Academic literature on the topic 'The military Governor'
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Journal articles on the topic "The military Governor"
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Rabinovich, Yakov N. "Governor of Saratov steward Nikita Ivanovich Golovin (1657–1659)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 23, no. 2 (2023): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2023-23-2-244-254.
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The article for the first time presents a detailed biography of the governor of Saratov Nikita Ivanovich Golovin. This serviceman in the homeland began his service at court in 1639 with therank ofsteward.Hereceived his firstvoivodship appointment in 1650, being appointed governor to Bryansk, and at the beginning of 1657 he was sent to Saratov as governor. Particular attention in the article is paidtothe Saratovservice ofN. I.Golovin.Thecharacteristics ofthe inner life of Saratov, the occupations of the inhabitants are given, the names of Russian and foreign ambassadors who visited the city under the governor N. I. Golovin are given. Compared to other governors of Saratov, Nikita Golovin’s participation in various military operations was not found in the sources; he was mainly engaged in court service.
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Lee, Hyoung-sik. "Emperor Shōwa and the Rule of Korea: From the Regency Period to the Tenure of Governor-General Ugaki." Korean Association For Japanese History 65 (December 31, 2024): 113–51. https://doi.org/10.24939/kjh.2024.12.65.113.
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This paper examines the colonial governance under Emperor Shōwa, from the regency period through the tenure of Governor-General Ugaki. Emperor Shōwa, from his time as regent, accumulated knowledge and information about the colonies through various means, including advice from court insiders, visits to colonies (Taiwan, Karahuto), reports from colonial ministers and military officials, and dispatches of court officials (chamberlains) to the colonies. As a result, he became more well-versed in colonial issues than the frequently changing prime ministers or colonial ministers. When Emperor Shōwa ascended to the throne, it was a period of intensified influence of political parties in the governance of the colonies, leading to the radical “party-ization” of colonial rule. The frequent changes in party-led cabinets destabilized the position of the colonial governors, and an unprecedented incident occurred when the Governor-General of Korea was indicted by the prosecution, causing a severe blow to the governor's prestige. Moreover, with the economic crisis brought on by the Shōwa depression, along with popular resistance movements in the colonies such as the Gwangju Student Movement and the Wushe Incident, the colonial governance of the political parties faced a major crisis. In response, Emperor Shōwa opposed the appointment of a civilian as the Governor-General of Korea, aiming to stabilize the position of the governor, and emphasized his father Taishō Emperor's imperial will for “temporary cooperation” to prevent instability in colonial governance. In the mid-1930s, as Japan's invasion of China came to an end and the economy began to recover, Emperor Shōwa expressed a strong interest in Korean governance, urging financial independence for Korea and, at the request of Governor-General Ugaki, showing his intention to visit Korea. The Emperor's visit to Korea was initially postponed due to Ugaki's resignation but was later revived under his successor, Governor-General Minami. In this way, Emperor Shōwa was not merely a passive figure who gave formal approval to the decisions of the cabinet and colonial governors. He actively communicated his intentions to the cabinet and colonial governors, influencing governance through speeches (御言葉), inquiries (御下問), and directives (御沙汰), including decisions on the appointment of governors, qualifications for the position, and plans for visits to Korea.
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Vuyko, Bohdan. "OVERCOMING BY UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY PREDICTIONS OF SOVIET RESEARCHES IN THE COVERAGE OF M. REPNIN’S FIGURE." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 46–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.8.
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The article traces the overcoming of the modern Ukrainian historiography of the bias of the Soviet researchers on the coverage of the figure of M.G. Repnin. It is established that, for ideological reasons, Soviet scholars wrote little about representatives of the ruling elite of the imperial era. The governor-general form of government was only highlighted as a reactionary, brute force of autocracy and serfdom in the regions. The position of military governors was considered in the same context. The individual traits of the military governors were not taken into account, materials that revealed their worldview, socio-political beliefs were not examined. Their vision of the prospects for the development of a trusted region were considered solely from prejudiced class positions. It has been proved that the positive moment of the recent Ukrainian historiography was that when it came to new source information, it overcame the Soviet approach to treating governors-general as tsarist satraps who tried only to preserve autocracy in the remote regions of the Russian Empire. The appeal to the chief figures of the Governor-General, their individual traits, has enabled modern scholars to break the tradition of Soviet historiography in this matter. The governor-general is a form of government, and government officials themselves are seen as intermediaries in establishing constructive relations between the center and the regions. Thus, the main activity of Governors-General, including M. G. Repnin, convinced researchers, was directed to the benefit of the regions. An important achievement of modern Ukrainian historiography was the fact that the works specifically dedicated to the figure of the Governor-General of Little Russia M.G. Repnin came out. Modern researchers are convinced that M. G. Repnin was an outstanding personality not only for his time, but also to a great extent ahead of him. His worldview and realities did not fit into the generally accepted imperial canons at that time, and the effort to Europeanize his entrusted region became the factor that ultimately led to his resignation and accusation of striving for autonomy.
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Zavkiddin, Buriev. "ON THE ADMINISTRATIVE-TERRITORIAL POLICY OF THE CASPIAN REGION OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE." LOOK TO THE PAST 5, Special issue 1 (2022): 109–14. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.6758241.
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The Caspian region occupied by the Russian Empire was based on the administration of the ancestral nobility before the invasion, and the colonial administration also managed the administrative structure and administration of the region. The “provisional Regulation on the administration of the Caspian region” provides valuable information on the inclusion of the Caspian region in the Turkestan Governor-General, on the management of local self-government in the territories by military governors.
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Gugl, Christian, Mario Wallner, Alois Hinterleitner, and Wolfgang Neubauer. "The Seat of the Roman Governor at Carnuntum (Pannonia superior)." Heritage 4, no. 4 (2021): 3009–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage4040168.
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The Roman site of Carnuntum was once a flourishing center on the frontiers of the Roman Empire. In its heyday as the capital of the province of Pannonia superior, Carnuntum probably covered an area of almost 9 km2. The whole site was divided into a military settlement (castra and canabae legionis) and a civil town (municipium/colonia). Through a large-scale archaeological prospection project, this huge area could be investigated and analyzed in great detail using a wide variety of nondestructive prospection methods. One of the main discoveries of the project was observed in the military settlement, where it was possible to identify a previously unknown military camp, interpreted as the garrison of the governor’s guard, the castra singularium. Through the topographic analysis of the immediate surroundings, the Roman fort was determined to be embedded in a large administrative complex related to the governor’s seat in Carnuntum. This article presents these new discoveries and shows what an important part they formed in the administration of the Roman province of Upper Pannonia.
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Bogdanova, T. V. "«THE LAST CIVIL GOVERNOR OF OLD FINLAND» – OFFICIAL ACTIVITY OF IVAN IVANOVICH WINTER ACCORDING TO THE DOCUMENTS OF THE RUSSIAN STATE HISTORICAL ARCHIVE." Vestnik Bryanskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta 01, no. 05 (2021): 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22281/2413-9912-2021-05-01-13-22.
