Relevant bibliographies by topics / The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)

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Academic literature on the topic 'The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)"

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Jongerden, Joost. "A spatial perspective on political group formation in Turkey after the 1971 coup: The Kurdistan Workers Party of Turkey (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 134–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.441.

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The five years preceding the 1978 founding congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) are referred to by its members as the party’s “existential period”. In the PKK’s “existential period” public spaces, such as university dormitories and canteens and student associations played an important role as meeting places, yet political formation occurred mainly in private spaces, especially private apartments and houses. This article considers this early history of the PKK from a spatial perspective. The main question addressed is how the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, as the group was known before its formal establishment, sustained itself spatially at a time when political life had been paralysed as a result of martial law and became subject to securitisation politics. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and the study of (auto)biographical texts.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJINêrîneke mekanî li ser avabûna komên siyasî li Tirkiyeyê piştî derbeya 1971ê: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan a Tirkiyeyê (PKK)5 salên beriya 1978an, berî kongreya avabûna Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, ji teref endamên wê ve wek qonaxa hebûnî ya partiyê tê nîşankirin. Di ‘qonaxa hebûnî’ ya PKKê de roleke girîng a mekanên giştî yên wek xewgeh û kantîn û komeleyên xwendekaran li zanîngehan hebû lewre ew wek cihên civînê bûn, lê avabûna siyasî esasen li mekanên taybet, bi taybetî jî li mal û xaniyên taybet çêbû. Ev gotar wê dîroka pêşîn a PKKê bi nêrîneke mekanî dinirxîne. Pirsa bingehîn ew e ka Şoreşgerên Kurdistanê, wek ku berî avabûna xwe ya fermî dihatin zanîn, piştî ku jiyana siyasî ji ber qanûnên şer felc bûbû û tûşî siyaseteke rijd a asayîşê dibû, çawa karîn xwe li ser piya bigirin. Daneyên vê gotarê bi rêya hevpeyvînan û xebatên (oto)biyografîk hatine berhevkirin. ABSTRACT IN SORANIRwangeyekî şwênmend sebaret be drûstbûnî grupêkî siyasî le Turkiyay dway kudetay 1971: Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le Turkiya (PKK)Mawey pênc sallî pêş le damezranî kongrey Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le sallî 1978, le layen endamanî em ḧîzbewey wekû “qonaẍî wucûdî” amajey pê dekrê. Lem “qonaẍe wucûdîyey” Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan feza giştîyekan, wekû jûre nawxoyîyekanî zankokan, çêştxorîyekan û encûmene xwêndkarîyekan dewrêkî giringyan wek şwênî kobûnewe debînî, le katêkda ta ew qonaẍe riskanî siyasî zortir le feza taybetekan, be taybet apartman û mallî şexsîy hawwillatiyan debînra. Em wutare le rwangeyekî şwênmendewe serincî mêjûy seretayî PKK dedat. Pirsyarî serekîy em twêjînewe bo ewe degerrêtewe ke çon şorrişgêrranî Kurdistan, pêş lewey be resmî wekû grupêk dabimezrên denasran, û herweha le ruwî şwênî çalakîyewe çon ewan twaniyan xoyan rabigirin le katêkda jiyanî siyasî, wek babetî siyasetêkî emnîyewe seyr dekra û le derencamî maddeyekî yasayîyewe îflîc kirabû. Datay em wutare le rêgey wutuwêj û lêkollînewey deqekanî (xo)jiyanînamekanewe ko kirawetewe.
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Jongerden, Joost. "Learning from defeat: Development and contestation of the “new paradigm” within Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 1 (June 2, 2019): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i1.507.

