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Jongerden, Joost. "A spatial perspective on political group formation in Turkey after the 1971 coup: The Kurdistan Workers Party of Turkey (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 26, 2017): 134–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.441.
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The five years preceding the 1978 founding congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) are referred to by its members as the party’s “existential period”. In the PKK’s “existential period” public spaces, such as university dormitories and canteens and student associations played an important role as meeting places, yet political formation occurred mainly in private spaces, especially private apartments and houses. This article considers this early history of the PKK from a spatial perspective. The main question addressed is how the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, as the group was known before its formal establishment, sustained itself spatially at a time when political life had been paralysed as a result of martial law and became subject to securitisation politics. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and the study of (auto)biographical texts.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJINêrîneke mekanî li ser avabûna komên siyasî li Tirkiyeyê piştî derbeya 1971ê: Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan a Tirkiyeyê (PKK)5 salên beriya 1978an, berî kongreya avabûna Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, ji teref endamên wê ve wek qonaxa hebûnî ya partiyê tê nîşankirin. Di ‘qonaxa hebûnî’ ya PKKê de roleke girîng a mekanên giştî yên wek xewgeh û kantîn û komeleyên xwendekaran li zanîngehan hebû lewre ew wek cihên civînê bûn, lê avabûna siyasî esasen li mekanên taybet, bi taybetî jî li mal û xaniyên taybet çêbû. Ev gotar wê dîroka pêşîn a PKKê bi nêrîneke mekanî dinirxîne. Pirsa bingehîn ew e ka Şoreşgerên Kurdistanê, wek ku berî avabûna xwe ya fermî dihatin zanîn, piştî ku jiyana siyasî ji ber qanûnên şer felc bûbû û tûşî siyaseteke rijd a asayîşê dibû, çawa karîn xwe li ser piya bigirin. Daneyên vê gotarê bi rêya hevpeyvînan û xebatên (oto)biyografîk hatine berhevkirin. ABSTRACT IN SORANIRwangeyekî şwênmend sebaret be drûstbûnî grupêkî siyasî le Turkiyay dway kudetay 1971: Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le Turkiya (PKK)Mawey pênc sallî pêş le damezranî kongrey Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan le sallî 1978, le layen endamanî em ḧîzbewey wekû “qonaẍî wucûdî” amajey pê dekrê. Lem “qonaẍe wucûdîyey” Partî Kirêkaranî Kurdistan feza giştîyekan, wekû jûre nawxoyîyekanî zankokan, çêştxorîyekan û encûmene xwêndkarîyekan dewrêkî giringyan wek şwênî kobûnewe debînî, le katêkda ta ew qonaẍe riskanî siyasî zortir le feza taybetekan, be taybet apartman û mallî şexsîy hawwillatiyan debînra. Em wutare le rwangeyekî şwênmendewe serincî mêjûy seretayî PKK dedat. Pirsyarî serekîy em twêjînewe bo ewe degerrêtewe ke çon şorrişgêrranî Kurdistan, pêş lewey be resmî wekû grupêk dabimezrên denasran, û herweha le ruwî şwênî çalakîyewe çon ewan twaniyan xoyan rabigirin le katêkda jiyanî siyasî, wek babetî siyasetêkî emnîyewe seyr dekra û le derencamî maddeyekî yasayîyewe îflîc kirabû. Datay em wutare le rêgey wutuwêj û lêkollînewey deqekanî (xo)jiyanînamekanewe ko kirawetewe.
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Jongerden, Joost. "Learning from defeat: Development and contestation of the “new paradigm” within Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." Kurdish Studies 7, no. 1 (June 2, 2019): 72–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v7i1.507.
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The ideological reorientation and political reorganisation of the PKK has been a subject of debate. While some authors recognise that significant changes occurred within the PKK, others have dismissed the PKK’s transformation as a communication strategy and window-dressing. Based on interviews with key informants, this article reconstructs debates and developments within the party at the beginning of the 2000s. A main conclusion is that the transformation of the PKK was more than a reorientation involving organisational adjustment; it was no less than the development of a new mindset, one that involved the questioning of historically entrenched gender hierarchies and deeply held political axioms. In the process of this major change, the PKK lost a substantial number of long-time activists and cadres. Although at times it looked as if the movement might fall apart, the result was a transformation that gave the PKK a new impetus.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIFêrbûna ji têkçûnê: Pêşketin û dijberiya "paradîgmaya nû" di nava Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê ya Tirkiyeyê (PKK) deGuherîna îdeolojîk û jinûve rêkxistina siyasî ya PKKyê gelek bûye babeta nîqaşan. Hindek lêkoler qebûl dikin ku guherînên girîng çêbûn di nava PKKyê de, lê hindek lêkolerên din girîngiyeke wisa nedane veguherîna PKKyê û ew bêtir wek stratejiyeke ragihandinê û rûberekê dîtine. Li ser bingeha hevpeyvînên bi agahîderên xwedan rol û girîngî re, ev gotar nîqaş û geşedanên di nava partiyê de yên li serê salên 2000an digihîne hev û vesaz dike. Encameke serekî ku gotar digihê ew e ku veguherîna PKKyê gelek zêdetir bûye ji guherîneke arasteyê û lêanînên rêxistinî; berevajî vê yekê, pêşketina zihniyeteke nû bû, zihniyetek ku hiyerarşiyên dîrokî yên cinsiyetan û bingehên siyasî yên kûr dixistine jêr pirsyaran. Di pêvajoya vê guherîna bingehîn de, PKKyê hejmareke girîng a çalakvan û berpirsên xwe yên kevn ji dest dan. Herçend carinan wisa xuya bûbe ku tevger dibe ku ji hev bikeve, encam bû veguherînek ku lez û dînamîzmeke nû da PKKyê.ABSTRACT IN SORANIFêrbûn le şikist: Geşekirdin û rikaberîkirdinî "paradaymî nwê" lenaw Partî Krêkaranî Kurdistanî Turkiya (PKK)Arastekirdinewey aydiyolojî û rêkxistinewey siyasîy PKK buwete babetî miştumirr. Lekatêkda hendêk nûser dan beweda denên ke gorrankarîy gewre lenaw PKKda rûydawe, hendêkî tir werçerxanî PKK ret dekenewe û be corêk le stratîjîy rageyandin û perdepoşî dadenên. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtin legell hewallgire serekîyekanda, em babete miştumirr û allugorrîyekanî naw PKK le sallanî 2000ekanda daderrêjêtewe. Encamgîrîy serekî eweye werçerxanî PKK le arayîşdanewey peywest be hemwarkirdinî rêkxiraweyî ziyatire, le geşekirdinî cîhanbînîyekî tazeş kemtir nebû, wek ewey ke peyweste be xistine jêr pirsyarî heremeyî cênderî ke cêkewteyekî mêjuyîy heye legell bellge newîste siyasîye rîşe dakutawekan. Le prosey em allugorre serekîyeda, PKK jimareyekî berçawî çalakwan û kadîre dêrînekanî ledest da. Herçende hendêk kat wa derdekewt ke ew cullaneweye renge heres bênêt, derencam werçerxanêk bû ke gurr u tînî tazey daye PKK.ABSTRACT IN ZAZAKIMexlûbîyet ra dersegirewtiş: averşîyayîş û werenayîşê “paradîgmaya newîye” ya zereyê Partîya Karkeran a Kurdîstanî ya Tirkîya (PKK) deNewe ra oryantasyono îdeolojîk û rêxistinbîyayîşê PKK bîyî babetê munaqeşeyan. Herçiqas ke tayê nuştoxî qebul kenê ke zereyê PKK de vurîyayîşê girîngî qewimîyayî, tayê bînî nê vurîyayîşî sey stratejîya komunîkasyonî û xoxemilnayîşêkê zurayinî nîşan danê. Pê roportajanê ke bi melumatdaranê sermîyanan ameyê kerdene, na meqale munaqeşe û averşîyayîşê ke sereyê serranê 2000an de ca girewtê, înan reyna ana ra çiman ver. Yew netîceyo bingeyên o yo ke vurîyayîşê PKK tena qandê başêrkerdişê rêxistine oryantasyono newe ney, la bi xo averşîyayîşê hişmendîyêka newîye bî. Na hişmendî hîyerarşîyê cinsîyetan ê tradîsyonelî û rastîyê sîyasîyê xorînî fîştî ra gumanî ver. Prosesê nê vurîyayîşê girsî de PKK hûmarêka girînge ya çalakîker û kadroyanê kanan kerde vîndî. Herçiqas wextêk ge-gane wina asayêne ke tevger do parçe bibo, netîce de no vurîyayîş seba PKK bîbî teşwîqêko teze.
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Haner, Murat, Francis T. Cullen, and Michael L. Benson. "Women and the PKK: Ideology, Gender, and Terrorism." International Criminal Justice Review 30, no. 3 (February 13, 2019): 279–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1057567719826632.
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Women have had a long and varied participation in terrorist groups. This project explores the role of gender in one of the most prominent armed organizations in the Middle East, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, commonly known as the Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan (PKK). Rejecting the patriarchal values of traditional Kurdish society, the PKK has been particularly receptive to female membership. Insights on the nature of this participation are drawn from an extensive interview with a long-term, high-ranking PKK official. Inspired by secular egalitarian ideology from its inception, the PKK has created an organizational culture that encourages substantial gender equality in recruitment, training, military missions, leadership, and protections against sexual victimization. It is possible that gender equality in the PKK will have a feedback effect on the broader Kurdish society where patriarchal values remain dominant.
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Aytekin, Mahmut. "Radicalisation processes of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK): ideology and recruitment tactics." Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 14, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2019.1572912.
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Jongerden, Joost. "From containment and rollback to escalation: Turkey’s Kurdish issue under the AKP." europa ethnica 75, no. 1-2 (2018): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/0014-2492-2018-12-40.
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This article will argue that the meetings between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers Party PKK between 2006-2015 were employed by the Turkish state to gain advantage in the conflict they were supposed to be aimed at resolving. This appraisal of the PKK-Turkey talks thus helps to explain the escalation in the summer of 2015 - as the result, that is, not of a failed process of negotiations but of a failed intelligence operation.
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Protopapas, Georgios. "KURDISH AWAKENING AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS." Ali sodobni varnostni izzivi res potrebujejo povsem nove pristope?/ Do Contemporary Security Challenges Really Require Entirely New Approaches?, VOLUME 2012/ ISSUE 14/3 (September 30, 2012): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.14.3.2.
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The Syrian crisis has been creating the preconditions for a Kurdish awakening in the sensitive region of the Middle East. The paper tries to analyse the prospects for Kurdish revolution that could redraw the borders of the Middle East with the creation of the “Greater Kurdistan”. The understanding of the greater Kurdish matter is approached through three significant parameters that relate to the regional politics and correlations. The first parameter is the Kurdish problem in Turkey and the role of the separatist organisation called “Worker Party of Kurdistan” (PKK), the second one is the Iraqi Northern Kurdistan a semi-autonomous region that could be used as precursor of the “Greater Kurdistan” and the third one relates the possibility of the Kurdish minority to create an autonomous Kurdish enclave in Syria. Nonetheless, there is no apparent and coordinated effort by the different Kurdish communities towards the creation of the Greater Kurdistan through a general uprising. Sirska kriza ustvarja razmere za kurdsko vstajo v občutljivi regiji Bližnjega vzhoda. Avtor v članku poskuša analizirati možnosti za kurdsko revolucijo, ki bi lahko spre- menila meje Bližnjega vzhoda z oblikovanjem velikega Kurdistana. Za razumevanje širše problematike Kurdistana uporabi tri glavne parametre, ki so povezani z regio- nalno politiko in medsebojnimi odnosi. Prvi parameter je problem Kurdov v Turčiji in vloga separatistične organizacije, imenovane Delavska stranka Kurdistana (PKK). Drugi parameter je iraški Kurdistan na severu države, deloma avtonomna pokrajina, ki bi lahko pomenila predhodnico velikega Kurdistana, tretji parameter pa je povezan z možnostjo, da kurdska manjšina ustvari avtonomno kurdsko enklavo v Siriji. Vendar pa ni zaznati očitne in usklajene namere različnih kurdskih skupnosti, da skozi vsesplošno vstajo ustanovijo veliki Kurdistan.