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The study of the pre-revolutionary institution of governorship, its interaction with the central authorities is extremely important. Objective coverage of historical events predetermines a diverse interest in both national and local characters. Military and civilian governors of Imperial Russia have always been at the center of the political, economic and cultural life of individual provinces. They had a significant impact on provincial life not only due to personal qualities, but also due to the prevailing attitude towards them in public consciousness. In terms of importance, the governor for local officials and ordinary people was in second place after the monarch, and sometimes on the same level with him. However, such a perception by the local society of the figure of the governor did not exclude the fact that people could be enrolled in this position only by coincidence. The decisive role was played by the position taken by the monarch and his immediate entourage, and the real volume of power and the well-being of the region depended on the degree of trust of the central authorities in this or the new governor. Not only talented leaders were appointed to the governor's posts in the Finnish province (Old Finland), but officials who necessarily had organizational and administrative-managerial experience. Based on the preserved archival documents, the article tells about one of them - Ivan Ivanovich Vintere, whose administrative "rise" and "fall" reveal the peculiarities of interaction of various levels in the vertical of power at the beginning of the 19th century.
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McConnel, Katie. "The Centrepiece of Colonial Queensland's Celebration and Commemoration of Royalty and Empire: Government House, Brisbane." Queensland Review 16, no. 2 (2009): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600005080.
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Her Majesty's birthday was right royally celebrated last evening by His Excellency the Governor on the occasion of the annual birthday ball at government house.‘Royalty’ and ‘Empire’ were, throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. of supreme significance to all the Australian colonies. While each colony was well integrated within the Imperial framework, they remained largely reliant on the economic and geopolitical management of the British Empire. Though different colonial/national identities developed in Australia, the colonies' economic, military and diplomatic dependence on Britain strongly orientated them towards the Queen and ‘home’. Colonial Governors served as the vital link between the colonies and both the Imperial government and the Queen of the British Empire. Appointed by Britain and entrusted with the same rights, powers and privileges as the Queen, the role of Governor was one of great influence and authority.
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Pugovkina, Oksana. "Nil Sergeevich Lykoshin: from Samarkand military governor to Soviet professor." Восток. Афро-Азиатские общества: история и современность, no. 6 (2018): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080002872-6.
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Eck, Werner, and Andreas Pangerl. "Neue Diplomzeugnisse für die Truppen in den Donauprovinzen aus dem 2. Jh." Acta Musei Napocensis 55 (December 12, 2018): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.55.02.
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In the article seven new military diplomas are published: one for the troops in Moesia inferior from 13th May 105, a second for the troops of Dacia from 17th February 110, a third for the troops of Moesia superior under the governor Prifernius Paetus, a fourth for Dacia Porolissensis from October 142, a fifth for the troops in Pannonia inferior from 151 under the governor Nonius Macrinus, a sixth for the troops of Moesia superior under the legate Curtius Rufus from 157 and a diploma for the troops of Moesia inferior under the governor Vitrasius Pollio.
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Kulauzov, Maša, and Milan Milutin. "Examples of provincial governors' jurisdictions in ius quod ad res pertinet in Rome." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 56, no. 3 (2022): 705–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns56-40428.
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Several topics are covered in the paper. Firstly, a list of sources of law which regulates the issue of the jurisdictions of provincial governors is given form the broader ones to the narrower ones. Jurisdiction of a provincial governor used to come into being in the moment of his entrance to the province. In case he leaves it, his jurisdictions would stop and he would become a private individual. The substitution of the personal jurisdiction of provincial governors, which was significantly shaken by the constitution of Caracalla in 212, with the territorial one, appears to be obvious at the end of the Dominate. The governor used to have civil and military jurisdictions. The former included judicial and administrative powers. Judicial jurisdictions were comprised of those in criminal and those in civil matter. Out of scope of the civil matter, only the examples of the jurisdictions of provincial governors in the matter of property law have been covered in this paper, which, according to the tripartition of Gaius, amounts to ius quod ad res pertinet. Provincial governors were authorised to adjudicate on almost all disputes arising from the everyday life during the formation, protection and termination of rights, not only those related to possessio, dominium, and iura in re aliena, but also those in the matter of obligationes and inheritance.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "The military Governor"
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Chayo, Marina Andrea de Hoffmann de. "Governos militares e governo Alfonsín, 1976 1989: uma análise da política econômica argentina." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2010. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/9425.
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Previous issue date: 2010-06-01<br>This work will study the 1976-1989 period with the aim to understand why Argentina is in this chaotic path since the lost decade . We will focus on Alfonsín constitutional government and take a look at the previous military administrations, from General Videla to General Bignone that left behind a complicated future for the nation, a huge public debt and a non-productive economy<br>Este trabalho resenha o período compreendido entre 1976 e 1989, para possibilitar uma explicação possível da profunda crise na qual a Argentina se encontra desde o período da década perdida . Estuda a economia argentina , especificamente o governo de Raúl Alfonsin o primeiro governo constitucional após a ditadura e o período imediatamente anterior, comprendido entre 1976 e 1983, condição sine qua non dado que condicionou o governo democrático, limitando o desempenho e a evolução do país. Destaca o surgimento da pesada carga herdada como consequência da dívida externa. Esta pesada carga constituída tanto pelos empréstimos de fato contraídos (junto com os correspondentes juros contratados) quanto pela estatização de grande parte da dívida. Destaca também os motivos pelos quais o processo de consolidação democrático defrontou-se com tantas dificuldades encerrando-se emoldurado numa crise tão profunda, ainda que ocorresse a entrega de poder de um presidente constitucional para outro, escolhido num contexto de vigência plena de mecanismos de representação política e de respeito às liberdades políticas
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De, Salis Carmem Lúcia Gomes [UNESP]. "Estatuto da terra: origem e (des)caminhos da proposta de reforma agrária nos governos militares." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103164.
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desalis_clg_dr_assis.pdf: 1208383 bytes, checksum: 87986f825a3e8f92bf962f80392f2a85 (MD5)<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>A partir da década de 50 intensificam-se os debates em torno da efetivação de medidas legais que pudessem viabilizar a execução da reforma agrária no país. Com objetivos ideológicos diversos, direita e esquerda proclamavam a execução da reforma agrária. Paralelamente a esse debate e como conseqüência deste, seguiu-se um período marcado por impasses políticos que obstruíram qualquer tentativa de aprovação de uma legislação agrária para o país. As discussões invariavelmente recaíam sobre os instrumentos, o alcance e a natureza que a reforma agrária deveria assumir. Após o golpe militar, na vigência do governo do Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco ocorreu, para a surpresa de alguns e inconformismo de outros, a promulgação da Lei n.º 4.504. Sob a denominação Estatuto da Terra a lei englobava vários instrumentos anteriormente reivindicados para a execução da reforma agrária. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar a origem do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello e sua trajetória, nos governos militares posteriores à Castello Branco. Constatou-se que motivação para a organização do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello inseria-se numa concepção econômica para o desenvolvimento nacional, neste sentido o posterior esvaziamento, ou ainda a execução parcial da Lei, não resultariam do fato dela ter sido elaborada apenas com fins políticos, mas sim das incompatibilidades dentro do próprio meio militar e das interpretações dos demais agentes envolvidos na questão agrária.<br>Right from the 50’s there was an intensification of debates around the legal ways that could allow the execution of an Agrarian Reform in the country. With a range of various ideologies, the right and the left politicians proclaimed the execution of the Agrarian Reform. At the same time of this debate and as its own consequence, there was began a period characterized by political obstacles able to obstruct any try of approval of an Agrarian law to the country. Invariably, all these discussions lead to the instruments, the magnitude and nature the Agrarian Reform should assume. After the Military Stroke, under the Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco Govern, there was a visible surprise of some and indignation of others as results of the promulgation of the Law n.º 4.504. Denominated Earth Statute Law, it included many instruments before claimed to the Agrarian Reform execution. This present research had as its main purpose the analysis of the Earth Statute origin on Castello’s Govern and also its trajectory on subsequent governments. It was realized that the motivation for the organization of Earth Statute on Castello’s Govern was insert into an economic conception to the national development, in this way an subsequent emptying, or even a partial law execution, would not result in the fact that it was elaborated only with politics goals, but of incompatibilities inside the military environment and also inside the interpretation of the other agents evolved to the agrarian issues.
