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1

Ramakrishna, Kumar. "‘Transmogrifying’ Malaya: the impact of Sir Gerald Templer (1952–54)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2001): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463401000030.

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This article rebuts recent attempts to diminish Sir Gerald Templer's role in the Malayan Emergency. It contends that the revisionists overlook the decisive psychological impact of Templer's Malayan sojourn. Fundamentally, through very deliberate words and deeds, he gave both government and Malayans confidence that the communists could and would be beaten.
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2

HACK, KARL M. "The Malayan Emergency." Twentieth Century British History 4, no. 3 (1993): 302–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/4.3.302.

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3

Greer, Bill. "THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY." Asian Affairs 43, no. 1 (March 2012): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2012.642508.

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4

Sulaiman, Nor Ibrahim. "HELICOPTERS AS AN INSTRUMENT OF WAR DURING THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY 1948-1960." Journal of Nusantara Studies (JONUS) 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2017): 188. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jonus.vol2iss2pp188-197.

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Helicopter as an instrument of war in counter insurgency warfare in Malaysia had its origin during the Malayan emergency 1948-1960. Three helicopters, the Dragonfly, made an entry into Malaya in March 1950 at the request of the Commander-in-Chiefs Committee of the Far East Land Forces on 8 March 1949. The primary role of these helicopters then was for casualty evacuation of wounded troops sustained during operations against the communist terrorists (CTs). Their ability to operate from unprepared areas expanded their roles as an ideal platform for air mobility of troops, supplies, and search and rescue. The flexibility of transporting the troops made the CTs no longer invincible in their own safe havens. More importantly, the morale of the troops was kept high knowing that they would be evacuated fast for medical treatment in the event they were wounded. This article discusses the roles of helicopter during the Malayan emergency. Most of the references are records from the Royal Air Force (RAF), books, and online information. This paper highlights the contributions of helicopters towards the successful ending of the emergency. Keywords: Counter insurgency, Commander-in-Chief of Far East Land Forces, communist terrorists, Malayan emergency, Royal Air Force helicopter squadronsCite as: Sulaiman, N.I. (2017). Helicopters as an instrument of war during the Malayan emergency 1948-1960. Journal of Nusantara Studies, 2(2), 188-197.
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5

Hack, Karl. "“Iron Claws on Malaya”: The Historiography of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 30, no. 1 (March 1999): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400008043.

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This article addresses the historiography of the Malayan Emergency (1948–60). It does so by challenging two archetypal works on the conflict: those of Anthony Short and Richard Stubbs. These argue the Emergency was locked in stalemate as late as 1951. By then, a “population control” approach had been implemented — the so-called Briggs Plan for resettling 500,000 Chinese squatters. The predominantly Chinese nature of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) had also ensured that most Malays — who constituted nearly half the 1950 population of five million — opposed the revolt. The several thousand strong Communist-led guerrillas thus laboured under severe limitations.
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6

WHITE, NICHOLAS J. "Capitalism and Counter-insurgency? Business and Government in the Malayan Emergency, 1948-57." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1998): 149–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002996.

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Contemporary critics argued that counter-insurgency in Malaya represented more than the defeat of militant communism. Britain's campaign against the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) was seen as resulting from British government collaboration with British capitalists to maintain profits at the expense of the legitimate aspirations of Malayan workers. More recently, it has been argued that the declaration of the emergency in June 1948 was a pre-emptive strike intended to ‘resolve the problem of political control’ and prevent the ‘radical nationalist forces organized around the MCP’ from gaining a nation-wide following. According to this view, government strategy was to ‘manage nationalism’ and ‘control’ decolonization so as to preserve the position of British capital in Malaya. For marxists, the emergency is seen as part of the process of establishing ‘neo-colonialism’. Even for less determinist models, the general complicity between British government and British business in colonial counter-insurgency campaigns is apparently clear. In primary-producing territories like Malaya, the harmony of interests between ‘gentlemanly capitalist’ officials and unofficials (centred on the City of London) ensured that after 1945 ‘coercion tended to be the first resort of policy’. The majority of scholarly output on the emergency has focused on official and guerrilla strategies leaving aside the role of business interests. As a result, the relationship between British business and British government has not been explored in depth. The present article seeks to fill this historiographical gap by reassessing official and commercial interaction in politically disturbed Malaya.
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7

Comber, Leon. "The Malayan special branch on the Malayan–Thai frontier during the Malayan emergency (1948–60)." Intelligence and National Security 21, no. 1 (February 2006): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520600568352.