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Türk, H. Bahadır. "From National Liberation War to Self-defense: A Historical Glance at Öcalan’s Perspective on Violence." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 7, no. 4 (July 20, 2020): 464–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798920940070.
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The leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party ( Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan or PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, has played a crucial role in shaping the road map of the PKK since the founding of the organization in 1978. His ideas have substantially influenced the structure of the PKK. This article analyzes whether Abdullah Öcalan’s perspective on violence changed over the period between the founding of the PKK and the present. Using an interpretive–textual method, the study examines Öcalan’s approach to the question of violence before and after his imprisonment on the island of İmralı in 1999. The study attempts to make sense of how his perspective on violence was constructed and developed during these two periods. To achieve this goal, the study demonstrates the differences and similarities in Öcalan’s approach to the concept of violence during these two periods. Accordingly, it is argued that Öcalan’s perspective on violence is marked by continuity rather than a rupture.
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Ozkahraman, Cemal. "Failure of Peace Talks between Turkey and the PKK: Victim of Traditional Turkish Policy or of Geopolitical Shifts in the Middle East?" Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 1 (March 2017): 50–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798916681332.
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When the third set of peace negotiations between Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerén Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish state were announced on March 21, 2013, there was a hope that they would lead to lasting peace in the Kurdish region of Turkey. However, these peace talks, like previous ones, failed. This article investigates whether traditional Turkish policy toward the Kurdish question impacted the peace process, and to what extent Kurdish autonomy in Syria and its increasing role in Middle East geopolitics contributed to the Turkish state’s unwillingness to pursue resolution for a lasting peace with the PKK. The article suggests that, in order to realize a lasting peace, skepticism must be diminished, and Turkey must consider its historical responsibility toward the Kurds.
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Unal, Mustafa Cosar. "The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) and popular support: counterterrorism towards an insurgency nature." Small Wars & Insurgencies 23, no. 3 (July 2012): 432–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2012.661610.
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Sargi, Islam. "Convince me you exist. An analysis of The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) court files." Religación. Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades 6, no. 27 (March 18, 2021): 248–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46652/rgn.v6i27.772.
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The end of empires and the rise of nation-states have transformed the way politics and societies operate and the modern sense of these changes, transformations, events, and situations. Language, culture, and memory are essential pillars of the nation-states’ projects of creating a new society. The modern form of government, the nation-state, use history not only as a means of transmission but also as a means of building identity and memory. This study examines the case files of three critical names in the Kurdish movement and the history-based debates in their trials. By applying discourse analysis, we have shown how the Turkish state and The Kurdish Workers’ Party used history as a tool to “prove” and “disprove” the existence of Kurds, the Kurdish language, and Kurdistan. While the judges imposed an evidence-based approach to history and denied the existence of Kurds, Kurdish and Kurdistan, the PKK members opposed the official thesis of the state and built their arguments more on the day-to-day realities of life. The study’s main argument is that the official ideology uses history to prove and convey a message to the rest of society, whereas the defendants used it as a means of protest depending on the historical reality rather than history as a science. This study discusses that by using science to make examples of these members, the judges used history to prove the Kurds’ non-existence, whereas the defendants implied history as a way of protesting the ruling authority.
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Nejbir, Deniz Arbet. "Applying Humanitarian Law: A Review of the Legal Status of the Turkey–Kurdistan Workers’ Party (pkk) Conflict." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 12, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 37–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-bja10026.
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Abstract This article assesses the applicability of the criteria for non-international armed conflict to the situation in South-Eastern Turkey. It demonstrates that the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (also known as the pkk), as a party to the conflict, fulfils the three main criteria laid down in conventional international humanitarian law and developed by indicative factors in international jurisprudence for assessing the existence of a non-international armed conflict in the context of Common Article 3 to the 1949 Geneva Conventions: being an organised armed group, having the ability to engage in ‘protracted violence’, and complying with law of armed conflict. It establishes that the pkk qualifies as an organised armed group under responsible command and has the operational ability, structure and capacity to carry out ‘protracted violence’, to respect fundamental humanitarian norms of international humanitarian law and to control territory. The article also ascertains that Turkey is clearly bound by the provisions of the four Geneva Conventions of 1949, including Common Article 3, and customary international humanitarian law. Accordingly, it concludes that the conflict between the pkk and the Turkish security forces qualifies as a non-international armed conflict within the meaning of both Common Article 3 and customary international humanitarian law.
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Bajalan, Djene Rhys, and Welat Zeydanlioglu. "Editorial." Kurdish Studies 5, no. 2 (October 25, 2017): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v5i2.439.
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The three articles published in this issue cover a wide range of topics. Sociologist Joost Jongerden’s article, “A spatial perspective on political group formation in Turkey after the 1971 coup: The Kurdistan Workers’ Party of Turkey (PKK)”, examines the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, the milieu from which the PKK emerged in 1978. The second article in our October issue shifts focus to the Kurdish diaspora in Europe. Psychologists Ruth Kevers, Peter Rober and Lucia De Haene in their collaborative piece titled “The role of collective identifications in family processes of post-trauma reconstruction: An exploratory study of Kurdish refugee families and their diasporic community”, engage in the study of a group of five families in Belgium. The third article in our issue is titled “Kurds in the USSR, 1917-1956” and penned by J. Otto Pohl, a historian of the Soviet Union.
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Jaffel, Hager Ben. "Counterterrorism in Turkey: policy choices and policy effects towards the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." European Security 25, no. 2 (November 7, 2015): 276–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2015.1098620.
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Karakoç, Ekrem, and Zeki Sarıgil. "Why Religious People Support Ethnic Insurgency? Kurds, Religion and Support for the PKK." Politics and Religion 13, no. 2 (August 9, 2019): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000312.