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Cardoso, Ana Cristina Bornhausen. "Uma releitura da história por meio da análise das charges no governo militar." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2007. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/2770.
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Previous issue date: 2007-08-01<br>Fundo Mackenzie de Pesquisa<br>This dissertation has the aim to evaluate the process of charge s meaning reconstitution, considering that the semiotic studies search the signification that emerges from the texts.
This analysis was based on Greimas theoretical support, focusing the generative process. However, there is a theorical argument that cannot be rejected: the text s meaning is transmitted as a total, independently of being verbal or visual.
It is intended not to privilege, exclusively, the image examination, even though in determined government situation it is clear the tendency of using the visual text because it means less exposure/compromising. It was opted to make a research on the charges from the Military Dictatorship, investigating the possibility of existence of one distinguished marks. In other words, this dissertation allows us to re-read our country history and culture under a refined humour perspective. It has came to the conclusion that the ambiguity produced by the interpretation of the charges text works as true echo of voices of our time, dialoguing to other texts and
translating into a poetic semiotics, as a result of the innovation presented in the expression plan.<br>Esta dissertação tem por finalidade avaliar os processos de (re)constituição de sentidos das charges, partindo do princípio de que os estudos semióticos se desenvolvem para depreender a significação que emerge dos textos. Há uma questão teórica de base que não pode ser desprezada: o sentido do texto é veiculado como um todo, independentemente de ser verbal ou visual. O exame do visual não foi prigilegiado, mesmo que, em determinadas situações por que passam os Governos, se verifique uma clara tendência à otimização do texto imagético, pois, em épocas de forte censura, o uso da imagem significa um menor comprometimento do chargista com a corrente ideológica do regime militar e uma forma de driblar a censura. Optou-se por fazer um estudo das charges do período de Ditadura Militar,
investigando a possibilidade de existência de um traço específico nesse tipo de discurso ou, se fosse admissível, pensar-se na existência de vários modelos de charges para o período da Ditadura, o que, em última análise, permitiria (re)ler a História e a cultura do País sob a perspectiva do humor refinado.
Chegou-se à conclusão de que o efeito de ambigüidade produzido pelo texto da
charge pluraliza a sua interpretação, funcionando como um verdadeiro eco de vozes de
seu tempo, dialogando com outros textos e traduzindo-se, em alguns casos, numa
semiótica poética, dada a inovação com que se apresenta no plano da expressão.
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Fernandes, Fernando Bartholomeu. "As relações civil-militares durante o governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso - 1995/2002." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2006. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/2415.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciência Política, Programa de Pós-Graduação, 2006.<br>Submitted by Thaíza da Silva Santos (thaiza28@hotmail.com) on 2009-12-01T19:14:45Z
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Previous issue date: 2006-08-28<br>O presente trabalho pretende mapear as no Brasil, ao longo do governo do presidente Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), avaliando as alterações produzidas nesse período por medidas que visaram consolidar o controle civil sobre os militares, sendo enfatizada a importância da elaboração da Política de Defesa Nacional e a criação do Ministério da Defesa. São levantados indicadores da maneira como a questão militar foi conduzida pelo Presidente FHC por meio do exame das Mensagens ao Congresso Nacional, do orçamento federal e da inserção das Forças Armadas em operações de garantia da lei e da ordem. _______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT<br>This work describes the evolution of the civil-military relations in Brazil during Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s Presidential terms (1995-2002) and evaluates the changes that reinforced the civilian control of the military. The issuing of the National Defense Policy and the creation of the Defense Ministry, both regarded as significant indicators of the growing civilian control were detailed as well as the government procedures to drive the Defense Ministry toward foreign issues even though the Armed Forces have been deployed to face domestic civil unrest.
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Silva, Angela Moreira Domingues da. "Ditadura e justiça militar no Brasil : a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (1964-1980)." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/8816.
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Previous issue date: 2011-10-07<br>The present study aims to analyzing the behavior of the Superior Military Court (STM in portuguese), the second instance of the Brazilian Military Justice, between the years of 1964 and 1980, in the process of construction of a new juridical order and in the judgment of military, political and political-military crimes. Since the coup of March 31st 1964, the STM has participated in the process of juridical-political punishment installed then. By editing the Institutional Act No. 2, in 1965, the Castelo Branco’s government has delegated to the Military Justice the trial of crimes against national security, seeking to solve problems generated by the tangle of legislation that defined by then the attributions of the STM e the Federal Supreme Court (STF in portuguese) in the judgment of offenses in the 'revolutionary' political conjuncture. According to the methodology adopted in this study, the Military Justice, as a whole, and the STM, in particular, have acted in this period by three distinct approaches: as a Corporative Justice (CJ), i.e., by judging military crimes; as a Regime Justice (RJ), directed towards the prosecution and trial of opponents to the regime, in cases of attacks against national security and against the administrative probity; and as a Political-corporative Justice (PCJ), by judging people charged with military offenses, but with a political motivation. Throughout the thesis, it was tried also to follow the manner the Court has behaved vis-à-vis the political and juridical changes that had inflicted in its structure and competence. As shown by this study, the impact of laws on the functioning of the STM is not immediate. The sluggishness of the justice and the procedural dynamics generated a lag between the governmental proposals and the judgments. One of the direct consequences of this phenomenon was the fact that the STM, mostly by acting as regime Justice, had to deal, simultaneously, with national security laws that would superpose and coexisted in the same juridical realm. It was verified that the decision-making pattern of the STM to judge each category tended to reproduce the decision of the Military Audits. This fact allows us to relativize the widespread thesis that the Court acted as a place of greater serenity and complacency towards those who were found guilty in the first instance.<br>O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (STM), segunda instância da Justiça Militar brasileira, entre os anos de 1964 e 1980, no processo de construção de uma nova ordem jurídica e no julgamento de crimes militares, políticos e político-militares. Após o golpe de 31 de março de 1964, o STM teve importante participação no processo de punição jurídico-política então instaurado. Com a edição do Ato Institucional nº 2, em 1965, o julgamento de crimes contra a segurança nacional foi transferido para a Justiça Militar, buscando reordenar problemas gerados pelo emaranhado legislativo que definia até então as atribuições do STM e do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento de delitos vinculados à conjuntura política 'revolucionária'. Segundo a metodologia adotada neste trabalho, a Justiça Militar como um todo, e o STM em particular, atuaram nesse período por meio de três lógicas distintas: como Justiça corporativa (JC), ou seja, julgando crimes militares; como Justiça do regime (JR), direcionada para o processo e julgamento de opositores do regime, em casos de atentado contra a segurança nacional e contra a probidade administrativa; e como justiça político-corporativa (JPC), julgando incriminados em delitos militares, mas por motivação política. Ao longo da tese, buscamos também acompanhar a maneira como o Tribunal se comportou frente às mudanças políticas e jurídicas, que incidiram em sua estrutura e competência. Como demonstramos no trabalho, o impacto da produção legislativa sobre o labor do STM não foi imediato. A morosidade da justiça e a dinâmica processual geraram um descompasso temporal entre as propostas governamentais de modificação da estrutura jurídica e os julgamentos. Uma das consequências diretas desse fenômeno foi o fato de o STM, principalmente ao atuar como Justiça do regime, ter que lidar, ao mesmo tempo, com leis de segurança nacional que se superpunham e coabitavam o mesmo campo jurídico. Verificamos, ainda, que o padrão decisório do STM ao julgar em cada uma das categorias tendia a reproduzir as decisões das Auditorias Militares, dado esse que nos permite relativizar a difundida tese de que o Tribunal atuou como um espaço de maior serenidade e complacência para com os condenados em primeira instância.