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The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFêrbûna ji têkçûnê: Pêşketin û dijberiya "paradîgmaya nû" di nava Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê ya Tirkiyeyê (PKK) deGuherîna îdeolojîk û jinûve rêkxistina siyasî ya PKKyê gelek bûye babeta nîqaşan. Hindek lêkoler qebûl dikin ku guherînên girîng çêbûn di nava PKKyê de, lê hindek lêkolerên din girîngiyeke wisa nedane veguherîna PKKyê û ew bêtir wek stratejiyeke ragihandinê û rûberekê dîtine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvînên bi agahîderên xwedan rol û girîngî re, ev gotar nîqaş û geşedanên di nava partiyê de yên li serê salên 2000an digihîne hev û vesaz dike. Encameke serekî ku gotar digihê ew e ku veguherîna PKKyê gelek zêdetir bûye ji guherîneke arasteyê û lêanînên rêxistinî; berevajî vê yekê, pêşketina zihniyeteke nû bû, zihniyetek ku hiyerarşiyên dîrokî yên cinsiyetan û bingehên siyasî yên kûr dixistine jêr pirsyaran. Di pêvajoya vê guherîna bingehîn de, PKKyê hejmareke girîng a çalakvan û berpirsên xwe yên kevn ji dest dan. Herçend carinan wisa xuya bûbe ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bû veguherînek ku lez û dînamîzmeke nû da PKKyê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFêrbûn le şikist: Geşekirdin û rikaberîkirdinî "paradaymî nwê" lenaw Partî Krêkaranî Kurdistanî Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyolojî û rêkxistinewey siyasîy PKK buwete babetî miştumirr. Lekatêkda hendêk nûser dan beweda denên ke gorrankarîy gewre lenaw PKKda rûydawe, hendêkî tir werçerxanî PKK ret dekenewe û be corêk le stratîjîy rageyandin û perdepoşî dadenên. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtin legell hewallgire serekîyekanda, em babete miştumirr û allugorrîyekanî naw PKK le sallanî 2000ekanda daderrêjêtewe. Encamgîrîy serekî eweye werçerxanî PKK le arayîşdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdinî rêkxiraweyî ziyatire, le geşekirdinî cîhanbînîyekî tazeş kemtir nebû, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jêr pirsyarî heremeyî cênderî ke cêkewteyekî mêjuyîy heye legell bellge newîste siyasîye rîşe dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekîyeda, PKK jimareyekî berçawî çalakwan û kadîre dêrînekanî ledest da. Herçende hendêk kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres bênêt, derencam werçerxanêk bû ke gurr u tînî tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlûbîyet ra dersegirewtiş: averşîyayîş û werenayîşê “paradîgmaya newîye” ya zereyê Partîya Karkeran a Kurdîstanî ya Tirkîya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono îdeolojîk û rêxistinbîyayîşê PKK bîyî babetê munaqeşeyan. Herçiqas ke tayê nuştoxî qebul kenê ke zereyê PKK de vurîyayîşê girîngî qewimîyayî, tayê bînî nê vurîyayîşî sey stratejîya komunîkasyonî û xoxemilnayîşêkê zurayinî nîşan danê. Pê roportajanê ke bi melumatdaranê sermîyanan ameyê kerdene, na meqale munaqeşe û averşîyayîşê ke sereyê serranê 2000an de ca girewtê, înan reyna ana ra çiman ver. Yew netîceyo bingeyên o yo ke vurîyayîşê PKK tena qandê başêrkerdişê rêxistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo averşîyayîşê hişmendîyêka newîye bî. Na hişmendî hîyerarşîyê cinsîyetan ê tradîsyonelî û rastîyê sîyasîyê xorînî fîştî ra gumanî ver. Prosesê nê vurîyayîşê girsî de PKK hûmarêka girînge ya çalakîker û kadroyanê kanan kerde vîndî. Herçiqas wextêk ge-gane wina asayêne ke tevger do parçe bibo, netîce de no vurîyayîş seba PKK bîbî teşwîqêko teze.
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Haner, Murat, Francis T. Cullen, and Michael L. Benson. "Women and the PKK: Ideology, Gender, and Terrorism." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 3 (February 13, 2019): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567719826632.

