous purpose. But the Legends do not gyrate around the set when hit. Instead, they invariably slump to the ground, motionless except for weakly spasming to the rhythm of Jericho’s subsequent attacks. This atypical reaction forces audiences—smart and mark alike—to re-evaluate any assumptions that the event constitutes a typical WWE beatdown. Overblown theatricality gives way to a scene which seems more related to everyday experiences with pain: Here's an old man being beaten and whipped by a strong, young man. He's not moving. Not like other wrestlers do. I wonder... The battered bodies of these Legends are then framed in high angle camera shots, making them look ever so much more vulnerable than they were prior to Jericho’s assault. Hence the smart statements gushing that ‘gently caress me Jericho is amazing’ (Jerusalem, n.p.) and that Jericho’s actions have garnered a ‘rear end in a top hat chant [from the crowd]. It has been FOREVER since I heard one of those. I love Chris Jericho’ (Burrito, n.p.).Jouissance and “Marking Out”This uninhibited “marking out” by normally cynical smarts brings to mind Barthes's observation that texts are able to provoke two different kinds of enjoyment in their readers. On one hand, there is the text which provides pleasure born from familiarity. It ‘contents, fills, grants euphoria; [it is] the text that comes from culture and does not break with it, is linked to a comfortable practice of reading’ (Barthes, Image-Music-Text 14). The Knox-Kane match engendered such a been-there-done-that-it's-ok-I-guess overall reaction from smarts. For every ‘Mike Knox throwing Mysterio at Kane was fantastic’ (Burrito, n.p.), there is an ‘Ahahaha jesus Knox [sic] that was the shittiest Hurracanrana sell ever’ (Axisillian, n.p.), and a ‘Hit the beard [sic] it is Knox's weakpoint’ (Eurotrash, n.p.). The pleasant genericity of the match enables and necessitates that these smarts maintain their tactic of ironic posturing. They are able to armchair critique Knox for making his opponent's spinning Hurracanrana throw look painless. Yet they are also allowed to reiterate their camp affection for Knox's large and bushy beard, which remains grotesque even when divorced from a WWE universe that celebrates sculpted physiques.By contrast, Barthes praises the text of rapturous jouissance. It is one where an orgasmic intensity of pleasure is born from the unravelling of its audience’s assumptions, moving them away from their comfort zone. It is a text which ‘imposes a stage of loss, [a] text that discomforts (perhaps to the point of boredom), unsettles the reader's historical, cultural, psychological assumptions, the consistency of his tastes, values, memories, brings to crisis his relation with language’ (Barthes, Image-Music-Text 14). In addition to the atypical physical reactions of the Legends, WWE cynically positions the Jericho-Legends segments during Raw events which also feature slick video montages highlighting the accomplishments of individual Legends. These montages—complete with an erudite and enthusiastic Voice-of-God narrator— introduce the long-retired Legends to marks unfamiliar with WWE's narrative continuity: “Ladies and gentlemen! Rrriiiicky “The Draaagon” Steeeeamboat!”. At the same time, they serve as a visually and aurally impressive highlight-reel-cum-nostalgic-celebration of each Legend's career accomplishments. Their authoritative narration is spliced to clips of past matches, and informs audiences that, for instance, Steamboat was ‘one of the first Superstars to combine technical skills with astounding aerial agility ... in a match widely regarded as one of the best in history, he captured the Intercontinental title from Randy Savage in front of a record-breaking 93 173 fans’ (“Raw #636”, WWE). Following the unassailably authentic video footage of past matches, other retired wrestlers speak candidly in non-WWE stages such as outdoor parks and their own homes about the Legend's strengths and contributions to the industry.The interesting thing about these didactic montages is not so much what they show —Legends mythologised into triumphant Titans — but rather, what they elide. While the Steamboat-centred package does reflect the smart consensus that his Intercontinental bout ‘was a technical classic, and to this day, is still considered one of the greatest matches of all-time’ (NPP, n.p.), it does not mention how Steamboat was treated poorly in the WWE. Despite coming to it as the widely-known World Champion of [the NWA] rival promotion, WWE producers ‘dressed Steamboat up as a dragon and even made him blow fire. ...To boot, he was never acknowledged as a World Champion and [kept losing] to the stars’ (NPP, n.p.). The montages, overtly endorsed by the gigantic WWE logo as they are, are ultimately pleasant illusions which rewrite inconvenient truths while glamorising pleasant memories.Jericho’s speeches, however, sharply break from this celebratory mode. He references Steamboat’s previous success in the NWA, ‘an organisation that according to this company never even existed’(“Raw #636”, WWE). He then castigates Steamboat for being a real-life sellout and alludes to Steamboat having personal problems unmentioned in the montage:It wasn't until you came to the WWE that you sold your soul to all of these parasites [everyone watching] that you became “The Dragon”. A glorified Karate Kid selling headbands and making poses. Feeding into stereotypes. And then you eventually came to the ring with a Komodo Dragon. Literally spitting fire like the circus freak you'd become. It was pathetic. But hey, it's all right as long as you're making a paycheck, right Steamboat? And then when you decided to retire, you ended up like all the rest. Down and out. Broken. Beaten down. Dysfunctional family ...You applied for a job working for the WWE, you got one working backstage, and now here you are. You see, Steamboat, you are a life-long sellout. And now, with the Hall of Fame induction, the loyal dog gets his bone. (WWE)Here, Jericho demonstrates an apparent unwillingness to follow the company line by not only acknowledging the NWA, but also by disrespecting a current WWE backstage authority. Yet, wrestlers having onscreen tangles with their bosses is the norm for WWE. The most famous storyline of the 1990s had “Stone Cold” Steve Austin and the WWE Chairman brutalising each other for months on end, and the fifteen minute verbal exchange mentioned earlier concerns one wrestler previously attacking the Raw General Manager. Rather, it is Jericho’s reinterpretation of Steamboat’s career trajectory which gives the storyline the intensely pleasurable uncertainty of jouissance. His confrontational speeches rupture the celebratory nostalgia of the montages, forcing smarts to apply extra-textual knowledge to them. This is especially relevant in Steamboat’s case. His montage was shown just prior to his meeting with Jericho, ensuring that his iconic status was fresh in the audience’s memory. Vera Dika’s findings on the conflict between memory and history in revisionist nostalgia films are important to remember here. The tension ‘that comes from the juxtaposition of the coded material against the historical context of the film itself ...encourages a new set of meanings to arise’ (Dika 91). Jericho cynically views the seemingly virtuous and heroic Steamboat as a corporate sycophant preying on fan goodwill to enrich his own selfish ends. This viewpoint, troublingly enough for smarts, is supported by their non-WWE-produced extra-textual knowledge, allowing for a meta-level melodrama to be played out. The speeches thus speak directly to smarts, simultaneously confounding and exceeding their expectations. The comfortingly pleasant memories of Steamboat’s “amazing aerial prowess” are de-emphasised, and he is further linked to the stereotypical juvenilia of the once-popular The Karate Kid. They articulate and capitalise upon whatever misgivings smarts may have regarding Steamboat’s real-life actions. Thus, to paraphrase Dika, ‘seen in this clash, [the Jericho-Legends feud] has the structure of irony, producing a feeling of nostalgia, but also of pathos, and registering the historical events as the cause of an irretrievable loss [of a Legend’s dignity]’ (91). “C’mon Legend! Live in the past!” taunts Jericho as he stuffs Superfly’s mouth with bananas and beats him amidst the wreckage of the exactingly reproduced cheap wooden set in the same way that “Rowdy” Roddy Piper did years ago (“RAW #637”, WWE). This literal dismantling of cherished memories results from WWE producers second-guessing the smarts, and providing these fans with an enjoyably uncomfortable jouissance that cleverly confounds the performance of a smart disaffection. “Marking out” —or its performance at least—results.The Giving WrestlerLastly, the general physical passivity of the Legends also ties into the ethos of the “giving wrestler” when combined with the celebratory montages. In a business where performed passion is integral to fan enjoyment, the “giving wrestler” is an important figure who, when hit by a high-risk move, will make his co-worker’s offense look convincing (McBride and Bird 173). He ‘will give his all in a performance to ensure a dual outcome: the match will be spectacular, benefiting the fans, and each wrestler will make his “opponent” look good, helping him “get over with