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De, Salis Carmem Lúcia Gomes. "Estatuto da terra : origem e (des)caminhos da proposta de reforma agrária nos governos militares /." Assis : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103164.
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Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes<br>Banca: José Geraldo Bertoncini Poker<br>Banca: Francisco Graziano Neto<br>Banca: Aureo Busetto<br>Banca: Milton Carlos Costa<br>Resumo: A partir da década de 50 intensificam-se os debates em torno da efetivação de medidas legais que pudessem viabilizar a execução da reforma agrária no país. Com objetivos ideológicos diversos, direita e esquerda proclamavam a execução da reforma agrária. Paralelamente a esse debate e como conseqüência deste, seguiu-se um período marcado por impasses políticos que obstruíram qualquer tentativa de aprovação de uma legislação agrária para o país. As discussões invariavelmente recaíam sobre os instrumentos, o alcance e a natureza que a reforma agrária deveria assumir. Após o golpe militar, na vigência do governo do Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco ocorreu, para a surpresa de alguns e inconformismo de outros, a promulgação da Lei n.º 4.504. Sob a denominação Estatuto da Terra a lei englobava vários instrumentos anteriormente reivindicados para a execução da reforma agrária. A presente pesquisa objetivou analisar a origem do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello e sua trajetória, nos governos militares posteriores à Castello Branco. Constatou-se que motivação para a organização do Estatuto da Terra no governo Castello inseria-se numa concepção econômica para o desenvolvimento nacional, neste sentido o posterior esvaziamento, ou ainda a execução parcial da Lei, não resultariam do fato dela ter sido elaborada apenas com fins políticos, mas sim das incompatibilidades dentro do próprio meio militar e das interpretações dos demais agentes envolvidos na questão agrária.<br>Abstract: Right from the 50's there was an intensification of debates around the legal ways that could allow the execution of an Agrarian Reform in the country. With a range of various ideologies, the right and the left politicians proclaimed the execution of the Agrarian Reform. At the same time of this debate and as its own consequence, there was began a period characterized by political obstacles able to obstruct any try of approval of an Agrarian law to the country. Invariably, all these discussions lead to the instruments, the magnitude and nature the Agrarian Reform should assume. After the Military Stroke, under the Marechal Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco Govern, there was a visible surprise of some and indignation of others as results of the promulgation of the Law n.º 4.504. Denominated Earth Statute Law, it included many instruments before claimed to the Agrarian Reform execution. This present research had as its main purpose the analysis of the Earth Statute origin on Castello's Govern and also its trajectory on subsequent governments. It was realized that the motivation for the organization of Earth Statute on Castello's Govern was insert into an economic conception to the national development, in this way an subsequent emptying, or even a partial law execution, would not result in the fact that it was elaborated only with politics goals, but of incompatibilities inside the military environment and also inside the interpretation of the other agents evolved to the agrarian issues.<br>Doutor
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Carlotti, Danilo Panzeri. "A ditadura militar e o trabalho de Sísifo: código e codificação no período de exceção (1964-1974)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-17122013-080954/.
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O tema desta dissertação é a história da edição de códigos no Brasil entre os anos de 1964 a 1974 durante a ditadura militar. A partir da narrativa da codificação neste período, oferece-se uma contribuição à história do conceito código tendo em vista o período analisado, como os juristas e políticos utilizaram estes conceitos em seus debates e como estes conceitos expressaram ou refletiram tensões políticas e transformações sociais. No primeiro capítulo apresentam-se os termos código e codificação como categorias, tendo-se em vista a obra de Reinhart Koselleck. No segundo capítulo são analisados debates parlamentares da época em que o conceito código aparece e nos quais ele foi utilizado pelos agentes para debater e fazer política. No terceiro capítulo as ideias em torno dos conceitos código e codificação são analisadas tendo em vista dois grandes temas, a ideologia de segurança nacional e a tentativa do governo da época de planejar e controlar o futuro. Ao final, apresenta-se uma conclusão que sumaria os achados e propõe um significado dos conceitos código e codificação para o período estudado.<br>The subject of the present dissertation is the history of the creation of codes in Brazil between the years of 1964 and 1974 during the military dictatorship. Starting from the narrative of the codification in this period, the dissertation offers a contribution of the history of the concept \"code\" taking in consideration the period and how the jurists and politicians utilized these concepts in their debates and how these concepts expressed or reflected political tensions and social transformations. In the first chapter the terms \"code\" and \"codification\" are presented as categories, having as reference the work of Reinhart Koselleck. In the second chapter the political debates of the legislators in which the concept \"code\" appears are analysed and it is discussed how it was used by the agents in their political struggle. In the third chapter the ideas that refer to \"code\" and \"codification\" are grouped in two subjects: national security as an ideology of the period and the government´s attempt to control and plan the future. In the end, the conclusion presents a summary of the findings and proposes a meaning for the concepts of \"code\" and \"codification\" that were analysed.
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Silva, Maurício Ferreira da. "A radiodifusão no Brasil e a ditadura militar : o governo Médici." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2007. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/1402.
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Previous issue date: 2007-03-29<br>This research focus on the broadcasting in the context of the military dictatorship in Brazil,
during the government of Emilio Garrastazu Médici. The broadcasting beginning has been
marked by the decurrently transformations of the industrialization process, during 19th. Century.