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8

Chin, Low Choo. "The repatriation of the Chinese as a counter-insurgency policy during the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (September 3, 2014): 363–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463414000332.

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During the Malayan Emergency, British High Commissioner Henry Gurney pushed the policy of repatriating to China thousands of ‘alien’ Chinese detainees suspected of supporting the Malayan Communist Party's guerrilla war. This article traces the stages of this controversial policy, which, despite obstacles, remained a key counter-insurgency strategy until 1953. But the policy ignored the civil war in China and risked jeopardising Sino–British relations. When China closed its ports, the British administration put forth more desperate proposals to continue repatriation, often in the face of Foreign Office objections, ranging from negotiations with the PRC, to dumping deportees on the coast of China, and even approaching the Formosan government. Yet, while the Chinese were the target of both harsh early counter-insurgency techniques and communist violence, when the faltering repatriation policy was replaced by the mass resettlement of ‘squatters’ in Malaya itself, the Chinese were given a path to citizenship, changing their political future and that of the nation.
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9

Burton, Michael. "THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY: A SUBALTERN'S VIEW." Asian Affairs 42, no. 2 (July 2011): 251–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2011.571366.

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10

HING, LEE KAM. "A Neglected Story: Christian missionaries, Chinese New Villagers, and Communists in the Battle for the ‘hearts and minds’ in Malaya, 1948–1960." Modern Asian Studies 47, no. 6 (April 22, 2013): 1977–2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000741.

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AbstractDuring the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960), the colonial authorities resettled an estimated half a million rural dwellers, mainly Chinese, from the fringe of the jungle, to cut them off from contact with armed members of the Malayan Communist Party. The re-location led to political alienation among many resettled in the nearly 500 New Villages. Winning their support against the insurgency therefore was urgent. At this juncture, foreign missionaries were forced to leave China following the communist takeover in October 1949. Many of these missionaries were Chinese-speaking with medical or teaching experience. The High Commissioner of Malaya, Sir Henry Gurney, and his successor, Sir Gerald Templer, invited these and other missionaries to serve in the New Villages. This paper looks at colonial initiatives and mission response amidst the dynamics of domestic politics and a changing international balance of power in the region.
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11

Stockwell, A. J. "Insurgency and decolonisation during the Malayan Emergency*." Journal of Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 25, no. 1 (March 1987): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662048708447508.

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12

Hack, Karl. "The Malayan Emergency as Counter-Insurgency Paradigm." Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 3 (June 2009): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390902928180.

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13

Holland, Robert. "The Malayan emergency: the Commonwealth's wars 1948–1966." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (October 1991): 835. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622554.

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14

Short, Anthony. "THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY AND THE BATANG KALI INCIDENT." Asian Affairs 41, no. 3 (November 2010): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2010.507976.

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15

Williams, J. A. "KOREA AND THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY – THE STRATEGIC PRIORITIES." RUSI Journal 156, no. 1 (February 2011): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2011.559989.

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16

Deery, Phillip. "The Terminology of Terrorism: Malaya, 1948-52." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 34, no. 2 (June 2003): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463403000225.

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Although Cold War propaganda is now the subject of close scholarly scrutiny, the main method by which it was communicated – language – has been overlooked. The Malayan Emergency illustrates how the British government grappled with the issue of political terminology within the broader context of anti-communist propaganda. This article will analyse the use of political language; the change from ‘bandit’ to ‘communist terrorist’; and the problems of delineating the Malayan from the international audience.
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17

Yao, Souchou, and Karl Hack. "The Malayan Emergency: Essays on a Small, Distant War." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 33, no. 3 (November 30, 2018): 730–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj33-3n.

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18

Opper, Marc. "Gene Z. Hanrahan: Elusive Historian of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 90, no. 2 (2017): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2017.0021.

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19

Hutton, Richard W. B. "The Malayan Emergency: Essays on a Small, Distant War." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1388122.

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20

Tan, Chee-Beng. "The Malayan Emergency: Essays on a Small, Distant War." Asian Anthropology 17, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1683478x.2018.1418137.

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21

Edwards, Peter. "The Australian commitment to the Malayan emergency, 1948–1950∗." Historical Studies 22, no. 89 (October 1987): 604–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10314618708595771.

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22

Hack, Karl. "The origins of the Asian Cold War: Malaya 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 471–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990038.