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Women have had a long and varied participation in terrorist groups. This project explores the role of gender in one of the most prominent armed organizations in the Middle East, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, commonly known as the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK). Rejecting the patriarchal values of traditional Kurdish society, the PKK has been particularly receptive to female membership. Insights on the nature of this participation are drawn from an extensive interview with a long-term, high-ranking PKK official. Inspired by secular egalitarian ideology from its inception, the PKK has created an organizational culture that encourages substantial gender equality in recruitment, training, military missions, leadership, and protections against sexual victimization. It is possible that gender equality in the PKK will have a feedback effect on the broader Kurdish society where patriarchal values remain dominant.
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Aytekin, Mahmut. "Radicalisation processes of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK): ideology and recruitment tactics." Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2019.1572912.

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Jongerden, Joost. "From containment and rollback to escalation: Turkey’s Kurdish issue under the AKP." europa ethnica 75, no. 1-2 (2018): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2018-12-40.

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This article will argue that the meetings between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers Party PKK between 2006-2015 were employed by the Turkish state to gain advantage in the conflict they were supposed to be aimed at resolving. This appraisal of the PKK-Turkey talks thus helps to explain the escalation in the summer of 2015 - as the result, that is, not of a failed process of negotiations but of a failed intelligence operation.
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Protopapas, Georgios. "KURDISH AWAKENING AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS." Ali sodobni varnostni izzivi res potrebujejo povsem nove pristope?/ Do Contemporary Security Challenges Really Require Entirely New Approaches?, VOLUME 2012/ ISSUE 14/3 (September 30, 2012): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.14.3.2.

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The Syrian crisis has been creating the preconditions for a Kurdish awakening in the sensitive region of the Middle East. The paper tries to analyse the prospects for Kurdish revolution that could redraw the borders of the Middle East with the creation of the “Greater Kurdistan”. The understanding of the greater Kurdish matter is approached through three significant parameters that relate to the regional politics and correlations. The first parameter is the Kurdish problem in Turkey and the role of the separatist organisation called “Worker Party of Kurdistan” (PKK), the second one is the Iraqi Northern Kurdistan a semi-autonomous region that could be used as precursor of the “Greater Kurdistan” and the third one relates the possibility of the Kurdish minority to create an autonomous Kurdish enclave in Syria. Nonetheless, there is no apparent and coordinated effort by the different Kurdish communities towards the creation of the Greater Kurdistan through a general uprising. Sirska kriza ustvarja razmere za kurdsko vstajo v občutljivi regiji Bližnjega vzhoda. Avtor v članku poskuša analizirati možnosti za kurdsko revolucijo, ki bi lahko spre- menila meje Bližnjega vzhoda z oblikovanjem velikega Kurdistana. Za razumevanje širše problematike Kurdistana uporabi tri glavne parametre, ki so povezani z regio- nalno politiko in medsebojnimi odnosi. Prvi parameter je problem Kurdov v Turčiji in vloga separatistične organizacije, imenovane Delavska stranka Kurdistana (PKK). Drugi parameter je iraški Kurdistan na severu države, deloma avtonomna pokrajina, ki bi lahko pomenila predhodnico velikega Kurdistana, tretji parameter pa je povezan z možnostjo, da kurdska manjšina ustvari avtonomno kurdsko enklavo v Siriji. Vendar pa ni zaznati očitne in usklajene namere različnih kurdskih skupnosti, da skozi vsesplošno vstajo ustanovijo veliki Kurdistan.
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Türk, H. Bahadır. "From National Liberation War to Self-defense: A Historical Glance at Öcalan’s Perspective on Violence." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 4 (July 20, 2020): 464–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920940070.