Beyond the research with transmission waves that had marked this period, the industry brought,
for the scope of the social organization, the reality of the urbanization process, motivated for the
new work relations. The new urban reality constructs, in turn, the ideal scene for mass-media
development. In Brazil this reality is not different, since the first research on transmission waves
occurs at the 20th. Century beginning, in the moment of intense industrial development. At
1930 s, as a consequence of the capitalist perspective of market, the radio incorporates
commercial classification, that influences the appearing of the television in 1950. Then, radio
and TV become private properties with lucrative ends, holding with the government the
prerogative for the concessions of functioning and to be acting in the sector, as well. From
these possibilities, and considering the strategically paper of these vehicles for the social
organization, the government, at different moments and with different objectives, starts to use
them to propagate institutional advertising, even though inaugurate its own networks. This use
intensifies from the military dictatorship establishment, in 1964. The military government that
controlled the national politics during twenty years had massive invested in the structural
development of radio and television networks, beyond using them as mechanism of supporting,
legitimating and propagation of its authoritarian ideology. The imposed bases created from the
military blow at 1964 had served as foundation for Médici government puts under control the
broadcasting vehicles, in order to continuity theirs structural development, to establish the
censorship of the programming, as well as to create an authoritarian legislation that directly
limited the action of the involved ones with the functioning of the broadcasting.<br>Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a radiodifusão no contexto da ditadura militar no Brasil,
durante o governo de Emílio Garrastazu Médici. A radiodifusão tem seu início marcado pelas
transformações decorrentes do processo de industrialização dos meios de produção, no século
XIX. Além das pesquisas com ondas de transmissão que marcaram esse período, a indústria
trouxe, para o âmbito da organização social, a realidade do processo de urbanização, motivado
pela nova relação de trabalho inaugurada. A nova realidade urbana constrói, por sua vez, o
cenário ideal para o desenvolvimento de veículos de comunicação de massa. No Brasil esta
realidade não é diferente, já que as primeiras pesquisas sobre ondas de transmissão ocorrem no
início do século XX, em uma fase de intenso desenvolvimento industrial. No início da década
de 1930, em decorrência da perspectiva capitalista de mercado, o rádio incorpora a classificação
comercial e, por conseqüência, influencia o surgimento da televisão em 1950. A partir de então,
tais veículos passam a atuar como propriedades privadas com fins lucrativos, mantendo para o
governo a prerrogativa das concessões de funcionamento, além de também poder atuar no setor..
Dessa possibilidade, e tendo em vista a análise do papel estratégico destes veículos para a
organização social, o governo, em diferentes momentos e com diferentes objetivos, passa a
utilizá-los para veicular propaganda institucional, chegando mesmo a inaugurar emissoras
próprias. Esta utilização se intensifica a partir da instauração da ditadura militar, em 1964. Os
militares que controlaram a política nacional durante mais de vinte anos investiram
maciçamente no desenvolvimento estrutural das emissoras de rádio e televisão, além de utilizálas
como mecanismo de sustentação, legitimação e propagação de sua ideologia autoritária. As
bases criadas com as diversas medidas impostas a partir do golpe de estado de 1964 serviram de
alicerce para que, no governo Médici, pudesse haver um controle mais direto dos veículos,
tanto na continuidade do seu desenvolvimento estrutural, quanto no estabelecimento da censura
da programação, criando uma legislação de perfil autoritário que limitava a ação dos envolvidos
diretamente com o funcionamento da radiodifusão.
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Marques, Adriana Aparecida. "Concepções de defesa nacional no Brasil : 1950-1996." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281504.
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Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-29T02:29:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2001<br>Resumo: Esta dissertação objetiva estudar as concepções de Defesa Nacional no Brasil, de 1950 a 1996. No primeiro capítulo deste trabalho são analisados os fundamentos do pensamento estratégico-militar brasileiro, no segundo discute-se a influência da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional na construção das concepções estratégicas brasileiras durante o período da guerra fria. E no terceiro analisa-se o processo de reformulação das concepções estratégicas na primeira metade da década de 90, em razão das mudanças estruturais no contexto político internacional e nacional. O trabalho enfatiza que as concepções estratégicas foram, durante o período estudado, formuladas autonomamente pelos EstadosMaiores de cada uma das Forças Armadas, sem que houvesse coordenação entre elas e com
os setores responsáveis pela formulação da política externa brasileira, e que essas concepções eram e são fruto da visão que os militares construíram ao longo da história política brasileira a respeito de qual deve ser seu papel na organização e preparação da Defesa Nacional<br>Abstract: This dissertation means to study National Defence conceptions in Brazil from 1950 to 1996. In the first chapter the basis of Brazilian strategic thought is analysed. The second chapter focuses the influence of National Security Doctrine in the elaboration of Brazilian strategic conceptions during the cold war. Finally, in the third chapter the reformulation of Brazilian strategic conceptions during the nineties is related with new challenges brought by the contexts of Globalisation and Post-Cold War international politics and economics. The work stresses the fact that the Staff elaborated Brazilian strategic conceptions during the period of this study with autonomy but almost no coordination between the Armed Forces themselves and the diplomatic staff. This dissertation stresses as well the fact that Brazilian strategic conceptions were and are implemented during the Brazilian political history from the point of view of the Armed Forces about their role in the preparation and organization ofNational Defence<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Ciência Política
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Silva, Fabricio Padilha Pereira da [UNESP]. "Novas missões e novas tecnologias: o papel do governo federal e a criação da DARPA na construção da estratégia de supremacia em ciência e tecnologia e defesa dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/134095.
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000857107.pdf: 1225137 bytes, checksum: b401ddb2d8ec5c960c985b5db8eb4a4f (MD5)<br>Durante a Guerra Fria, houve nos Estados Unidos três distintas estratégias de superioridade científico-tecnológico-militar, cujo denominador comum entre elas foi o massivo investimento público em Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento (P&D) destinado à Defesa. Em resposta às ações da União Soviética, o Governo Federal dos Estados Unidos rigorosamente articulou e financiou tais estratégias. Em especial, criou a Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) para desenvolver a Ciência & Tecnologia & Defesa (C&T&D) norte-americana através de estudos novos, revolucionários e de risco, tais como foram os casos da pesquisa e desenvolvimento em internet, defesa de míssil balístico, testes de banimento nuclear, armas de precisão guiada, veículos não tripulados, satélites, e tecnologia stealth. Portanto, o objetivo desta pesquisa é investigar o papel que o Governo Federal e a DARPA desempenharam na construção das estratégias de supremacia em C&T&D dos Estados Unidos na Guerra Fria.<br>In the Cold War, there were three strategies of superiority in Military Science & Technology in the United States, whose common denominator was the massive public investment on Research and Development (R&D) for Defense. In response to the actions of the Soviet Union, the Federal Government of the United States rigorously articulated and funded such strategies. In particular, it created the Advanced Research Projects Agency Defense (DARPA) to develop the U.S. Science & Technology & Defense (S&T&D) through new, revolutionary and risk studies, such as the research and development on the internet, ballistic missile defense, precision guided munitions, unmanned aerial vehicles, satellites, and stealth technology. Therefore, the aim of this research is to investigate the role that the Federal Government and the DARPA played in building strategies for supremacy on C&T&D in the United States in the Cold War.