the fans” (McBride and Bird 172). Unsurprisingly, this figure is appreciated by smarts, who ‘often form strong emotional attachments to those wrestlers who go to the greatest lengths to bear the burden of the performance’ (McBride and Bird 173). As described earlier, the understated reactions of the Legends make Jericho’s attacks paradoxically look as though they cause extreme pain. Yet, when this pathetic image of the Legends is combined with the hypermasculine images of them in their heyday, a tragedy with real-life referents is played out on-stage. In one of Jenkins’s ‘abrupt shifts of fortune’ (“Never Trust a Snake” 81), age has grounded these Legends. They can now believably be assaulted with impunity by someone that Steamboat dismisses as ‘a snotty brat wrestler of a kid[sic] ...a hypocrite’ (“Raw #636”, WWE), and even in this, they apparently give their all to make Jericho look viciously “good”, thus exceeding the high expectations of smarts. As an appreciative thread title on SomethingAwful states, ‘WWE Discussion is the RICKY STEAMBOAT OWN [wins] ZONE for 02/23/09’ (HulkaMatt, n.p.) ConclusionThe Jericho-Legends feud culminated the day after the Hall of Fame ceremony, at the WWE’s flagship Wrestlemania event. Actor Mickey Rourke humiliated Jericho for the honour of the Legends, flattening the cocky braggart with a single punch. The maximum degree of moral order possible was thus temporarily restored to an episodic narrative centred around unprovoked acts of violence. Ultimately though, it is important to note the three strategies that WWE used The Legends were scripted to respond feebly to Jericho’s physical assault, slick recap montages were copiously deployed, and Jericho himself was allowed candid metatextual references to incidents that WWE producers normally like to pretend have “never even existed”. All these strategies were impressive in their own right, and they eventually served to reinforce each other. They shocked the SomethingAwful smart community, celebrated its autodidact tendencies, and forced it to re-evaluate pleasant memories. Such producer strategies enabled these smarts to re-discover jouissance and perform a rapturously regressive “marking out”. References Axisillian. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=14 >. Barthes, Roland. “The World of Wrestling.” Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. London: Noonday, 1991. 13-23.Barthes, Roland. Image-Music-Text. Trans. Stephen Heath. Great Britain: Fontana, 1977.“Be a Part of the 2008 WWE Hall of Fame Induction Ceremony.” WWE.com 28 Mar. 2008. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://www.wwe.com/superstars/halloffame/articles/hoffacts >.Burrito. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=8 >.Carney. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=6 >.cuteygrl08. “Jeff Hardy Fan MUST SEE!” Youtube Feb. 2009. 7 Mar. 2009 < http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bQmW-ESiQAs >.Dika, Vera. Recycled Culture in Contemporary Art and Film: The Uses of Nostalgia. New York: Cambridge UP, 2003.Debord, Guy. “The Commodity as Spectacle.” Media and Cultural Studies: Keyworks. Eds. Meenakishi Gigi Durham and Douglas M. Kellner. England: Blackwell 2001. 117-21. Eurotrash. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=13 >.Fiske, John. “The Cultural Economy of Fandom.” The Cult Film Reader. Eds. Ernest Mathijs and Xavier Mendik. England: Open UP, 2008. 446-55.Griffin, Drew. “McMahons: WWE not to blame for Benoit's actions.” CNN 7 Nov. 2007. 8 Mar. 2009 < http://edition.cnn.com/2007/US/11/07/mcmahons.transcript/index.html?iref=newssearch >.Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. “The Culture Industry: Enlightenment as Mass Deception.” Media and Cultural Studies: Keyworks. Eds. Meenakishi Gigi Durham and Douglas M. Kellner. England: Blackwell 2001. 41-72. HulkaMatt. “Wrestlehut 2000 Rules and FAQ - Last Update: 2/13/2009 - FRANK MIR FEARS BROCK LESNAR.” SomethingAwful 5 Aug. 2008. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=2922167 >.HulkaMatt. “WWE Discussion is the RICKY STEAMBOAT OWN ZONE for 02/23/09.” SomethingAwful 24 Feb. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3085277 >.Jenkins, Henry. “'Get a Life!': Fans, Poachers, Nomads.” The Cult Film Reader. Eds. Ernest Mathijs and Xavier Mendik. England: Open UP, 2008. 430-43.Jenkins, Henry. “Never Trust a Snake: WWF Wrestling as Masculine Melodrama.” The Wow Climax. New York: New York UP 2007. 75-101.Jerusalem. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=6 >.McBride, Lawrence B., and S. Elizabeth Bird. “From Smart Fan to Backyard Wrestler: Performance, Context, and Aesthetic Violence.” Fandom: Identities and Communities in a Mediated World. Eds. Jonathan Gray, Cornel Sandvoss, and C. Lee Harrington. New York: New York UP. 165-76.McKinley, Shane. “THE ABSURDITY OF IT ALL - ECW & IMPACT & SMACKDOWN: Sarah Palin vs. Rod Blagojevich at TNA PPV, Worst Catchphrase Feud, WWE Fake News Report 101.” PWTorch 13 Dec. 2008. 7 Mar. 2009 < http://pwtorch.com/artman2/publish/The_Specialists_34/article_28554.shtml >.nyratk1. “WWE RAW is IN SOVIET RUSSIA, HEART BREAKS YOU for 3/2/09.” SomethingAwful 3 Mar. 2009. 5 Mar. 2009 < http://forums.somethingawful.com/showthread.php?threadid=3089910&userid=0&perpage=40&pagenumber=43 >.RAW #636. WWE 23 Feb. 2009. 7 Mar. 2009 < http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Dyq9nKr8KI&feature=related >.RAW #637. 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Introduction Mentors play a role in real life, just as they do in fiction. They also feature in reality television, which sits somewhere between the two. In fiction, mentors contribute to the narrative arc by providing guidance and assistance (Vogler 12) to a mentee in his or her life or professional pursuits. These exchanges are usually characterized by reciprocity, the need for mutual recognition (Gadamer 353) and involve some kind of moral question. They dramatise the possibilities of mentoring in reality, to provide us with a greater understanding of the world, and our human interaction within it. Reality television offers a different perspective. Like drama it uses the plot device of a mentor character to heighten the story arc, but instead of focusing on knowledge-based portrayals (Gadamer 112) of the mentor and mentee, the emphasis is instead on the mentee’s quest for ascension. In attempting to transcend their unknownness (Boorstin) contestants aim to penetrate an exclusive creative class (Florida). Populated by celebrity chefs, businessmen, entertainers, fashionistas, models, socialites and talent judges (to name a few), this class seemingly adds authenticity to ‘competitions’ and other formats. While the mentor’s role, on the surface, is to provide divine knowledge and facilitate the journey, a different agenda is evident in the ways carefully scripted (Booth) dialogue heightens the drama through effusive praise (New York Daily News) and “tactless” (Woodward), humiliating (Hirschorn; Winant 69; Woodward) and cruel sentiments. From a screen narrative point of view, this takes reality television as ‘storytelling’ (Aggarwal; Day; Hirschorn; “Reality Writer”; Rupel; Stradal) into very different territory. The contrived and later edited (Crouch; Papacharissi and Mendelson 367) communication between mentor and mentee not only renders the relationship disingenuous, it compounds the primary ethical concerns of associated Schadenfreude (Balasubramanian, Forstie and van den Scott 434; Cartwright), and the severe financial inequality (Andrejevic) underpinning a multi-billion dollar industry (Hamilton). As upward mobility and instability continue to be ubiquitously portrayed in 21st century reality entertainment under neoliberalism (Sender 4; Winant 67), it is with increasing frequency that we are seeing the systematic reinvention of the once significant cultural and historical role of the mentor. Mentor as Fictional Archetype and Communicator of ThemesDepictions of mentors can be found across the Western art canon. From the mythological characters of Telemachus’ Athena and Achilles’ Chiron, to King Arthur’s Merlin, Cinderella’s Fairy Godmother, Jim Hawkins’ Long John Silver, Frodo’s Gandalf, Batman’s Alfred and Marty McFly’s Doc Emmett Brown (among many more), the dramatic energy of the teacher, expert or supernatural aid (Vogler 39) has been timelessly powerful. Heroes, typically, engage with a mentor as part of their journey. Mentor types range extensively, from those who provide motivation, inspiration, training or gifts (Vogler), to those who may be dark or malevolent, or have fallen from grace (such as Michael Douglas’ Gordon Gekko in Wall Street 1987, or the ex-tribute Haymitch in The Hunger Games, 2012). A good drama usually complicates the relationship in some way, exploring initial reluctance from either party, or instances of tragedy (Vogler 11, 44) which may prevent the relationship achieving its potential. The intriguing twist of a fallen or malevolent mentor additionally invites the audience to morally analyze the ways the hero responds to what the mentor provides, and to question what our teachers or superiors tell us. In television particularly, long running series such as Mad Men have shown how a mentoring relationship can change over time, where “non-rational” characters (Buzzanell and D’Enbeau 707) do not