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From the 1970s most scholars have rejected the Cold War orthodoxy that the Malayan Emergency (1948–60) was a result of instructions from Moscow, translated into action by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). They have instead argued that local factors precipitated violence, and that the MCP was relatively unprepared when the Emergency was declared. This article puts the international element back into the picture. It shows that the change from a ‘united front’ to a ‘two camp’ international communist line from 1947 played a significant role in deciding local debates in favour of revolt. It also demonstrates how the MCP had plans for a graduated build-up to armed revolt before an Emergency was declared. This article therefore offers a model for a dynamic, two-way relationship between the international and local levels of Cold War.
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23

Keo, Bernard Z. "A small, distant war? Historiographical reflections on the Malayan Emergency." History Compass 17, no. 3 (February 3, 2019): e12523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12523.

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24

Stockwell, A. J. "‘A widespread and long‐concocted plot to overthrow government in Malaya'? the origins of the Malayan emergency." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 21, no. 3 (September 1993): 66–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086539308582907.

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25

Musa, Mahani. "Women in the Malayan Communist Party, 1942–89." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 44, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 226–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463413000052.

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Women's involvement in the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) since its establishment in 1930 until they laid down their arms in 1989 contributed much to the strength of the party. Women in the MCP have been presented largely as nurses, cooks, seamstresses, couriers, and wireless/radio operators, but they went through hardship and danger and fought the same battles as the male guerrillas. A few even climbed to the top party posts through hard work, intelligence and personal sacrifice. This paper recovers the role of women in the Malayan communist movement during the Second World War, the Emergency and after by tracing the careers and lives of party heroines / female role models as well as some ordinary cadres. Major questions include the motivations of women who joined the MCP and the challenges they faced in their roles as propagandists, comrades, guerrilla fighters and in the communist villages. This investigation provides more insight into how the revolutionary struggle transformed these Malayan women.
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26

Ahmad, Abu Talib. "Book review: The Malayan Emergency: Essays on a Small, Distant War." International Journal of Asia Pacific Studies 14, no. 2 (July 15, 2018): 191–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21315/ijaps2018.14.2.10.

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27

Longmire, R. A. "Hearts and minds in guerrilla warfare: the Malayan emergency 1948–1960." International Affairs 66, no. 4 (October 1990): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620396.

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28

Edwards, Peter, and Richard Stubbs. "Hearts and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare: The Malayan Emergency 1948-1960." Pacific Affairs 63, no. 3 (1990): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759554.

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29

Ucko, David H. "Counterinsurgency as armed reform: The political history of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Strategic Studies 42, no. 3-4 (December 4, 2017): 448–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1406852.

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30

Fujio, Hara. "The Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party: Features of Co-operation." Journal of Chinese Overseas 6, no. 2 (2010): 216–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/179325410x526113.

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AbstractThis is an analysis of the relations between the Malayan Communist Party and the Indonesian Communist Party in several areas. It will begin with a discussion of the mutual support between the PKI leaders and the Kesatuan Melayu Muda prior to the declaration of Emergency in 1948, followed by an examination of their cooperation immediately after World War II. The second part will look at the activities of the MCP members in Indonesia up to the establishment of the Representative Office of the Malayan National Liberation League in Jakarta. There will be an account of the overt activities of the Representative Office and its covert activities after its closure. The article will also ascertain the actual relations between the two based on a close examination of the official documents of the two parties.
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31

Chin, Grace V. S. "The Malayan Emergency. Essays on a Small, Distant War , by Souchou Yao." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 174, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17401021.

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32

Chin, Low Choo. "Immigration Control during the Malayan Emergency: Borders, Belonging and Citizenship, 1948–1960." Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 89, no. 1 (2016): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2016.0010.

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33

Lee, Nazirah. "The Malayan Emergency: Essays on a Small Distant War by Souchou Yao." Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 89, no. 2 (2016): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2016.0038.

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34

Ramakrishna, Kumar. "‘Bribing the Reds to Give Up’: Rewards Policy in the Malayan Emergency." War in History 9, no. 3 (July 2002): 332–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344502wh257oa.

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35

He, Yanqing, Kee Cheok Cheong, and Ran Li. "Revisiting the Malayan Emergency: the China factor in the Baling peace talks." Cold War History 19, no. 4 (February 13, 2019): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2018.1555242.

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36

McLeod, Margaret, and Karen Francis. "Invisible partners: The Royal Australian Army Nursing Corps pathway to the Malayan Emergency." International Journal of Nursing Practice 13, no. 6 (December 2007): 341–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1440-172x.2007.00648.x.

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37

Comber, Leon. "The Malayan Emergency: General Templer and the Kinta Valley Home Guard, 1952-1954." Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 85, no. 1 (2011): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ras.2011.0030.