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The leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party ( Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, has played a crucial role in shaping the road map of the PKK since the founding of the organization in 1978. His ideas have substantially influenced the structure of the PKK. This article analyzes whether Abdullah Öcalan’s perspective on violence changed over the period between the founding of the PKK and the present. Using an interpretive–textual method, the study examines Öcalan’s approach to the question of violence before and after his imprisonment on the island of İmralı in 1999. The study attempts to make sense of how his perspective on violence was constructed and developed during these two periods. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the differences and similarities in Öcalan’s approach to the concept of violence during these two periods. Accordingly, it is argued that Öcalan’s perspective on violence is marked by continuity rather than a rupture.
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Ozkahraman, Cemal. "Failure of Peace Talks between Turkey and the PKK: Victim of Traditional Turkish Policy or of Geopolitical Shifts in the Middle East?" Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 1 (March 2017): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916681332.

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When the third set of peace negotiations between Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerén Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish state were announced on March 21, 2013, there was a hope that they would lead to lasting peace in the Kurdish region of Turkey. However, these peace talks, like previous ones, failed. This article investigates whether traditional Turkish policy toward the Kurdish question impacted the peace process, and to what extent Kurdish autonomy in Syria and its increasing role in Middle East geopolitics contributed to the Turkish state’s unwillingness to pursue resolution for a lasting peace with the PKK. The article suggests that, in order to realize a lasting peace, skepticism must be diminished, and Turkey must consider its historical responsibility toward the Kurds.
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Unal, Mustafa Cosar. "The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and popular support: counterterrorism towards an insurgency nature." Small Wars & Insurgencies 23, no. 3 (July 2012): 432–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2012.661610.

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Sargi, Islam. "Convince me you exist. An analysis of The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) court files." Religación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 6, no. 27 (March 18, 2021): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/rgn.v6i27.772.

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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states’ projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers’ Party used history as a tool to “prove” and “disprove” the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study’s main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds’ non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)"

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Kanmaz, Mehmet A. "Countering terrorist financing: a case study of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44591.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Terrorist organizations require financial resources to fund their activities. Therefore, the struggle to stem the flow of terrorist financing is one of the most crucial aspects of an effective strategy to combat terrorism. This thesis aims to form an effective strategy to counter terrorist financing. To reach more accurate outcomes, this thesis focuses on a specific terrorist organization, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), which has been a problem in Turkey for over 30 years. The study investigates the financial activities of the PKK and evaluates Turkey’s possible countermeasures against the PKK’s financing. Since a theoretical framework is important in creating an effective strategy, this study utilizes Michael Freeman’s theory of terrorist financing that examines terrorists’ interests in their selection of financial resources using six criteria. In accordance with Freeman’s theory, this study suggests that Turkey’s efforts to concentrate its financial countermeasures on the PKK’s most lucrative financial resource, drug trafficking, may bring more effective results. Nevertheless, Turkey should not ignore the PKK’s other types of financial resources because they also bring a substantial amount to the terrorist group. Turkey’s 30-year struggle against the PKK and experiences of other countries that have achieved success in disrupting terrorist financing would help Turkey counter the PKK’s financing.
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Redcrow, Thoreau. "Shooting out of Love: A Case Study on Kurdish Guerrillas in the PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party)." Thesis, NSUWorks, 2017. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/100.

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What leads a person to become an armed guerrilla? This qualitative case study utilizes select elements of a hermeneutic and existential phenomenology—through a lens of Freirean critical theory and transformative research—to investigate the commonalities in the material, psychological, artistic, and spiritual motivations behind Kurdish guerrillas in the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party). Other key elements are the search for an incipient turning point in their early pre-guerrilla lives that placed them on the road to rebellion, and the grounded theory that there exists an ‘Guevarian Archetype’ (derived from Che Guevara) personified by those who are driven to join the PKK. Through an in-depth dissection of Turkey’s historical oppression of Kurds in occupied Northern Kurdistan (southeastern Turkey), and extensive use of direct quotations by those affected, the author hopes to provide practitioners in the discipline of conflict analysis a new holistic template with which to analyze the metastasizing components behind other armed insurgencies. This prism includes comparison of the testament dataset acquired through in-depth focused interviews with 20 veteran PKK guerrillas, against corresponding testimony of their opposition in the Turkish Army, an anecdotal narrative of episodic vignettes, and a literary exegesis of several metaphysical concepts with their own original definitions. Drawing on the ideas of diverse theorists, philosophers, and past revolutionaries, the author hopes to provide a revelatory milieu for exploring the PKK’s governing ideology of democratic confederalism as espoused by imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, and the emancipatory avant-garde impulses that counterintuitively lead compassionate guerrillas to defensively kill out of universal love.
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Ay, Hamdan Zuhal. "The Governmental Policies And Military Methods Against The Workers Party Of Kurdistan (pkk) In The 1990s." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12611438/index.pdf.