necessarily maintain reciprocity or equality (703) but become subject to intimate, ambivalent and erotic aspects.As the mentor in fiction has deep cultural roots for audiences today, it is no wonder they are used, in a variety of archetypal capacities, in reality television. The dark Simon Cowell (of Pop Idol, American Idol, Britain’s Got Talent, America’s Got Talent and The X-Factor series) and the ‘villainous’ (Byrnes) Michelin-starred Marco Pierre White (Hell’s Kitchen, The Chopping Block, Marco Pierre White’s Kitchen Wars, MasterChef Australia, New Zealand, South Africa) provide reality writers with much needed antagonism (Rupel, Stradal). Those who have fallen from grace, or allowed their personal lives to play out in tabloid sagas such as Britney Spears (Marikar), or Caitlyn Jenner (Bissinger) provide different sources of conflict and intrigue. They are then counterbalanced with or repackaged as the good mentor. Examples of the nurturer who shows "compassion and empathy" include American Idol’s Paula Abdul (Marche), or the supportive Jennifer Hawkins in Next Top Model (Thompson). These distinctive characters help audiences to understand the ‘reality’ as a story (Crouch; Rupel; Stradal). But when we consider the great mentors of screen fiction, it becomes clear how reality television has changed the nature of story. The Karate Kid I (1984) and Good Will Hunting (1998) are two examples where mentoring is almost the exclusive focus, and where the experience of the characters differs greatly. In both films an initially reluctant mentor becomes deeply involved in the mentee’s project. They act as a special companion to the hero in the face of isolation, and, significantly, reveal a tragedy of their own, providing a nexus through which the mentee can access a deeper kind of truth. Not only are they flawed and ordinary people (they are not celebrities within the imagined worlds of the stories) who the mentee must challenge and learn to truly respect, they are “effecting and important” (Maslin) in reminding audiences of those hidden idiosyncrasies that open the barriers to friendship. Mentors in these stories, and many others, communicate themes of class, culture, talent, jealousy, love and loss which inform ideas about the ethical treatment of the ‘other’ (Gadamer). They ultimately prove pivotal to self worth, human confidence and growth. Very little of this thematic substance survives in reality television (see comparison of plots and contrasting modes of human engagement in the example of The Office and Dirty Jobs, Winant 70). Archetypally identifiable as they may be, mean judges and empathetic supermodels as characters are concerned mostly with the embodiment of perfection. They are flawless, untouchable and indeed most powerful when human welfare is at stake, and when the mentee before them faces isolation (see promise to a future ‘Rihanna’, X-Factor USA, Season 2, Episode 1 and Tyra Banks’ Next Top Model tirade at a contestant who had not lived up to her potential, West). If connecting with a mentor in fiction has long signified the importance of understanding of the past, of handing down tradition (Gadamer 354), and of our fascination with the elder, wiser other, then we can see a fundamental shift in narrative representation of mentors in reality television stories. In the past, as we have opened our hearts to such characters, as a facilitator to or companion of the hero, we have rehearsed a sacred respect for the knowledge and fulfillment mentors can provide. In reality television the ‘drama’ may evoke a fleeting rush of excitement at the hero’s success or failure, but the reality belies a pronounced distancing between mentor and mentee. The Creative Class: An Aspirational ParadigmThemes of ascension and potential fulfillment are also central to modern creativity discourse (Runco; Runco 672; United Nations). Seen as the driving force of the 21st century, creativity is now understood as much more than art, capable of bringing economic prosperity (United Nations) and social cohesion to its acme (United Nations xxiii). At the upper end of creative practice, is what Florida called “the creative class: a fast growing, highly educated, and well-paid segment of the workforce” (on whose expertise corporate profits depend), in industries ranging “from technology to entertainment, journalism to finance, high-end manufacturing to the arts” (Florida). Their common ethos is centered on individuality, diversity, and merit; eclipsing previous systems focused on ‘shopping’ and theme park consumerism and social conservatism (Eisinger). While doubts have since been raised about the size (Eisinger) and financial practices (Krätke 838) of