Journal articles: 'The Mongol conquest of Khwarezmia'

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Timokhin, Dmitry M. "KHWAREZMIAN AND MONGOL CONQUESTS OF THE SOUTH CAUCASUS IN FOREIGN HISTORIOGRAPHY: IN THE CONTEXT OF D. BAYARSAIKHAN’S RESEARCH "THE MONGOLS AND THE ARMENIANS (1220-1335)"." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch1315-15.

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The article deals with the analysis of foreign researches of Mongol and Khwarezmian conquests of the South Caucasus. The subject of study is one of the latest works on this problem – D. Bayarsaikhan’s monograph «The Mongols and the Armenians (1220-1335)». The author of the article details historiography and source study of the book under consideration, as well as those sections, which present the description of Mongol and Khwarezmian invasion of the territory of the South Caucasus and the consequences of these conquests. Much attention is given to the section of D.Bayarsaikhan’s monograph describing the political structure of the South Caucasus at the beginning of the 13 th century and a number of earlier events. The author of the article also analyzes D. Bayarsaikhan’s position on a number of debatable problems concerning political history of the South Caucasus in the first half of the 13 th century. The author focuses on the idea of political history of the South Caucasus in the first half of the 13 th century that readers may get after their acquaintance with D. Bayarsaikhan’s book «The Mongols and the Armenians (1220-1335)». The fact that the monograph of D. Bayarsaikhan has not been translated into Russian yet and is not well known to specialists in Russia gives special significance to this article. To date, there are not many special studies on this problem in Russian science, therefore it is extremely important to study foreign experience in this field

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HAW, STEPHEN G. "The Mongol conquest of Tibet." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 24, no. 1 (November 7, 2013): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186313000679.

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AbstractThe Mongol conquest of Tibet has been poorly understood. ‘Traditional’ Mongol and Tibetan accounts, in comparatively late sources, tell of a submission to Chinggis Khan by Tibetan chieftains. This version of history was rejected some time ago, and replaced with an account that begins with a Mongol invasion of Tibet in 1240. Problems with clarifying this issue include the often poor quality of Tibetan sources, the confusion of Tibet and Tangut (Xi Xia) in Persian sources, and misunderstanding by modern scholars of Chinese terms relating to Tibet. In fact, Chinese sources make clear that there was considerable contact between the Mongols and Tibet before 1240. Chinggis Khan may never have invaded Tibet, but undoubtedly had the intention of doing so. The picture that emerges is of a gradual conquest, with early incursions across the borders of Tibet followed by more penetrating invasions in the 1240s and 1250s.

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Biran, Michal, and Thomas T. Allsen. "Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia." Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 2 (April 2003): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217717.

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KITAGAWA, Seiichi. "The Mongol Conquest of Georgia (Sakartvelo)." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 40, no. 2 (1997): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.40.2_69.

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Melville, C. "Review: Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia * Thomas T. Allsen: Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia." Journal of Islamic Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.1.91-a.

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Chichinov, V. A. "Quarrel of Mongolian Princes and Dating of the Mongols Campaign to South-Western Rus." Izvestiya of Altai State University, no. 3(113) (July 6, 2020): 101–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/izvasu(2020)3-16.

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The purpose of this article is to research the information by historical sources related with the Mongolian invasion to the South-Western Rus, determination exact dates of the conquest of Russian southern cities and consideration the quarrel of the Mongol princes, as a turning point in the history of the Mongol invasion and the Mongol empire. The author has some several conclusions. Firstly, the Russian chronicles, the chronicle of Rashid al-Din, and the “Secret History of the Mongols” contain the information, by which we can reconstructing the chronology of events past. Secondly, to determination an accurate chronology of the events of the Mongol invasion of South-Western Russia, it is important to use a source such as “The Secret History of the Mongols”, which was written by an eyewitness to the events that unfolded in the residence of the Mongolian emperor. Thirdly, the author was able to date the events associated with the capture of some southern Rus cities by the Mongols. The research has provided information that reveals the specifics of the Mongol conquest of Kiev, namely, the date of the event was clarified, and also identified the commanders who did not participate in this campaign and were mistakenly counted among the conquerors of Kiev, the “mother of Russian cities”.