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This study deals with the question of what governmental policies and military methods were adopted in the 1990s in order to overcome the PKK (Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan, or Workers Party of Kurdistan) that was regarded mainly as a terrorist organization against national security for it challenged Turkish state establishment via its ethno-political discourse. Based on this question, this thesis analyses each government&rsquo
s approach and counterinsurgency policies as well as Turkish military&rsquo
s tactics and operations in order to curb the PKK threat that complicated the Turkey&rsquo
s Kurdish question, and challenged Turkish state from three directions
namely southeast Turkey, northern Iraq, and Western Europe. Therefore, the thesis evaluates the PKK&rsquo
s armed and political activities
anti-terror measures in the southeast region and throughout Turkey
the social, political, and economic impact of these measures over the southeastern population
human-rights violations
each government&rsquo
s southeastern policies
the impact of the counterinsurgency policies on Turkey&rsquo
s foreign relations, particularly with Iraq, Syria, and the European Union. Although the anti-PKK policies during each governmental period did not differentiate much from each other, the aim is to show that Turkish civilian authorities failed to take the initiative on, and the military-dominated approach aggravated the social and political circumstances in the region, hence, strengthened the PKK&rsquo
s anti-state discourse that led to the rise of Kurdish nationalism.
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Savran, Arin Y. "Why Peace Processes Fail: A Conceptual Analysis of the Peace Talks between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), 2009-2015." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17239.

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Ibrahim, Abdulilah. "Syrian Kurds amid Violence : Depictions of Mass Violence against Syrian Kurdistan in Kurdish Media, 2014–2019." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445104.

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This thesis investigates depictions in the Kurdish media (Rudaw and Firat News Agency (ANF)) of mass violence perpetrated against Kurdish civilians in northern and northeastern Syria – an area known to Kurds as Rojava – in recent years. Articles from two media organizations were subject to mixed-method text analysis (quantitative and qualitative) to uncover how mass violence was portrayed. The theory of framing in the media is used to show how violence is committed and what role ideology plays in this process. It is subsequently used in order to uncover commonly used frames for the roles played by various actors involved in mass violence. Hence, a comparison is made between the contents of the two media institutions. The results primarily relate to the role of ideology in the coverage of mass violence by the selected Kurdish media outlets, which are affiliated with two major Kurdish political parties, one left-leaning and one right-leaning. Findings revealed different aspects of mass violence, governed principally by nationalist and partisan orientations. Nationalist agendas played a significant role in Rudaw’s content and a smaller one in ANF’s. Partisan agendas had roughly the same magnitude in both, and the two outlets clashed politically but met nationalistically in many areas. The research questions were addressed through a content analysis of tens of stories disseminated by both Kurdish media organizations during the same time-space.
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Deewanee, Azad A. M. "The Discursive Construction of Terrorism: The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and other Kurdish political movements in Turkish official discourse, and the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17226.