the creative class (particularly in America), from an entertainment perspective at least, the class can be seen in full action. Extending to rich housewives, celebrity teen mothers and even eccentric duck hunters and swamp people, the creative class has caught up to the more traditional ‘star’ actor or music artist, and is increasingly marketable within world’s most sought after and expensive media spaces. Often reality celebrities make their mark for being the most outrageous, the cruelest (Peyser), or the weirdest (Gallagher; Peyser) personalities in the spotlight. Aspiring to the creative class thus, is a very public affair in television. Willing participants scamper for positions on shows, particularly those with long running, heavyweight titles such as Big Brother, The Bachelor, Survivor and the Idol series (Hill 35). The better known formats provide high visibility, with the opportunity to perform in front of millions around the globe (Frere-Jones, Day). Tapping into the deeply ingrained upward-mobility rhetoric of America, and of Western society, shows are aided in large part by 24-hour news, social media, the proliferation of celebrity gossip and the successful correlation between pop culture and an entertainment-style democratic ideal. As some have noted, dramatized reality is closely tied to the rise of individualization, and trans-national capitalism (Darling-Wolf 127). Its creative dynamism indeed delivers multi-lateral benefits: audiences believe the road to fame and fortune is always just within reach, consumerism thrives, and, politically, themes of liberty, egalitarianism and freedom ‘provide a cushioning comfort’ (Peyser; Pinter) from the domestic and international ills that would otherwise dispel such optimism. As the trials and tests within the reality genre heighten the seriousness of, and excitement about ascending toward the creative elite, show creators reproduce the same upward-mobility themed narrative across formats all over the world. The artifice is further supported by the festival-like (Grodin 46) symbology of the live audience, mass viewership and the online voting community, which in economic terms, speaks to the creative power of the material. Whether through careful manipulation of extra media space, ‘game strategy’, or other devices, those who break through are even more idolized for the achievement of metamorphosing into a creative hero. For the creative elite however, who wins ‘doesn’t matter much’. Vertical integration is the priority, where the process of making contestants famous is as lucrative as the profits they will earn thereafter; it’s a form of “one-stop shopping” as the makers of Idol put it according to Frere-Jones. Furthermore, as Florida’s measures and indicators suggested, the geographically mobile new creative class is driven by lifestyle values, recreation, participatory culture and diversity. Reality shows are the embodiment this idea of creativity, taking us beyond stale police procedural dramas (Hirschorn) and racially typecast family sitcoms, into a world of possibility. From a social equality perspective, while there has been a notable rise in gay and transgender visibility (Gamson) and stories about lower socio-economic groups – fast food workers and machinists for example – are told in a way they never were before, the extent to which shows actually unhinge traditional power structures is, as scholars have noted (Andrejevic and Colby 197; Schroeder) open to question. As boundaries are nonetheless crossed in the age of neoliberal creativity, the aspirational paradigm of joining a new elite in real life is as potent as ever. Reality Television’s Mentors: How to Understand Their ‘Role’Reality television narratives rely heavily on the juxtaposition between celebrity glamour and comfort, and financial instability. As mentees put it ‘all on the line’, storylines about personal suffering are hyped and molded for maximum emotional impact. In the best case scenarios mentors such as Caitlyn Jenner will help a trans mentee discover their true self by directing them in a celebrity-style photo shoot (see episode featuring Caitlyn and Zeam, Logo TV 2015). In more extreme cases the focus will be on an adopted contestant’s hopes that his birth mother will hear him sing (The X Factor USA, Season 2, Episode 11 Part 1), or on a postal clerk’s fear that elimination will mean she has to go back “to selling stamps” (The X Factor US - Season 2 Episode 11 Part 2). In the entrepreneurship format, as Woodward pointed out, it is not ‘help’ that mentees are given, but condescension. “I have to tell you, my friend, that this is the worst idea I’ve ever heard. You don’t have a clue about