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Ostrowski, Donald. "Thetammaand the dual-administrative structure of the Mongol empire." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 61, no. 2 (June 1998): 262–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0001380x.

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TheSecret History of the Mongols (Yuanchao bishi)tells us that, after the invasion and conquest of Qipchaq and Rus'lands in 1237–40, Qagan Ögödei placed ‘daruγačinandtammačin’ over peoples whose main cities were Ornas, Saḳsīn, Bulgar and Kiev.

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Bayarsaikhan, Dashdondog. "Kirakos Gandzakets‘i, as a Mongol Prisoner." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 2 (March 12, 2019): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340027.

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AbstractArmenian Historian Kirakos Gandzakets‘i was captured by Mongol noyan Molar during the first wave of Mongol conquest of the Caucasus. He was in captivity for about a year. This gave him a certain understanding of the history and religion of the Mongols as well as some knowledge of Mongolian.On Molar’s orders, Kirakos was taken to serve the Mongols’ secretarial needs, writing and reading letters.In this paper I argue that the Armenian source of Kirakos Gandzakets‘i is a first-hand history on the early Mongols in the Caucasus, and the Mongolian vocabulary that Kirakos gives in his work ranks among the earliest Mongolian glossaries in non-Mongol sources.

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Gandjeï, Tourkhan. "Turkish in pre-Mongol Persian poetry." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 1 (February 1986): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0004249x.

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The rise and development of Persian poetry in Transoxiana and Khurāsān coincided with the growth in influence of the Turkish element in the Sãmãnid state. Although Turks had alredy been living in these regions at the time of the Arab conquest, it was under the Sāmānids especially that emerged into political and military prominence, having risen form the status of slaves to the highest ranks of power. In the fragmentary survivals of the Persian poetry of this period we not only find mention of Turks but even the occasional word of Turkish origin:‘This cloud is like a crazed Turk, shooting arrows; the lightning his shafts, and the rainbow his bow.’

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Dashdondog, Bayarsaikhan. "Mongol Diplomacy of the Alamut Period." Eurasian Studies 17, no. 2 (April 24, 2020): 310–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340078.

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Abstract The subject that I would like to discuss relates to the Ismāʿīlī history of the period of the Mongol incursions in 1256. This article deals with three topics: the Mongols and their invasions of Alamut; Mongol-Ismāʿīlī relations before and after the invasions; and issues relating to the death of the Ismāʿīlī leader allegedly at the hands of the Mongols. The Mongol conquest of the Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs’ strongholds has been described as “the single-most disastrous event in their history”, putting an end to the political aspirations and prominence of the Ismāʿīlīs in the region; however, my argument lies in the pragmatic attitudes of the Ismāʿīlīs, who were allies of the Mongols at the beginning of their relationship. This paper also discusses issues relating to the death of Ismāʿīlī Imam Rukn al-Dīn, disputing the commonly accepted view of his murder.

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Maiorov, Alexander. "The Mongol conquest of Volhynia and Galicia: controversial and unresolved issues." Rusin, no. 39(1) (March 1, 2015): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/39/2.

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Fiaschetti, Francesca. "Mongol Imperialism in the Southeast: Uriyangqadai (1201–1272) and Aju (1127–1287)." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 1119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0008.