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AbstractThis study challenges a dominant view that religion constrains the support for an ethnic insurgency. It argues that observing the discrepancy between religious brotherhood discourses of ethnic majority state and discrimination and inter-ethnic inequality in the social, political, and economic sphere as a result of the long-standing securitization of minority rights increase skepticism toward government among religious minorities. This long-term perception makes them receptive to the messages of an insurgent group that claims to fight for cultural and political rights of an ethnic minority. Utilizing two original public opinion surveys conducted in Turkey in 2011 and 2013, before and right after the peace talks between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers' Party—The Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan (PKK), this study tests its hypotheses by taking the Kurdish conflict as a case study. The findings challenge the dominant paradigm that expects a negative relationship between religiosity and rebel support. Religious Kurds do not differ from non-religious ones in support for the formerly Marxist–Leninist PKK. Second, political and economic grievances matter; the perception among Kurds, of state discrimination and inter-ethnic economic inequality generates positive attitudes toward the PKK. Finally, the perception of inter-ethnic socioeconomic inequality amplifies support for the PKK among religious Kurds.
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Karakoç, Ercan, and İlkut Taha Taslı. "Political conjuncture, intended audience and the ‘Historiography' of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorist organisation." Journal of Policing, Intelligence and Counter Terrorism 16, no. 2 (March 4, 2021): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18335330.2021.1892807.
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Gunter, Michael M. "The Kurds in the changing political map of the Middle East." Kurdish Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v3i1.392.
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This article examines how the rise of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), the on-going Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency and current peace negotiations with the Turkish government, and the recently declared autonomy by the Syrian Kurds—largely under the leadership of the Democratic Union Party (PYD)—have empowered the Kurds and challenged the existing political map of the Middle East largely established after World War I. At the same time this article also considers the rise of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) as one of the other main tipping points changing the Middle East political map. The roles and policies of Turkey and the United States to these transformations are also analysed.Keywords: Kurds; ISIS; Middle East; politics; Syria; Iraq; KRG; Turkey.Kurd di xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn a di guherînê deArmanca vê gotarê ew e tehlîl bike ka duristbûna Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê, serhildana berdewam a Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê û danûstandinên aştiyê ligel hukûmeta Tirkiyeyê, û ew otonomiya ku kurdên Sûriyeyê, heyamên dawî, piranî di bin pêşengiya Partiya Yekîtiya Demokratîk de ragihandin çawa kurd bihêz kirine û çawa hevsengiya xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn, ya bi piranî li dû Şerê Cîhanî yê Yekem hatiye binecihkirin, xistiye ber birparsyaran. Gotar herwiha balê dikêşe ser peydabûna Dewleta Îslamî li Iraq û Sûriyeyê wek xaleke dîtir a werçerxanê di guherîna xerîteya siyasî ya Rojhilata Navîn de. Herwiha, dewr û siyasetên Tirkiye û Dewletên Yekgirtî yên Emerîkayê yên di barê van guherînan de jî hatine tehlîlkirin.
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Neyzi, Leyla, and Haydar Darıcı. "Generation in debt: Family, politics, and youth subjectivities in Diyarbakır." New Perspectives on Turkey 52 (May 2015): 55–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2015.2.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the political subjectivities of Kurdish youth in Diyarbakır through the interplay of kinship and politics. We argue that it is through a framework of kinship that young people make sense of the Kurdish issue. We show that the war between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, PKK) and the Turkish military has reshaped the Kurdish family, leading to a crisis in the life cycle. We suggest that the young feel indebted to the Kurdish movement, which they express using the term bedel (“debt”). Debt is related to the family, as the individual becomes indebted as part of a kinship group. We argue that the expansion of public space in Diyarbakır has created alternative ways of paying debt and doing politics.
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Westrheim, Kariane, and Sølvi Lillejord. "A Zone for Deliberation? Methodological Challenges in Fields of Political Unrest." Policy Futures in Education 5, no. 3 (September 2007): 373–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2007.5.3.373.
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This article outlines certain problems and challenges facing the qualitative researcher who enters fields that are either extremely difficult to access or potentially hostile towards outsiders. Problems and dilemmas in such contexts are highlighted by reference to fieldwork research among PKK (Kurdistan Worker's Party) guerrillas in North Kurdistan, Turkey. The article is part of a larger study on knowledge production and identity development in the PKK. The theoretical foundation draws on the Freirian tradition that is also labelled emancipatory or liberating research. The article discusses challenges within this particular line of research and presents the idea of a ‘zone for deliberation’ as a potential arena for developing intersubjective understanding in cases when the experiences of informants and interviewer are culturally and politically diverse.
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Tank, Pinar. "Kurdish Women in Rojava: From Resistance to Reconstruction." Die Welt des Islams 57, no. 3-4 (October 17, 2017): 404–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05734p07.
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In 2010, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan, PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, declared, “The freedom of the Kurdish people can be viewed as inseparably bound to women’s freedom.”1 This statement emphasizes a core tenet in the reinvention of the PKK’s ideology as articulated by Öcalan: the understanding that freedom can only be achieved through the defeat of the patriarchal system. The women of the PKK and its sister organization, the Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat, PYD), represent the embodiment of the PKK’s new ideology, attracting international attention following Kurdish efforts to establish an autonomous region of governance in north-east Syria. This article focuses on a case study of the PYD’s Syrian Kurdish Women’s Protection Units (Yekîneyên Parastina Jin, YPJ), and their defence of Kurdish-dominated enclaves in Syria. The analysis demonstrates the agency behind their engagement and the ideology that motivates their resistance to patriarchy in the Middle East. In so doing, the article compares the YPJ’s understanding of agency to media representations of YPJ fighters’ engagement, in an effort to see beyond the traditional victim/peacemaker articulation of gendered engagement, arguing instead for the need to recognize the politics behind Kurdish women’s participation as combatants in the Syrian civil war.
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Schoon, Eric W. "Building Legitimacy: Interactional Dynamics and the Popular Evaluation of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey." Small Wars & Insurgencies 28, no. 4-5 (July 26, 2017): 734–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2017.1323407.
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Özpek, Burak Bilgehan, and Oğuzhan Mutluer. "Turkey and the Kurdish Question: Last Exit Before the Bridge." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 1 (May 2, 2016): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160108.