Books on the topic "The military Governor"
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(Nigeria), Akwa Ibom State. The first 100 days of Governor Tunde Ogbeha as the first military governor of Akwa Ibom State. Akwa Ibom State, 1988.
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Puerto Rico. Governor (1899-1900 : Davis). Report of the military governor of Porto Rico on civil affairs. 2nd ed. Academia Puertorriqueña de la Historia, 2007.
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M, Davey A. Inventory to the archives of the Military Governor, Pretoria, 1900-1902. Govt. Archives Service, 1986.
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Rasaki, Raji. Speeches of Colonel Raji Rasaki, fss, psc, military governor of Lagos State. Lagos State Ministry of Information and Culture, 1990.
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Canada. Consolidated statutes respecting the militia: Approved by proclamation of His Excellency the Governor General. S. Derbishire and G. Desbarats, 2001.
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Alʹbert, Urman, та Belonogov Anatoliĭ, ред. Aleksandr Lebedʹ: Grazhdanin, general, gubernator = Alexander Lebed : man, general, governor. Rastr, 2003.
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Garuba, Chris A. Speeches of Col. Chris Abutu Garuba Psc, Fss, the military governor of Bauchi State 1987. C.A. Garuba, 1987.
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Maina, Mohammed Lawan. 100 days of Col. Mohammed Lawan Maina, psc(t), fss, military governor of Borno State. Printed by Director of Print., 1991.
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Mudasiru, Gbolahan. Pursuit of excellence: Collection of speeches of the Lagos State Military Governor, Group Captain Gbolahan Mudasiru. Information Division, Min. of Information, Social Development, Youth & Sports, 1986.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "The military Governor"
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Burnham, Christopher. "Storrs as Military Governor." In Sir Ronald Storrs. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003456001-3.
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Mustoyapova, Ainash. "Translator for the Military Governor of Zhetysu. Ibrahim Dzhainakov (1883–194?)." In Leaders of the Nation. Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-97-0718-8_15.
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McFate, Montgomery. "John Useem and Governance Operations." In Military Anthropology. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190680176.003.0006.
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This chapter concerns the wartime civil affairs experience of John Useem, a US Navy officer who became the military governor of a small island in Micronesia. While the post-World War II, military government established in Germany and Japan are often offered as examples of successful governance operations, the partially successful case of Micronesia better exemplifies the paradoxes at the heart of the military government enterprise. These issues which plagued the US military government in Micronesia, and which John Useem wrote about in the 1940s and 1950s, were the exact same issues that have plagued the intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq more than a half century later. What happens when the policy of democratization is incompatible with the existing social order? What happens when American social norms conflict with the society they intend to govern? What happens when the core principle of military government non-interference cannot be implemented in practice and outright contradicts the imperatives of ‘nation building’?
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"Letters of Governor Alexander Spotswood." In Schlager Anthology of Early America. Schlager Group Inc., 2022. https://doi.org/10.3735/9781935306672.book-part-041.
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The Letters of Governor Alexander Spotswood from the 1710s reflect the governor's frustration with the electorate of Virginia and the Virginia House of Burgesses. Alexander Spotswood (1676–1740), a Scot by birth, had served with distinction in the British military. In 1710 he was appointed acting governor of the Virginia Colony, a post he held until 1722. But Spotswood was no colonial revolutionary; he was a product of the British Empire and did his best to balance the conflicting demands of Great Britain and those of the colonists.
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"4. THE CONSILIUM OF THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNOR." In The Military Consilium in Republican Rome. Gorgias Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463211585-007.
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"The Last Military Governor of the Moro Province:." In My Life before the World War, 1860–1917. The University Press of Kentucky, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt32bd3p.25.
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Woods, Shelton. "The Philippine Constabulary." In Governor of the Cordillera. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501769955.003.0006.
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This chapter discusses how the Philippine Constabulary (PC) reshaped Igorot society. A primary catalyst for creating the PC was America's effective use and employment of Filipino spies, guides, and linguists during the Philippine–American War. Commissioner Luke E. Wright sought to use some of these men to establish something between a municipal police force and a disciplined, bivouacked army platoon—a well-ordered unit that transcended local and military authority. Wright's plan succeeded, especially among the Igorots, who almost instinctively distrusted anyone outside their cultural/linguistic community. Ultimately, the Igorot PC soldiers provided a bridge between the past and present because they revered their indigenous cultures while denouncing headhunting. The chapter then considers how the subprovince of Ifugao best illustrated the importance of the Cordillera PC and the character of its leading officers.
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Woods, Shelton. "The Discovery of the Igorots." In Governor of the Cordillera. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501769955.003.0005.
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This chapter traces the origins of Luzon's northern highlanders, who are collectively known as Igorots. The name “Igorot” evolved from Spanish documents that identified the Cordillera inhabitants as Ygolotes. Subsequent ethnolinguistic studies reveal six major groups/tribes among the Igorots: Bontoc, Ifugao, Kankanaey, Ibaloi, Kalinga, and Apayao. Each tribe possesses a distinctive culture, dialect, and set of folktales, dances, metaphysical ceremonies, textile patterns, and gods. Igorots also practiced head-hunting, and both Spanish and early American colonial officials were astonished that the highlanders accepted perpetual headhunting as a way of life. The chapter then describes the attempts to integrate the Igorots into a Christian, taxpaying colony. It looks at the establishment of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes, the purpose of which was to regularly report on the situation among the non-Christian peoples and establish a fuller understanding of the ethnology of the Philippines. In addition to David Prescott Barrows and Commissioner Dean Worcester, three other American entities entered Luzon's highlands between 1900 and 1905: the Philippine Constabulary, a military police force led by American officers but largely composed of indigenous soldiers; the Episcopalian clergy and lay workers; and several American volunteer soldiers from the Philippine–American War who chose to stay among the Igorots. In many ways, the PC set the stage for John Early's entrance into the highlands.
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"An Irish Governor of Scotland: Lord Broghill, 1655–1656." In Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers c. 1600-1800. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402008_011.
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"Governor Robert Dinwiddie and the Virginia Frontier, 1751–57." In Military Governors and Imperial Frontiers c. 1600-1800. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402008_015.
Full textConference papers on the topic "The military Governor"
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Grote, Tatjana. "Reflections on the Afterlife: Which Rules Govern the Post-Occupation Retention and Use of Personal Data Collected by the Military?" In 2024 16th International Conference on Cyber Conflict: Over the Horizon (CyCon). IEEE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cycon62501.2024.10685632.
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Umrikhin, A. V. "FEATURES OF THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE MILITARY GOVERNOR IN THE FAR EAST OF RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE GOVERNOR OF THE AMUR REGION)." In RUSSIAN LEGAL SYSTEM: HISTORY, MODERNITY, DEVELOPMENT TRENDS. Amur State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/lsr.2021.21.