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Abstract Son of the famous general Sübe’edei, Uriyanqadai followed in his father’s footsteps into the highest ranks of the Mongol military. Placed in charge of the keshig, or imperial bodyguard, under Möngke (r. 1251–1259), his fame was mostly due to his involvement—along with prince Qubilai (r. 1260–1294)— in the Mongol campaigns in Tibet, Yunnan and Đại Việt. Some of these campaigns are thoroughly described in his Yuanshi and other biographies. Other sources reflect the political relevance of this general as well. The same goes for Uriyangqadai’s son Aju, who accompanied him on campaigns in the South and built upon Uriyangqadai’s legacy after his death. An analysis of the various texts reporting the careers of the two generals provides important material regarding a decisive moment in the Mongol conquest of China, as well as information on numerous aspects of the military and political structures of the Mongol empire. Uriyangqadai’s and Aju’s lives provide an important case study of the role of political alliances and family relations in the formation of the military elite under Mongol rule. Furthermore, their careers depict an important moment of change in Mongol warfare. The campaigns in Yunnan and Đại Việt proved a challenge to Mongol strategies, leading to important innovations, changes which ultimately facilitated creation of a Yuan land –and maritime Empire.

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Young, Alden. "Longing for the Lost Caliphate: A Transregional History (bt Mona Hassan)." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 2 (April 15, 2019): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i2.588.

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In her superbly learned book, Mona Hassan sets out to explain the enduring meaning of Muslim lamentations after two of the greatest Muslim caliphates were abolished in 1258 and 1924 CE. 1258 marks the date when the last Abbasid Caliph, al-Musta‘sim, knelt before the Mongol Commander Hulegu outside the walls of Baghdad, shortly before he was executed. Hassan is not here directly concerned with the history of either the Abbasid Caliphate or the Mongol conquest; rather, she seeks to understand what was a novel problem for the Muslim community, namely, the absence of a caliph, which then lasted three and a half years.

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Khazanov, Anatoly M. "Muhammad and Jenghiz Khan Compared: The Religious Factor in World Empire Building." Comparative Studies in Society and History 35, no. 3 (July 1993): 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018545.

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This essay compares the two greatest conquest movements of pre-modern times, the Arab and the Mongol, which resulted in the creation of world empires, and analyzes the importance of religion in these events. This attempt is hardly in the mainstream of current cultural anthropology, which does not encourage much comparative study of historical societies separated in time and space. Nonetheless, perhaps this comparison will facilitate a better understanding of some serious conceptual problems that both of these conquests pose for anthropologists and historians. The fact that the Arab society had a strong nomadic component and the Mongol society was firmly based on pastoral nomadism makes this comparison even more interesting.

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Machai, Olena. "Religious factor in establishing the Mongolian authorities in Georgia." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-27-37.

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The article is devoted to the religious relations in the territory of Georgia in the initial stages of the formation of the Mongol Empire and the State of the Hulaguids. Georgia emerged as a powerful state in the Caucasus region at the beginning of the 13th century. However, the expansion of neighboring Khorezm and Islamization around was a major threat in these times. In an effort to protect realm, King of Georgia Georgy XIV Lasha and Queen Rusudan went into alliance with the Catholic Church. However, the Catholics did not aim to save Georgia from Khorezm, so the alliance did not actually existing. The Mongol invasion of Georgia in 1220 was difficult. However, the Mongols have shown tolerance since the beginning of the conquest. The paper analyzes the eyewitness testimonies on efforts to bring peace between Christians and Mongol khans. Such a tolerant religious policy is conditioned by the Mongols' own belief - shamanism, which implies belief in the power of Heaven and fear of punishment for the image of any of the gods. However, there is a rather pragmatic reason for such a toleration: peaceful relations with other religious communities of the empire helped to suppress the resistance of the conquered peoples. For example, the clergymen of all religions were exempt from taxes, and the Mongolian army, as a rule, did not destroy religious buildings during the conquest. Moreover, the khans asked priests of different denominations to pray for them. According to the testimonies of Catholic missionaries in Karakorum, there were a Christians among the Mongol Aristocracy, rather a Nestorian orientation. Therefore, since the beginning of the Mongol conquest of Georgia, Nestorianism has also spread in its territory. During the establishment of the Khulaguid authorities in the Caucasus, Nestorians, who also belonged to the ruling sections of society, took care and custody of Georgian monasteries, assisted clergy and pilgrims. In particular, it was during the rule of the Hulagu that monasteries and churches were established and built in the state, schools and scientific centers were operating, and pathways for pilgrims were laid. In the process of conquering new territories, the Mongols paid great attention to the religious situation in a particular region. In particular, they were able to profitably use military conflicts that were formed on religious grounds. Therefore, in comparison to the possible Islamization of Georgia, the Mongol invasion helped to preserve the Christian religion. The transition of Georgians to Catholic power was also not carried out, which saved the state from possible manipulation by Rome. Although the Mongols were pagans from the beginning of the empire's creation, they were tolerant of Christians both throughout the country and in Georgia in particular. In turn, the Christian Church supported the Mongolian authorities. Georgian clergymen and local mthavars continued to build monasteries and pilgrimage routes; Georgia has been able to preserve Orthodox Christianity as a state religion.