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38

Paget, Steven. "‘A Sledgehammer to Crack a Nut’? Naval Gunfire Support During the Malayan Emergency." Small Wars & Insurgencies 28, no. 2 (March 4, 2017): 361–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2017.1288403.

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39

Strauch, Judith. "Chinese New Villages of the Malayan Emergency, A Generation Later A Case Study." Contemporary Southeast Asia 3, no. 2 (September 2000): 126–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs3-2c.

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40

Ucko, David H. "The Malayan Emergency: The Legacy and Relevance of a Counter‐Insurgency Success Story." Defence Studies 10, no. 1-2 (March 2010): 13–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702430903377944.

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41

Comber, Leon. "“The weather ... has been horrible”: Malayan communist communications during “the emergency” (1948–60)." Asian Studies Review 19, no. 2 (November 1995): 37–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539508713055.

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42

Elder, Catriona. "Domesticating International Military Engagements: Everyday Internationalism Through the Prism of the Malayan Emergency." Journal of Australian Studies 43, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 495–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2019.1690547.

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43

Bonura, Carlo. "The What-Has-Been and the Now of a Communist Past in Malaya in the Films of Amir Muhammad." positions: asia critique 29, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 47–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8722769.

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This article considers two films by the Malaysian filmmaker Amir Muhammad, The Last Communist of 2006 and the Village People Radio Show of 2007. Both films are focused on the Malayan Emergency and the lives of a small group of Malayan communists. Through an engagement with Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Storyteller,” the analysis in this article examines the aesthetic forms that structure Amir’s films, namely nonlinear narratives, intertextuality, and the use of images and stories as comparative frames. This article argues that Amir’s films enable audiences to recognize how the truth of a communist past in Malaysia, both of its politics and suppression, inflects the present. The films provide an opening to recognize how the absence of communism today is the effect of the ideological clearing of all leftism that became the hallmark of the end of the British Empire in Malaysia. Communism is made meaningful in Amir’s films both as a lived experience and as a displacement that is absent from the postcolonial everyday.
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44

Fong, Leong Yee. "The Impact of the Cold War on the Development of Trade Unionism in Malaya (1948–57)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1992): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400011292.

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In the aftermath of World War Two, Malaya saw the emergence of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and its attempt to mobilize labour support against the returning British colonial government. The Pan Malayan General Labour Union (PMGLU), later renamed the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Union (PMFTU), was established as a front organization to harness multiracial labour support and to work in close liaison with other left-wing political groups. Trade unions that mushroomed after the War were invariably dominated by the PMGLU and used as tools for the realization of communist political objectives in Malaya.
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45

Yoke Ling, Loh, Mohd Nor Shahizan Ali, and Normah Mustaffa. "Youth Media Literacy in Interpreting the Ideology of the Film Documentary The Malayan Emergency (2010)." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 35, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2019-3502-12.

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46

Mohamad Yasid, Amer Fawwaz, and Noor Hishmuddian Rahim. "ANALYSIS OF THE POLICE SPECIAL BRANCH STRENGTH AND WEAKNESSES DURING THE MALAYAN EMERGENCY 1948-1960." SEJARAH 29, no. 1 (May 10, 2020): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol29no1.8.

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47

Phee, Tan Teng. "Oral History and People’s Memory of the Malayan Emergency (1948–60): The Case of Pulai." Journal of Social Issues in Southeast Asia 27, no. 1 (2012): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/sj27-1c.

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48

Carruthers, Susan. "Two faces of 1950s terrorism: The film presentation of Mau Mau and the Malayan emergency." Small Wars & Insurgencies 6, no. 1 (March 1995): 17–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592319508423097.

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49

游, 俊豪. "Tan Teng Phee, Behind Barbed Wire: Chinese New Villages During the Malayan Emergency, 1948–1960." 华人研究国际学报 12, no. 02 (December 2020): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793724820000279.

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50

Deery, Phillip. "Malaya, 1948: Britain's Asian Cold War?" Journal of Cold War Studies 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2007.9.1.29.

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In 1948, at a time of severe economic austerity, the British Labour government committed itself to a costly and protracted campaign against a Communist foe in the Far East, despite not having any U.S. support for the endeavor. Clement Attlee's government in Britain argued that the Malayan Emergency (1948–1960) was necessary to counter Soviet attempts to use the local Communist party in support of Moscow's expansionist designs. Subsequently, many commentators and historians accepted this judgment, at least to some degree. In reality, the rebellion, far from being carefully coordinated or meticulously organized, was inadequately planned and poorly executed. The 1948 insurrection cannot be understood without recognizing the influence of indigenous pressures and internal developments, which were more crucial than the external Cold War dimension.
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