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Bravo-Nieto, Antonio, Sergio Ramírez-González, and Kouider Metair. "De Diego de Vera a Juan Martín Zermeño: tres siglos de reformas en la arquitectura del castillo viejo de Rosalcazar en Orán, Argelia." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11460.
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From Diego de Vera to Juan Martín Zermeño: three centuries of alterations in the architecture of the old castle of Rosalcazar in Oran, AlgeriaThe ancient castle of Rosalcazar is a military architecture that is part of the Oran’s defensive system, in Algeria. His structure was built in the sixteenth century by Diego de Vera, and it reflects the approaches of the Spanish fortification of the reign of Ferdinand the Catholic. These constructions were increased with later alterations, until their consolidation during the term of the governor and engineer Juan Martín Zermeño. The architectural ensemble represented an interesting evolution of the Spanish fortification since the beginning of the sixteenth century until the middle of the eighteenth century, preserving each extension of the elements of the prior period that they are shown in the heritage ensemble of maximum interest.
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Kingsley, Joseph, and Matthew Stauffer. "United States Navy (USN) Integrated Power System (IPS) Testing Experience With a LM2500 Generator Set Utilizing a MicroNet Controller." In ASME Turbo Expo 2000: Power for Land, Sea, and Air. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/2000-gt-0606.
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The US Navy has been researching integrated electric propulsion systems for many years. The economic advantages of the integrated electric architecture, where power for propulsion as well as ship service are derived from a common set of generators, are well recognized and such systems are used throughout many sectors of the commercial marine industry today. In addition to the economic advantages, there are military benefits to the ship when an Integrated Power System (IPS) architecture is adopted. Those include increased reliability and survivability, reduced signatures and increased upgradeability. A full scale Land Based Engineering Site (LBES) was constructed at the Advanced Propulsion and Power Generation Test Site (APPGTS) of the Naval Surface Warfare Center, Carderock Division – Ship Systems Engineering Station (NSWCCD-SSES) in Philadelphia, Pa, to demonstrate the system architecture and feasibility of chosen technologies for a warship application. This paper will describe the IPS, test site construction, and test operational experience with a GE LM2500 engine, utilizing a Woodward Governor Company (WGC) MicroNet controller, as the prime mover for the main generator set.
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Carpenter, Andrew L., Robert E. Mayo, Jerald G. Wagner, and Paul E. Yelvington. "High-Pressure Electronic Fuel Injection for Small-Displacement Single-Cylinder Diesel Engine." In ASME 2015 Internal Combustion Engine Division Fall Technical Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icef2015-1029.
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Small-displacement, single-cylinder, diesel engines employ mechanically actuated fuel injection systems. These mechanically governed systems, while robust and low-cost, lack the ability to fully vary injection parameters, such as timing, pulse duration, and injection pressure. The ability of a particular injection system to vary these injection parameters impacts engine efficiency, power, noise, and emissions. Modern, multi-cylinder automotive engines employ some form of electronically controlled injection to take advantage of the benefits of fully variable injection, including advanced strategies such as multi-pulse injections and rate shaping. Modern diesel electronic fuel injection systems also operate at considerably higher injection pressures than mechanical fuel systems used in small-bore industrial engines. As the cost of electronic fuel systems continues to decrease and the demand for high-efficiency engines increases, electronic fuel injection becomes a more viable option for incorporation into small industrial diesel engines. In particular, this technology may be well-suited for demanding and critical applications such as military power generation. In this study, a small-bore, single-cylinder diesel was retrofit with a custom, four-hole, high-pressure electronic fuel system. Compared to the mechanical injector, the electronic, common-rail injector had a 50% smaller orifice diameter and was designed for a 4x higher injection pressure. The mechanical governor was also replaced with an electronic speed controller. The baseline and modified engines were installed on a dynamometer, and measurements of exhaust emissions, fuel consumption, brake torque, and in-cylinder pressure were made. The electronic injector led to lower smoke opacity and NOx emissions, while CO and hydrocarbon emissions were observed to increase slightly, likely due to some wall wetting of fuel with the initial prototype injector. Testing with low ignition quality fuels was also performed, and the electronic fuel system enabled the engine to operate with fuel having a cetane number as low as 30.
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Guarducci, Anna. "Fortificare in tempo di pace. Le nuove strutture di controllo della costa toscana (1785-1793)." In FORTMED2025 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. edUPV. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2025.2025.20242.
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In the second half of the 18th century, prior to the onset of the French Revolution, following detailed reconnaissance to evaluate the state of the coastal fortifications of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the construction of seven new forts was ordered at various points along the sandy coastline. This initiative also included the conversion of the abandoned Marze saltworks and the Trojan Tower into fortifications. The first of these, Forte dei Marmi, was constructed between 1785 and 1786. It featured a squat, three-storey quadrangular structure with an annexed semicircular platform on the seaward side, which served as a prototype for the remaining six forts: Cinquale, Bocca di Serchio, Marina di Bibbona, Marina di Castagneto, San Rocco (now Marina di Grosseto), and Bocca d’Ombrone.This undertaking commenced during a period of peace under the rule of Pietro Leopoldo of Habsburg-Lorraine, whose administration had adopted a strictly neutral stance. This policy led to the demobilisation of many urban and rural fortresses built by the Medici in inland Tuscany, alongside significant reductions in the size of the fleet and the army, as well as the resolution of border disputes with neighbouring states.Although the persistent, albeit diminished, threat of Barbary pirates remained, the reinforcement of the coastal defence system served additional purposes: health-related measures (primarily concerning the spread of the plague) and economic-commercial objectives, such as the enforcement of customs duties and the suppression of smuggling.By examining published studies and archival documentation, this paper aims to reconstruct the events involving Livorno governor Federigo Barbolani da Montauto and several prominent architects and engineers within the government’s circle. These individuals contributed to the drafting of projects, reports, maps, and drawings, which provide insights into the true motivations behind the strengthening of the coastal military system. These motivations encompassed not only the creation of well-armed defensive structures but also the establishment of health and customs houses.
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Kruger, Renata Belz. "COLONIZAÇÃO DA TRANSAMAZÔNICA DURANTE O GOVERNO MILITAR: MANIFESTAÇÕES DO DISPOSITIVO COLONIAL." In Anais do Encontro Regional da ANPUH - MA. Even3, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29327/1144618.13-4.
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Cosmescu, Dragos. "Il fortificare come buon governo. La testimonianza della Repubblica di Venezia." In FORTMED2025 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. edUPV. Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2025.2025.20266.