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Amitai, Reuven. "Mongol raids into Palestine (A.D. 1260 and 1300)." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 119, no. 2 (April 1987): 236–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035869x0014064x.

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The year 1260 marks the beginning of a sixty year conflict between the Mongols of Persia and the Mamlūks of Egypt and Syria. Over this period several large-scale battles were fought in north and central Syria in the course of Mongol invasions of that country. In addition, throughout most of this period, a more or less continuous border war raged on both sides of the Euphrates River, in north Syria and south-west Anatolia. Twice the Mongols were successful in occupying most of Syria: in 658/1260 and 699/1299–1300. In both cases the Mongol conquest lasted for only a few months, but in each instance this was more than enough time to launch raids into what was then south-west Syria, also variously known as the Holy Land, Palestine and the Land of Israel. In the absence of any other central authority over the ma jority of this territory, it can be said that in a sense Palestine twice also enjoyed the “benefits,” again temporary, of Mongol occupation.

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Kadyrbaev, Alexander Sh. "Chinese Language and Confucianism as an Instrument of Mongolian Adaptation in China during Yuan Epoch (13th–14th Centuries)." Oriental Courier, no. 1-2 (2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310015768-2.

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The article is devoted to the topic of the acculturation of the Mongol conquerors in China after the conquest by the first heirs of Genghis Khan and the creation of the Yuan Empire — the Mongol state in China. The history of China in the 13th-14th centuries, when the country was conquered by its neighbors, is a vivid example of the relationship between a nomadic and a centuries-old sedentary ethnos. At that time, the Chinese language and the teachings of Confucius became instruments for the acculturation of the Mongols. Having conquered China, the Mongol rulers were forced to master the Chinese culture to most effectively rule the country. As a result, the Yuan era was marked by intense cultural contacts, which makes it possible to trace the changes in the objective parameters of the Chinese language. However, the Mongolian influence itself played only a complementary role in the long process of interaction of the Chinese language with the languages of the steppe peoples of Central and East Asia.

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Nelson, Michael L. "Sources: Russia at War: From the Mongol Conquest to Afghanistan, Chechnya, and Beyond." Reference & User Services Quarterly 54, no. 4 (June 19, 2015): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.54n4.83b.

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This work joins a growing number of "country at war" titles from the same publisher, including China, Germany, Japan, and Mexico. Dowling, professor of history at Virginia Military Institute and published military history author, has assembled a large international group of authoritative contributors. The encyclopedia "fulfills two important functions: it explicitly serves as a reference for the Russian and Soviet martial past, and it implicitly serves as entrÃ©e to a non-English-speaking military culture" (xxxvii).

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Paul, Jürgen. "Early Islamic history of Iran: from the Arab conquest to the Mongol invasion." Iranian Studies 31, no. 3-4 (September 1998): 463–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210869808701924.

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BEBEN, DANIEL. "Remembering Saladin: The Crusades and the Politics of Heresy in Persian Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 2 (November 9, 2017): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000529.