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The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government initiated a peace process with the Kurds in January 2013 to become the first government since 1984 to systematically negotiate with the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) instead of using the military against them. Nevertheless, a bloody war restarted after AKP lost its majority in the parliament due to the Kurdish backed Peoples’ Democratic Party’s (HDP) success in the 7 June 2015 elections. In the coalition negotiation process, the AKP, which is under the strict control of Erdoğan, did not make a serious offer to any of the opposition parties, and Erdoğan did not mandate other parties to form a coalition government. Thus, holding a snap election remained the only option. Erdoğan’s strategy to attract the nationalist voters worked, and the AKP re-gained the overall majority in the parliament by receiving the nationalist votes again. Nevertheless, this was a Pyrrhic victory for the AKP. In addition to the domestic polarization, the new AKP government has needed to deal with the Kurdish Question, which has turned into armed conflict since the 7 June elections, along with re-formulating its relations with the allies of the PKK in Northern Syria and in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region. Furthermore, increasing activism in the ISIS issue and the “jet crisis” experienced with Russia seems to have complicated Turkey’s foreign policy and compelled the AKP to revise its approach towards the Kurdish Question.
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Bilgel, Fırat, and Burhan Can Karahasan. "The Economic Costs of Separatist Terrorism in Turkey." Journal of Conflict Resolution 61, no. 2 (July 10, 2016): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002715576572.
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Turkey has been suffering from separatist terrorism and the political conflict it implies since the mid-1980s, both of which are believed to have a negative impact on economic welfare. This article investigates the economic costs of Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) terrorism, particularly in the Eastern and Southeastern provinces of Turkey by invoking the synthetic control method. We create a synthetic control group that mimics the socioeconomic characteristics of the provinces exposed to terrorism before the PKK terrorism emerged in the mid-1980s. We then compare the real gross domestic product (GDP) of the synthetic provinces without terrorism to the actual provinces with terrorism for the period 1975 to 2001. Causal inference is carried out by comparing the real per capita GDP gap between the synthetic and actual provinces against the intensity of PKK terrorist activity. Extended over a period of fourteen years (1988 to 2001), we find that after the emergence of terrorism, the per capita real GDP in Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia declined by about 6.6 percent relative to a comparable synthetic Eastern and Southeastern Anatolia without terrorism.
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Jongerden, Joost. "Gender equality and radical democracy: Contractions and conflicts in relation to the “new paradigm” within the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK)." Anatoli, no. 8 (October 1, 2017): 233–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anatoli.618.
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Malysheva, D. "Political Development in Modern Turkey." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-84-91.
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The transformation of political system in Turkey resulted in creation of a pluralistic society, while the Justice and Development Party (AKP) – the winner of the country’s last five national elections – provides with the most relevant political model which is unique for the country with a predominant Muslim population. Turkey has made an impressive progress since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his populist AKP came to power in 2002. The country entered the G20, its GDP tripled, while exports increased fivefold. Turkey's role in international affairs has grown significantly. For more than a decade of Erdoğan's leadership, the government has undertaken a limited democratization process through amendments to the Constitution and steps to eliminate the military tutelage over the civil authority. Nowadays domestic political process in Turkey is characterized by the erosion of secularism and the planting of a moderate (“soft”) Islam. The ruling Turkish elite seeks to transform local society into a more conservative one. In April 2013, Erdoğan initiated discussion by Parliament to the proposed new Constitution, including the transition from a parliamentary to a presidential form of government. The major breakthrough has been reached in relations with the Kurds. In March 2013, a truce was attained with the jailed PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) leader Abdullah öcalan. The PKK forces retreated hereupon to bases in the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan. The Kurdish party – Peace and Democracy – is presented in the Parliament, along with the ruling AKP (which takes 50% of the seats) and the opposition Republican People's Party. At the same time Turkey has already seen societal polarization since the 2013 Gezi Park protests (“the Turkish Spring”) which grew into a nationwide protest movement. This, however, did not affect the determination of the AKP to build a model based on the market economy, parliamentary democracy and Islamic traditions. This model may be in demand in other countries with a prevailing Muslim population. Turkey’s political system can also inspire Arab neighbouring countries, where – like in Turkey – the pro-Islamic ruling parties are actively looking for alternative forms of development.
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Çalı, Başak. "The Logics of Supranational Human Rights Litigation, Official Acknowledgment, and Human Rights Reform: The Southeast Turkey Cases before the European Court of Human Rights, 1996–2006." Law & Social Inquiry 35, no. 02 (2010): 311–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2010.01187.x.
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This article examines the domestic impact of supranational human rights litigation on acknowledgment of state violence in the context of macroprocesses of global governance. The article's argument is that the impact of supranational human rights litigation on the process of acknowledgment must be seen through counternarratives on state violence. The article undertakes a detailed textual analysis of the truth claims and denial strategies that emerged from the European Court of Human Rights proceedings on state violence during Turkey's struggle against the armed group the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK). It assesses these in the context of the human rights reforms that were created following pressure from European‐level governance processes. The article argues that attention must be paid to agency in acknowledgment and truth‐telling processes, and points to the limits of technical‐bureaucratic forms of human rights reform interventions in the context of state violence.
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Gambetti, Zeynep. "The Conflictual (Trans)formation of the Public Sphere in Urban Space: The Case of Diyarbakır." New Perspectives on Turkey 32 (2005): 43–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600004106.
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“In the East, understanding is a surreptitious shroud.”Kemal Varol“Men come into existence through their struggles”This study aims to contribute to efforts to understand how redress occurs in local contexts impaired by armed conflict. Its particular focus is on events, dynamics and forms of relationality that (re)create public spheres on a local level. It takes the city of Diyarbakır, the largest in Southeastern Turkey, as the vantage point from which to explore the transformation of a site of violent conflict into a space for the expression of differences that were either nonexistent or suppressed. Since the beginning of the armed uprising of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in 1984, the majority of political actors in Diyarbakır have in effect been polarized into two antagonistic camps (the Turkish state vs. the PKK). With the end of armed conflict five years ago, Diyarbakır has been astoundingly transformed into a paradise for civil society activists. The dynamics through which new urban spaces of existence and of expression have been created have not ceased being conflictual. In exploring the formative function of micro and macro struggles on publicness, the theoretical intent of this study is to argue against the Habermasian conceptualization of the public sphere.