how to set up a business or market a product,” Woodward noted as the feedback given by one elite businessman on The Shark Tank (Woodward). “This is a five million dollar contract and I have to know that you can go the distance” (The X Factor US – Season 2 Episode 11, Part 1) Britney Spears warned to a thirteen-year-old contestant before accepting her as part of her team. In each instance the fictitious premise of being either an ‘enabler’ or destroyer of dreams is replayed and slightly adapted for ongoing consumer interest. This lack of shared experience and mutual recognition in reality television also highlights the overt, yet rarely analyzed focus on the wealth of mentors as contrasted with their unstable mentees. In the respective cases of The X Factor and I Am Cait, one of the wealthiest moguls in entertainment, Cowell, reportedly contracts mentors for up to $15 million per season (Nair); Jenner’s performance in I Am Cait was also set to significantly boost the Kardashian empire (reportedly already worth $300 million, Pavia). In both series, significant screen time has been dedicated to showing the mentors in luxurious beachside houses, where mentees may visit. Despite the important social messages embedded in Caitlyn’s story (which no doubt nourishes the Kardashian family’s generally more ersatz material), the question, from a moral point of view becomes: would these mentors still interact with that particular mentee without the money? Regardless, reality participants insist they are fulfilling their dreams when they appear. Despite the preplanning, possibility of distress (Australia Network News; Bleasby) and even suicide (Schuster), as well as the ferocity of opinion surrounding shows (Marche) the parade of a type of ‘road of trials’ (Vogler 189) is enough to keep a huge fan base interested, and hungry for their turn to experience the fortune of being touched by the creative elite; or in narrative terms, a supernatural aid. ConclusionThe key differences between reality television and artistic narrative portrayals of mentors can be found in the use of archetypes for narrative conflict and resolution, in the ways themes are explored and the ways dialogue is put to use, and in the focus on and visibility of material wealth (Frere-Jones; Peyser). These differences highlight the political, cultural and social implications of exchanging stories about potential fulfillment, for stories about ascension to the creative class. Rather than being based on genuine reciprocity, and understanding of human issues, reality shows create drama around the desperation to penetrate the inner sanctum of celebrity fame and fortune. In fiction we see themes based on becoming famous, on gender transformation, and wealth acquisition, such as in the films and series Almost Famous (2000), The Bill Silvers Show (1955-1959), Filthy Rich (1982-1983), and Tootsie (1982), but these stories at least attempt to address a moral question. Critically, in an artistic - rather than commercial context – the actors (who may play mentees) are not at risk of exploitation (Australia Network News; Bleasby; Crouch). Where actors are paid and recognized creatively for their contribution to an artistic work (Rupel), the mentee in reality television has no involvement in the ways action may be set up for maximum voyeuristic enjoyment, or manipulated to enhance scandalous and salacious content which will return show and media profits (“Reality Show Fights”; Skeggs and Wood 64). The emphasis, ironically, from a reality production point of view, is wholly on making the audience believe (Papacharissi and Mendelson 367) that the content is realistic. This perhaps gives some insight as to why themes of personal suffering and instability are increasingly evident across formats.On an ethical level, unlike the knowledge transferred through complex television plots, or in coming of age films (as cited above) about the ways tradition is handed down, and the ways true mentors provide altruistic help in human experience; in reality television we take away the knowledge that life, under neoliberalism, is most remarkable when one is handpicked to undertake a televised journey featuring their desire for upward mobility. The value of the mentoring in these cases is directly proportionate to the financial objectives of the creative elite.ReferencesAggarwal, Sirpa. “WWE, A&E Networks, and Simplynew Share Benefits of White-Label Social TV Solutions at the Social TV Summit.” Arktan 25 July 2012. 1 August 2014 <http://arktan.com/wwe-ae-networks-and-simplynew-share-benefits-of-white-label-social-tv-solutions-at-the-social-tv-summit/>. 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