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This research critically challenges the conventional understanding of terrorism, which is influenced by the views of states that label certain non-state actors as terrorists and their action as terrorism. The research demonstrates that there is a need to critically study the characteristics of every armed conflict constructed as terrorism. This is the case of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, which is constructed in the Turkish official discourse as a phenomenon of terrorism perpetrated by the PKK. In addition, the Turkish narrative of terrorism is not limited to the PKK, but it transcends to the Syrian Kurdish PYD and YPG, and other Kurdish movements and individuals. The findings of this research reveal that the Turkish official narrative of terrorism functions to achieve two main goals. The first goal is to delegitimize the PKK and the other Kurdish movements. The second goal is to legitimize the repressive policies of the Turkish authorities regarding these movements in particular and the Kurds in general. This is interconnected with the denial of the existence of the Kurdish question and framing it in the context of the narrative of terrorism. The research also reveals that the language and policy of peace and war could change according to the interests of states’ elites. This is the case of the approach of the Turkish authorities regarding the Kurdish question, which changed under the influence of the elections and voting agendas of Erdogan and AKP. The research found that during the peace process and before the June 2015 elections, the approach of Turkish authorities was pro-peace negotiations and non-military action. However, as the AKP was not able to secure the majority that it sought in the June elections, the AKP authorities abandoned the peace process and adopted a military campaign and repressive policies. The latter matched the appeal of the AKP leadership to the votes of nationalist Turks in the November 2015 elections and the April 2017 referendum.
The full text was made available after embargo; 28th August 2020
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Gergin, Nadir. "The Nexus between the Ballot and Bullet: Popular Support for the PKK and Post-election Violence in Turkey." VCU Scholars Compass, 2010. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/426.

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This study examines the relationship between popular support for the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK), which is an ethnic insurgent and terrorist organization mainly operating in Turkey, and its terrorist activities during the pre-and post-election periods in Turkey . Popular support has been measured through popular votes for the political party affiliated with the PKK in 1999 general, 2004 local and 2007 general elections. Two leading theories of social movements, Resource Mobilization Theory (RMT) and Relative Deprivation Theory (RD), were used as theoretical approach. The study uses secondary data and constructs a longitudinal design. An advanced statistical analysis technique, a generalized hierarchical linear model: time nested within subjects (or GHLM repeated measures) was employed in this study. Findings indicate that popular support is positively related to terrorist attacks of the PKK in Turkey. More popular support for the insurgent leads to more terrorist attacks. Furthermore, terrorist attacks gradually increased over the pre-election period of general elections. However, terrorist attacks abruptly increased upon the election but then subsequent terrorist attacks decline over the post-election periods.
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Ilbiz, Ethem. "The impact of the European Union on Turkish counter-terrorism policy towards the Kurdistan Workers Party." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2014. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14280/.

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This study seeks to examine the impact of the EU on Turkish counter-terrorism policies towards the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). It analyses what impact it has had within three distinct periods: the pre-Helsinki European Council (1984-1999) period, the post-Helsinki European Council (1999-2004) period, and the post-Brussels European Council (2004-2013) period. It conceptualizes and empirically investigates the EU’s norm diffusion role by relying on the concept of “Rule Adoption”, and by utilising two norm diffusion mechanisms: the “Conditionality” and the “Socialization” mechanism, and their domestic and EU-level determinants. The thesis argues that when the EU has promoted democratisation in Turkey, it has also implicitly impacted on Turkey’s counter-terrorism policies. It argues for this thesis by generalizing from the following empirical findings: When the EU has provided a credible membership prospect to Turkey, and when the PKK attacks have been at a low-level, then the EU conditionality mechanism has been influential on Turkey’s adoption of EU promoted norms. However, when there has been no membership prospect and high levels of PKK violence, it has been the openness of Turkish political actors that has resulted in rule adoption, in which the social learning of the Turkish political actors has led to the adoption of EU promoted norms as an appropriate way to solve existing terrorism problems.
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9

Haner, Murat. "The Freedom Fighter: A Terrorist''s Own Story." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1479818030113573.

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Sahin, Fuat Salih. "Case studies in terrorism-drug connection: the Kurdistan Workers' Party, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, and the Shining Path." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2001. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2871/.