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Zwaak, Leo. "The European Court of Human Rights has the Turkish Security Forces Held Responsible for Violations of Human Rights: The Case of Akdivar and Others." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (March 1997): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000083.
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In this article, special attention will be given to the recent judgment of the European Court of Human Right in the case of Akdivar and Others v. Turkey. Since 1985, a violent conflict has raged in the South-Eastern region of Turkey, between the Turkish security forces and sections of the Kurdish population in favour of Kurdish autonomy, in particular members of the PKK (Workers' Party of Kurdistan). Since 1987, 10 of the 11 provinces of South-Eastern Turkey have been subjected to emergency rule, which was in force at the time of the facts complained of. The main issue in this case concerned the fact that during this conflict, a large number of villages have been destroyed and evacuated by the security forces. According to the applicants, the alleged burning of their houses by the security forces constituted, inter alia, a violation of Article 3 (the prohibition of torture and inhuman treatment or punishment) and Article 8 (the right of respect for private life, family life, and home) of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and Article 1 of Protocol No. 1 (property rights).
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Watts, Nicole F. "Allies and Enemies: Pro-Kurdish Parties in Turkish Politics, 1990–94." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 4 (November 1999): 631–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800057123.
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Preventing the development of an ethnic Kurdish cultural and political movement has been a priority of the Turkish state since the Kurdish-led Shaykh Said Rebellion of 1925.' Nevertheless, beginning around 1959 this effort was steadily if slowly undermined, and events of the past ten years suggest that it has indeed failed. Not only have Kurdish activists gained some measure of international recognition for themselves and for the concept of Kurdish ethnic rights,2 but promoting the notion of specifically Kurdish cultural rights has almost become a standard litany for a wide array of Turkish civic and state actors, from Islamist political parties to business organizations, human-rights groups, prime ministers, and mainstream newspaper columnists. Although the separatist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and its insurgency against Turkey have claimed a great deal of academic and popular attention, it is these diffuse but public re-considerations of minority rights taking place within legitimate Turkish institutions have contributed the most to the sense that past policies of coping with the “Kurdish reality” are ultimately unsustainable, and that it may be difficult, if not impossible, to return to the climate of earlier years, when discussions of ethnic difference were suppressed, limited to the private realm, or confined to the fringes of radical politics.
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Üngür, Erdem. "Edirnekapı Martyrs’ Cemetery: Towards a Therapeutic Forgetting." DIYÂR 1, no. 2 (2020): 310–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-2-310.
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Edirnekapı Martyrs’ Cemetery (Edirnekapı Şehitliği, 1926), which is located in one of the oldest and largest cemeteries of Istanbul, contains the graves of mainly Muslim soldiers who died during the Balkan War and WWI, especially those wounded in the Çanakkale War (Gallipoli Campaign), which is considered the forerunner of the Turkish War of Independence (Kurtuluş Savaşı, 1919-1923) and one of the influential founding myths of the Turkish Republic. The soldiers who have lost their lives in the war against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) since the end of the 1980s are also buried here, creating a continuum of historical enemies. In addition, civilians killed during the 15 July coup attempt in 2016 are buried in a separate section next to the Edirnekapı Cemetery, adding another internal enemy - the Gülen Movement - to the official history. The physical correspondence of this mnemonical expansion is also visible in the expansion of the cemetery area, which has been gradually transformed into a public transportation hub since 2008. This article examines how the cemetery reproduces the myth of martyrdom and shapes the social frameworks of memory in favour of nationalism on the D-100 highway. The intersectionality of collective memory and urban infrastructure is analysed through the history and spatial formation of the cemetery, as a part of the greater mnemonic constellation on the D-100 highway.
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Uslu, E. "The Kurdistan Workers' Party Turns against the European Union." Mediterranean Quarterly 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 99–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2008-007.
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van Bruinessen, Martin. "Between Guerrilla War and Political Murder: The Workers' Party of Kurdistan." Middle East Report, no. 153 (July 1988): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012135.
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Gurbuz, Mustafa E. "Ideology in Action: Symbolic Localization of Kurdistan Workers' Party in Turkey." Sociological Inquiry 85, no. 1 (October 28, 2014): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/soin.12066.
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Savran, Arin. "The Peace Process between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, 2009–2015." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 22, no. 6 (August 3, 2020): 777–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2020.1801243.
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Lucas, Rebecca. "Taking to the streets: the Kurdistan Workers’ Party and the urbanization of insurgency." Small Wars & Insurgencies 31, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2020.1672963.
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Casier, Marlies. "Designated Terrorists: The Kurdistan Workers' Party and its Struggle to (Re)Gain Political Legitimacy." Mediterranean Politics 15, no. 3 (November 2010): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629395.2010.517105.
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Roth, Mitchel P., and Murat Sever. "The Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) as Criminal Syndicate: Funding Terrorism through Organized Crime, A Case Study." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 30, no. 10 (September 18, 2007): 901–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100701558620.
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Schoon, Eric W. "The Paradox of Legitimacy: Resilience, Successes, and the Multiple Identities of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party in Turkey." Social Problems 62, no. 2 (May 2015): 266–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socpro/spv006.
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Akhmedov, Teub A. "THE STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF THE LEADER OF THE KURDISTAN WORKERS’ PARTY A. ÖCALAN IN THE LATE 1990S." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 426 (January 1, 2018): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/426/5.
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Seufert, Günter. "The Sacred Aura of the Turkish Flag." New Perspectives on Turkey 16 (1997): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002636.
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During the last few years the Turkish Flag has gained incessant public attention and visibility. Events in both foreign and domestic Turkish politics are often discussed in relation to the honor of the ay yıldız, the ‘Star and Crescent’, and sometimes the banner itself is to be found in the very center of ongoing events. Among recent examples from the realm of foreign policy, one could refer to the crisis of January 1996 between Turkey and Greece over an uninhabited cliff in the Aegean Sea, which culminated in a commando operation to plant the Turkish flag on the cliff; or to the latest incident on the Turkish-Greek border in Cyprus where a young Greek trying to tear down the Turkish colors was shot dead. In the domestic arena, one of the most shocking and disturbing events of recent Turkish politics has centered on the insult to the flag during the last political rally of the pro-Kurdish Peoples Democracy Party, HADEP, in June of 1996. At the rally, the Turkish “Red Banner”, the al sancak, was cut down, and replaced by the flag of the banned Kurdish Workers Party, the PKK. The scene was captured by television cameras and repeatedly broadcast by different channels, in slow motion.