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A sign of good sovereign is protection to citizens and fortifying is the best act of good government for all periods - peace and war - since it prepares in advance, discourages enemies and reassures citizens. Protection is the duty of the prince, but it also useful for the good prince to protect its subjects and their property. Of the actions taken in fortifying a place, Modernizing is most clearly associated by the good government, separating it from the more basic activities of constructing and repairing existing defenses.We will apply this investigation to the republic of Venice. The Serenissima manifests concerted efforts to provide secure conditions for its subjects to live and apply their trade. Its strong places also offer a safe haven that non-subjects would also frequent and trust to use. The republic offers its citizens a wide variety of fortified defenses, tailored to maximize their impact, especially with architectural structures alla moderna implemented throughout the domain, from Bergamo to Cyprus. This architecture of Sovereignty contains military structures, auxiliary defensive structures, and administrative structures. Venice sends the best architects and engineers of the time, both citizens and foreigners to these places to ensure their utmost quality of design and implementation. Their solutions are translated into city fortifications and forts to protect the territory (Palmanova), and traffic - anchorage places and commercial passage (Peschiera del Garda, Spinalonga, Suda, Grabusa). The city fortifications especially go through a process of enlarging and also modernizing, in various combinations: maintain existing walls and build new walled circuit further away (Candia, Canea, Spalato, Corfu); modernize only part of the defenses (Napoli di Romània, Lonato del Garda, Cerines, Sebenico); replace almost completely (Nicosia, Zara, Bergamo, Retimo). We will approach these many examples and different solutions to investigate their efficiency. The success and perennity of these defenses speak for their soundness, as effect of good govern.
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Carvalho, Rosane Andrade de. "Hieróglifos: farpa como metáfora." In Encontro da História da Arte. Universidade Estadual de Campinas, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/eha.4.2008.3846.
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Este artigo versa sobre o conjunto de trabalhos da série Hieróglifos do artista goiano Paulo Fogaça (1936), realizado durante os anos 1970. O foco da análise recai sobre os processos e procedimentos tomados pelo artista para comentar os acontecimentos sociais e políticos do Brasil gerados pelas ações do governo militar que se encontrava no poder.
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Moise, Andrei emil. "E-LEARNING AND MILITARY RULES ACROSS BATTLEFIELDS." In eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-016.
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E-learning and military rules across battlefields Andrei-Emil Moise Hyperion University, Calarasi Street, Bucharest, Romania It is undoubtly true for any for any advised reader, that in all conflicts, either of internal or external nature certain rules need to obeyed. While most nations, if not all, agree that such limitations are required in order to protect both combatants and the civilian population of unnecessary torment, few chose to act in sharing to those interested the very set of law principles that should govern armed conflicts. Here is an area where e-learning can and should come in more and more effective. Some countries, the more unfortunate ones, financially speaking, tend to justify the most gruesome acts committed by their armed forces as a direct result of lack of information regarding humanitarian law. Such excuses should not be tolerated in any circumstance and, by the use of technology and the learning systems being upgraded and implemented every day errors and the thin excuse of blissfulness Perhaps such use is not the most common of e-learning techniques but it is nonetheless of utmost importance. In support of these things i shall bring opinions of renowned authors which are willing to award the media-technology ways of the present the most important role in the development of society in all it's domains. If we are to take those informations and rally them for but a second to the necessity of veridical data on all battlefields we are to discover how the most vital data (the ones regarding the protection and safekeeping of human lives) are to find the most beneficial way of traveling and being carried across the world nowadays.
Reports on the topic "The military Governor"
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Barbabela, Eduardo, Mariane Matos, Lidiane Vieira, Luiza Medeiros, and João Feres Júnior. Boletim 5 – Pandemia, Reformas e Militares no governo. Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/manchetrometro.2020.0012.
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Arretche, Marta Teresa S., and Rogerio Schlegel. Os estados nas federações: Tendências gerais e o caso brasileiro. Inter-American Development Bank, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0007887.
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Este trabalho explorara o papel dos estados na federação brasileira com base em duas dimensões distintas: a autoridade constitucional dos estados e a avaliação dos cidadãos sobre a importância dos diferentes níveis de governos na federação brasileira. Assim fazendo, os autores buscam explorar facetas diversas da autoridade política estadual, exercida a partir de regras explícitas estabelecida nas leis. Com relação à primeira dimensão, examinam a autoridade dos estados sobre suas próprias políticas (self-rule) bem como sua autoridade para afetar decisões tomadas nas arenas decisórias nacionais (shared-rule), com base nas regras constitucionais. Esta abordagem tem um propósito estritamente comparativo. São feitas comparações da posição dos estados brasileiros com a dos governos intermediários em outros países bem como os direitos dos estados brasileiros no regime democrático contemporâneo com seus direitos no regime democrático de 1946 e no regime militar. Para a comparação internacional, o Brasil foi comparado com estados unitários, diferentes tipos de federações, países latino-americanos e asiáticos.
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Paz, Santiago, Martina Bergues, and José Callero. Evolução das estratégias de segurança cibernética: análise do cenário regional e internacional. Inter-American Development Bank, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0013232.
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Na era digital, a segurança cibernética tornou-se um imperativo estratégico para governos em todo o mundo. O crescente volume e sofisticação das ameaças cibernéticas destacaram a necessidade de estruturas de proteção robustas e coordenadas. Nesse contexto, as estratégias nacionais de cibersegurança surgem como instrumentos fundamentais para garantir a segurança e a resiliência do ciberespaço. O estudo incluiu a análise de 12 países com nível de maturidade avançado fora da região e sete países da América Latina e Caribe (de forma a contemplar a experiência regional na temática), totalizando uma análise de 43 estratégias, das quais 19 estão vigentes. A análise foi realizada comparando componentes transversais: (i) estrutura das estratégias; (ii) ameaças e desafios; (iii) princípios; (iv) objetivos estratégicos (agrupados em 12 categorias); (v) métricas e indicadores. Além disso, as macro categorias incluem as seguintes áreas focais: (i) governança; (ii) gestão de riscos; (iii) resiliência e prontidão; (iv) infraestrutura crítica e serviços essenciais; (v) capacidades e conscientização; (vi) marco normativo e legislação; (vii) cooperação internacional; (viii) privacidade e dados; (ix) defesa e capacidade militar.
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Lagutin, Andrey, and Tatyana Sidorina. SYSTEM OF FORMATION OF PROFESSIONAL AND PERSONAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AMONG CADETS OF MILITARY INSTITUTES. Science and Innovation Center Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12731/self-government.
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When carrying out professional activities, officers of the VNG of the Russian Federation are often in difficult, stressful, emotionally stressful situations associated with the use of weapons as a particularly dangerous means of destruction. The right to use a weapon by an officer makes him responsible for its use. And therefore requires the officer to make a balanced optimal decision, which is associated with the risk and transience of events, and in which no mistake can be made, since the price of it can be someone's life. It is at such a moment that it is important that the officer has stable skills in making a decision on the use of weapons, and this requires skills not only in managing subordinates or the situation,but in managing himself. The complication of the military-professional activity, manifested in the need to develop the ability to quickly and accurately make command decisions, exacerbating the problem of social responsibility of an officer who has the management of unit that leads to an understanding of his singular personal and professional responsibility, as the ability to govern themselves makes it possible to achieve a positive result of the Department for the DBA. This characterizes the need for a commander to have the ability to manage himself, as a "system" that manages others. Forming skills of self-control, patience, compassion, having mastered algorithms of making managerial decisions, the cycle of implementing managerial functions, etc., a person comes to the belief: "before effectively managing others, it is necessary to learn how to manage yourself." The required level of personal and professional maturity can be formed in a person as a result of purposeful self-management, which determines the special role of professional and personal self-management in the training of future officers.