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AbstractIn this study I examine the presentation of Saladin and the Crusades within the genre of Persian universal histories produced from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. While a number of recent studies have begun to explore the place of the Crusades in the historical memory of the Islamic world, to date little attention has been given to the question of the manner in which the ensuing Mongol conquests affected subsequent Muslim memory of the Crusades. In this article I argue that historiographers of the Mongol and post-Mongol eras largely sought to legitimate the conquests through evocation of heresy and by celebrating the Mongols’ role in combating alleged heretical elements within Muslim society, most notably the Ismāʿīlīs. While Saladin is universally remembered today first and foremost for his re-conquest of Jerusalem from the Crusaders, within the context of the agenda of Persian historiography of the post-Mongol era the locus of his significance was shifted to his overthrow of the Ismāʿīlī Fatimid dynasty in Egypt, to the almost complete exclusion of his role in the Crusades. This article challenges long-standing assumptions that the figure of Saladin was largely forgotten within the Muslim world until the colonial era, and instead presents an alternative explanation for the supposed amnesia in the Muslim world regarding the Crusades in the pre-modern era.

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Di Cosmo, Nicola, Sebastian Wagner, and Ulf Büntgen. "Climate and environmental context of the Mongol invasion of Syria and defeat at ‘Ayn Jālūt (1258–1260 CE)." Erdkunde 75, no. 2 (June 6, 2021): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3112/erdkunde.2021.02.02.

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After a successful conquest of large parts of Syria in 1258 and 1259 CE, the Mongol army lost the battle of 'Ayn Jālūt against Mamluks on September 3, 1260 CE. Recognized as a turning point in world history, their sudden defeat triggered the reconfiguration of strategic alliances and geopolitical power not only in the Middle East, but also across much of Eurasia. Despite decades of research, scholars have not yet reached consensus over the causes of the Mongol reverse. Here, we revisit previous arguments in light of climate and environmental changes in the aftermath of one the largest volcanic forcings in the past 2500 years, the Samalas eruption ~1257 CE. Regional tree ring-based climate reconstructions and state-of-the-art Earth System Model simulations reveal cooler and wetter conditions from spring 1258 to autumn 1259 CE for the eastern Mediterranean/Arabian region. We therefore hypothesize that the post-Samalas climate anomaly and associated environmental variability affected an estimated 120,000 Mongol soldiers and up to half a million of their horses during the conquest. More specifically, we argue that colder and wetter climates in 1258 and 1259 CE, while complicating and slowing the campaign in certain areas, such as the mountainous regions in the Caucasus and Anatolia, also facilitated the assault on Syria between January and March 1260. A return to warmer and dryer conditions in the summer of 1260 CE, however, likely reduced the regional carrying capacity and may therefore have forced a mass withdrawal of the Mongols from the region that contributed to the Mamluks’ victory. In pointing to a distinct environmental dependency of the Mongols, we offer a new explanation of their defeat at 'Ayn Jālūt, which effectively halted the further expansion of the largest ever land-based empire.

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CROSSLEY, PAMELA KYLE, and GENE R. GARTHWAITE. "Post-Mongol States and Early Modern Chronology in Iran and China." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (January 2016): 293–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000802.

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AbstractIn the aftermath of the Mongol occupations of the largest and most populous societies of Eurasia, greater visibility of popular religion, more widespread vernacular language use, rising literacy, and fundamental shifts in the structure of rulership and the relationship of state and society could all be observed. Many historians have related these changes to a broader chronology of early modernity. This has been problematic in the case of Iran, whose eighteenth-century passage has not been adequately explored in recent scholarship. Our comparative review of ‘post-Mongol’ Iran and China suggests that this period marks as meaningful a break between a schematic medieval and schematic early modern history in Iran as it does in China. Here, we first consider both societies in the post-Mongol period as empires with secular rulerships and increasingly popular cultural trends, and look at the role of what Crossley has called “simultaneous rulership”—rulership in which the codes of legitimacy of civilisations recognised by the conquest authority are given distinct representation in the rulership — in marking the transition away from religious-endorsed rule to self-legitimating rule as a mark of comparative early modernity.