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Cengiz, Firat. "The Future of Democratic Reform in Turkey: Constitutional Moment or Constitutional Process?" Government and Opposition 49, no. 4 (May 29, 2014): 682–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.14.
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Turkey is undergoing the most substantial constitutional reform process in its history, at the same time as carrying out significant peace talks with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. These two processes will have profound effects on the country’s future governance. Most importantly, the processes could contribute to bridging gaps in Turkey’s polarized society. As the processes take place in secret, their substantive contents are currently unknown. This article provides a critical analysis of the processes in the light of the new theory of constitutionalism, paying particular attention to the changing role of the European Union in Turkey’s reform discussions. This analysis leads to some sceptical conclusions: given the secrecy, exclusiveness and political hostility surrounding the processes, it seems that they are unlikely to achieve their potential. In addition, despite its contradictions, the weakening of European Union conditionality appears to have negatively affected the reform process.
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Schoon, Eric W., Alexandra Pocek Joosse, and H. Brinton Milward. "Networks, Power, and the Effects of Legitimacy in Contentious Politics." Sociological Perspectives 63, no. 4 (January 7, 2020): 670–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121419896808.
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Legitimacy is widely theorized as shaping the dynamics of contentious politics, fostering support and stability for those involved while imposing behavioral constraints. Yet, empirical research reveals wide variation in how these effects are realized in practice. We contend that divergences in legitimacy’s effects are tied in fundamental ways to the relationship between actors engaged in contentious politics and their audience(s). We develop a framework that highlights three conditions shaping the effects of legitimacy—legitimacy type, network balance, and structural dependence—and use a comparative analysis of dyadic relationships of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, and Jemaah Islamiyah to illustrate how convergence and divergence in legitimacy’s effects are systematically structured by these conditions. Doing so advances scholarship on legitimacy in contentious politics by providing a basis for systematically comparing the effects of legitimacy across cases, situations, and historical contexts.
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Sonmez, A. Sait, and Samed Kurban. "Turkey’s Northern Iraq Policy Within the Dilemma of National Security Problems and Economic Cooperation (2003-2015)." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, no. 2 (January 31, 2017): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n2p13.
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The general characteristic of the foreign policy adopted by Turkey for North Iraq has been shaped based on the national integrity of Iraq since the Gulf War4. However developments in this country caused an increase in seperation demands from North Iraq Kurds. On the other hand this region had become an important base for Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) since 1980’s. Turkey’s security dilemma and priorities over Iraq were formulated as “red lines” and decleraded before invasion of Iraq. But North Iraq based security issues increased after the occupation of Iraq by the United States of America (USA). Getting support of the USA Iraqi Kurds began to follow a policy as political rival of Turkey. But economic relations, which have been established with the regional Government in terms of energy and trade, caused cooperation in other fields. So transfomation of bilateral relations of Turkey and Kurdish Regional Government of Iraq (KRGI) is discussed in this paper. Aim of this paper is to analyze how economic cooperation caused cooperation in security issues such as fight against terrorism.
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Rahyadi, Irmawan, Riyanto Jayadi, and Hanggoro Pamungkas. "HOW TO DO IT? COMMUNICATION FOR MANAGING CAFE IN PEKALONGAN." ICCD 2, no. 1 (November 27, 2019): 235–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.33068/iccd.vol2.iss1.218.
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Communication in cafe between workers serving customers shaped according to a system set preliminary to launching the space. Communication in order to deliver orders to service table is challenged when certain scenarios introduce to the dynamics between workers. This article discusses the view of communication for managing cafe in Pekalongan. The skills involved in managing cafe include cashier application system, simple accounting and tax. Communication as an integral part which intertwined all the cashier, waiter, cook and customer in routine process of a cafe. Today, cafe flourishing all over Indonesia including some rural part of the country encourage skills to be adapted by managing party to run day to day activities. Pekalongan with its natural assets opens opportunities to bring up human assets especially youth and productive age level in rural Indonesia. Descriptive case study is applied in this article where a small group of trainees of youth and PKK members observed as sample. In order to understand how management cafe can be instilled as an applicable skill, community development project in Pekalongan is studied. This article revealed supporting findings to contribute to practical and academic conversation which shows that certain scenarios exercises beneficial in comprehension of communication between cafe personnel and customers. This insight gave us a clearer portrait of how communication is an essential part of workplace positive dynamics especially when external stakeholders are involved in the communication process.
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FAWCETT, LOUISE. "Down but not out? The Kurds in international politics." Review of International Studies 27, no. 1 (January 2001): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500011098.
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The capacity of the Kurds—a scattered, divided and stateless people—to make headline news never ceases to astonish. Perhaps most sensational were the extraordinary events early in 1999 which accompanied the seizure in Kenya and subsequent extradition to Turkey of Abdullah Ocalan, leader of the Kurdish Workers Party, with its now familiar acronym, the PKK. Ocalan's arrest, and his sentencing to death by a Turkish court in June 1999, are only the most recent in a series of Kurdish-related events that have captured the imagination of the international public. The post-Cold War period alone has witnessed the massacre, by chemical weapons, of Kurdish villagers in Iraq after the Iran–Iraq war (1980–88) and a failed Kurdish uprising and massive refugee crisis after the Gulf War (1991), to be followed by the creation of a Kurdish enclave in northern Iraq. In 1992, far away in Berlin, which saw some particularly ugly scenes at the time of Ocalan's capture, three Iranian Kurdish opposition leaders were murdered. So significant has been the Kurdish imprint on the contemporary International Relations agenda, that some have suggested that the Kurdish issue today can be likened in some respects to that of Palestine.
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Sakallıoğlu, Ümit Cizre. "Historicizing the Present and Problematizing the Future of the Kurdish Problem: A Critique of the TOBB Report on the Eastern Question." New Perspectives on Turkey 14 (1996): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006221.