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This study scrutinizes the drug-terrorism nexus critically with intent to conceive possible remedies for the problem. The vast turnover of the global illicit drug industry constitutes the largest portion of organized crime enterprises' income. Different circles have argued that these enterprises are not the sole actors of the drug business, but terrorist groups, whose ultimate aim is a political change rather than financial strength, also profit from the “business.” The controversial nature of the problem fuelled heated debates and requires an in depth and impartial analysis, which was the main subject of the current study. At the first stage, three different cases, the PKK, the LTTE, and the SL, were studied either to prove or deny the alleged phenomenon. The sampled groups' ideology, structure, and operations helped understand the motives pushing the organizations into the ‘business.' Subsequently, several recommendations capturing vital issues both in countering terrorism and breaking terrorism-drugs link were spelled out.
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Books on the topic "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)"

1

Counterterrorism in Turkey: Policy choices and policy effects toward the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2012.

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Balci, Ali. The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0.

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Balci, Ali. The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics: During and After the Cold War. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.

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Unal, Mustafa Cosar. Counterterrorism in Turkey: Policy Choices and Policy Effects Toward the Kurdistan Workers' Party. Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.

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Kimberley N, Trapp. Part 3 The Post 9/11-Era (2001–), 52 The Turkish Intervention Against the PKK in Northern Iraq—2007–08. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198784357.003.0052.

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This contribution examines the armed Turkish intervention (against the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK)) in northern Iraq in late 2007/2008. The chapter sets out the context of the armed intervention by Turkey, including a brief account of the broader conflict between Turkey and the PKK, before recalling in some detail the facts of the 2007/2008 intervention. The second section further explores the positions of the main protagonists (Turkey, Iraq and the US) and the rather muted reactions of the broader international community, by way of situating the discussion regarding the legality of the intervention. The final section examines the precedential value of the intervention insofar as defensive force against non-state actors is concerned.
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Book chapters on the topic "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)"

1

Jongerden, Joost, and Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya. "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and Kurdish Political Parties in the 1970s." In Routledge Handbook on the Kurds, 270–81. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315627427-21.

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Balci, Ali. "Writing the Soviet Union as Comrade." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 111–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_5.

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Balci, Ali. "Introduction." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 1–26. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_1.

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Balci, Ali. "Identity, Hegemony, and Imagining World Politics." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 27–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_2.

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Balci, Ali. "Imagining the Kurdish Nation." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 57–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_3.

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Balci, Ali. "Writing the USA as Imperial Power." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 85–109. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_4.

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Balci, Ali. "The Collapse of the Soviet Union as Dislocation." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 133–55. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_6.

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Balci, Ali. "Re-writing the USA After the Cold War." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 157–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_7.

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Balci, Ali. "Conclusion." In The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics, 179–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42219-0_8.

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Hazelton, Jacqueline L. "How Much Does the Compellence Theory Explain?" In Bullets Not Ballots, 130–46. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501754784.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on the case of Turkey against the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (Kurdistan Workers' Party; PKK) in 1984–1999, which involves a democracy conducting a counterinsurgency campaign on its own territory against its own populace. Elite accommodation in Turkey took the form of government support for the great Kurdish landowners of the southeast, providing impunity for illegal smuggling and other accommodations in exchange for the provision of organized violence, controlling civilians to cut the flow of resources to the insurgency. The militia and military campaigns cleared vast areas of the region of their inhabitants. Indeed, the campaign defeated the PKK threat militarily. It captured and imprisoned its leader, Abdullah Ocalan, with U.S. assistance, and the insurgency withered. It was the structural change of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 that created the opportunity for remnants of the PKK to regroup and reopen their campaign from northern Iraq, as well as within Turkey. Ultimately, Turkey shows the external validity of the compellence theory because it is considered a particularly brutal campaign and thus should bear little similarity to successful campaigns conducted by democratic great powers and lauded as models if the governance approach explains counterinsurgency success.
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Reports on the topic "The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK)"

1

Clark, Perry. Reassessing U.S. National Security Strategy: The Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada478259.

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Morgado, Andrew. Turkish Culture and Its Influence on the Counter-Insurgency Campaign Against the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK). Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada450503.

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Journal articles
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