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The role of conflict has been integral to the state and nation formation in Turkey since the inception of the Republic in 1923. Faced with the twin tasks of democratic legitimacy and maintaining control, or security and civil-centered politics, the state has historically opted for authority and control. Ironically enough, while Republican politics has emphasized unity and uniformity to limit diversity and conflict caused by class, ethnicity and Islam, the result has been the opposite. So much so that the present conflict between the state and the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which has cost nearly fourteen thousand lives since 1984, has reached an abysmal point: “in the end Turkey's victory may be a Pyrrhic one. If the conflict continues without exploration of other avenues, it will most likely jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe and the United States” (Brown 1995, p. 128). Moreover, it has become increasingly clear that Kurdish nationalism is not just a simple expression of discontent and opposition but also a challenge to the very premises on which the Turkish nation-state has been built. In that sense, the resolution of the Kurdish “problem” is of concern not only to the Kurdish population of the Republic, but involves the future shape and substance of the Turkish state and society in their entirety as well.
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Aliyeva, A. I. "Turkey’s Assistance to Iraq after 2014: Key Determinants and Components." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 1 (November 19, 2020): 121–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-1-121-149.
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In the 2010s amid the destabilization of the region and the outbreak of new armed conflicts the influence of the Republic of Turkey in the Arab world has significantly increased. The proclamation of the Islamic State in the neighbouring countries in the sphere of Turkey’s interest — Syria and Iraq — became a kind of watershed. And whereas Ankara’s strategy in Syria has received substantial attention of researchers, its policy towards Iraq which included both military and non-military measures remains understudied. The paper aims to uncover the logic behind Turkey’s assistance to Iraq to counter territorial expansion of the Islamic State and to remedy the negative impact of its presence. The paper is divided into two sections. The first section focuses on the military-political interaction between the Republic of Turkey and Iraq after 2014. The second examines specifics of the Turkish non-military assistance to its neighbour. The author stresses that Ankara’s military support to Baghdad in the fight against ‘ISIS’ included expansion of the Turkish troops’ presence in Iraq and escalation of tensions with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party. That has, in turn, led to the growing tension between Turkey and Iraq. As for the civilian assistance, Turkey has focused on its humanitarian dimension implementing relatively small projects — mainly in the areas populated by the Iraqi Turkomans. After declaring victory over the Islamic State, Ankara did not rush to increase the level of its grant assistance that remained relatively low. At the same time Turkey sought to create, particularly through tied loans, advantageous conditions to attract Turkish construction companies to the reconstruction of destroyed infrastructure in Iraq. Thus, the paper shows that during this internationalized internal conflict, as well as after its formal end, Turkey has tended to prioritize its national interests, aiming to strengthen its strategic and economic presence in the neighbouring country through a combination of military and non-military measures. However, a recent destabilization of the situation in Iraq poses new challenges to the Ankara’s strategy towards Iraq and highlights the need for further monitoring of the development of Turkish-Iraqi relations.
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Akartuna, Eray Arda, and Amy Elise Thornton. "The Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) in London: Countering Overseas Terrorist Financing and Support with “Nudge” and Situational Approaches." Terrorism and Political Violence, July 26, 2021, 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2021.1941902.
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Akartuna, Eray Arda, and Amy Elise Thornton. "The Kurdistan Worker’s Party (PKK) in London: Countering Overseas Terrorist Financing and Support with “Nudge” and Situational Approaches." CrimRxiv, July 26, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21428/cb6ab371.0d68bc4e.
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Mousseau, Demet Yalcin, Justin Napolitano, and Alex Olsen. "Introducing the Human Rights Violations Dataset for the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey, 1990–2018." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 25, no. 4 (November 23, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2019-0036.
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AbstractThis study introduces a new event dataset on the human rights violations in the Kurdish conflict in Turkey perpetrated by both the State and the armed rebel group, the PKK (the Kurdistan Workers Party), from 1990 to 2018. The dataset codes human rights violation events that victimize civilians, including women and children, identifying the perpetrator, type of victim, type of human right violation, and the place of the violation. The categories of human rights violations include the physical and political rights drawn from the laws and treaties adopted by the U.N., such as killings or deaths of civilians, illegal detention and arrests, and freedom of peaceful assembly. The dataset is useful in examining the trends and motives of perpetrators in committing these violations and for seeking to understand the extent to which state and non-state rebel groups abide by international norms in armed conflicts. The framework of this dataset, although developed for the Kurdish conflict, is applicable and can be extended to other armed conflict cases, facilitating cross-conflict research on a more comparative basis.
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Dockstader, Jason, and Rojîn Mûkrîyan. "Kurdish liberty." Philosophy & Social Criticism, September 26, 2021, 019145372110402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01914537211040250.
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Most politically minded Kurds agree that their people need liberty. Moreover, they agree they need liberation from the domination they suffer from the four states that divide them: Turkey, Syria, Iraq, and Iran. What is less certain is the precise nature of this liberty. A key debate that characterizes Kurdish political discourse is over whether the liberty they seek requires the existence of an independent Kurdish nation-state. Abdullah Öcalan, the jailed intellectual leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), has argued that Kurdish liberty can only be achieved through liberation from the nation-state model itself. Instead of founding an independent Kurdistan, Öcalan proposes regional autonomy for the Kurds through a strictly egalitarian and directly democratic confederalism reminiscent of Murray Bookchin’s anarchist-inspired libertarian municipalism. We argue, in response to Öcalan’s approach, that employing an anarchist rejection of the state is largely mistaken. We diagnose certain historical and conceptual problems with the anarchist understanding of the state and develop the admission made in passing by certain anarchists, including Öcalan, that anarchist liberty could only be achieved after a long period of statist existence. Mostly counter to the anarchist model of non-domination, we propose a republican model of liberty and liberation, also as non-domination, that necessitates the formation of an independent state, at least in this historical period, for Kurds and hence any dominated people to count as truly free. We conclude by attempting to combine certain elements of the anarchist and republican conceptions and offer a synthetic communitarian view that could serve as a better foundation for Kurdish aspirations for liberty.