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Zakrzewski, Daniel. "Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn Tabrīzī and the Establishment of Mongol Rule in Iran." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 71, no. 4 (February 23, 2018): 1059–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2017-0007.

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Abstract Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn Tabrīzī (d. 668/1269–70) was one of the most important individuals to the establishment of Mongol rule in Iran. His biography illustrates like few others not only themes of mobility and cross-cultural contacts across Eurasia but also the importance of local elites to the formation of the empire of Chinggis Khan and his descendants. Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn belonged to a notable family of Tabriz and served as governor of his native city soon after the definitive Mongol conquest of 628/1231. He traveled to Mongolia in 649/1251 and was put in charge of implementing a revised imperial taxation system in northwestern Iran by Great Khan Möngke. Then Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn remained a key player in the financial administration of the emerging Ilkhanate as Möngke’s brother Hülegü asserted his claims to the northwestern core area of Mongol Iran against his enemies from the house of Jochi. Despite connections of Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn’s family to the Jochids, he continued as governor of Tabriz where he also acted as a patron of Persian literature until his death. So far Malik Ṣadr al-Dīn has gone almost unnoticed in historical scholarship.

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Haining, Thomas Nivison. "The Yak, the Bear and the Dragon: Uneasy Bedfellows. A Cautionary Tale of Russian and Chinese Influences on Mongolian History." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 6, no. 1 (April 1996): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300014784.

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In the early thirteenth century Chinggis Khan used Central Asia and North China and then throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries his successors used China, Eastern Europe, the Near East, even Vietnam, Burma and Korea, as battlegrounds for their campaigns of conquest. Little, perhaps, did the Mongol Great Khans think that some six or seven centuries later their homeland would itself be a battleground, fought over politically if not actually militarily by the empires of Russia and China and by the Communist powers which succeeded those two empires.

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Gilli-Elewy, Hend. "Al-awādi al-ğāmia: A Contemporary Account of the Mongol Conquest of Baghdad, 656/1258." Arabica 58, no. 5 (2011): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005811x561569.

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AbstractThis article contains a translation (Arabic-English) with introduction and commentary of the events of years 655/1257 and 656/1258 of al-Ḥawādiṯ al-ğāmiʿa including two qaīdas, written by an Iraqi anonymous author. It deals with the conquest of Baghdad by the Mongols and the death of the last Abbasid caliph al-Mustaʿṣim. Al-Ḥawādiṯ al-ğāmiʿa is a very interesting local Iraqi chronicle of the VIIth/XIIIth century and provides an abundance of detail that is not to be found elsewhere. Historiography of the period can often be divided along Arabic-Mamluk and Persian-Mongol lines; however, this chronicle cannot really be situated on either side. Translations of other primary sources of this event, both Arabic and Persian, have been made available; this translation not only complements them, but also adds a local perspective to the evaluation of the events.

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Baboula, Evanthia. "Rebuilding Anatolia after the Mongol Conquest: Islamic Architecture in the Lands of Rūm 1240-1330,." Al-Masāq 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 362–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2020.1815296.

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KUBIK, Adam. "Medieval lamellar armour plate from the Penjikent. A contribution to the study of Mongol armour." Historia i Świat, no. 9 (September 23, 2020): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.05.

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This article analyses the lamellae discovered in the Tajik village of Kuktoš in the territory of the mediaeval part of the city of Penjikent, published by F.Š. Aminov in Petersburg in 2017 and currently held in archives of the Historical Museum of Ancient Penjikent. This item, which dates to the pre-Mongol, most likely Karakhanid, period, provides an opportunity to look again on some already published finds of lamellar plates from Central Asia. It gives a chance to look again on the problem of the armour used by Mongols during their conquest of Asia and Eastern Europe.

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Lewisohn, Leonard. "Palāsī's Memoir of Shaykh Kujujī, a Persian Sufi Saint of the Thirteenth Century." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 6, no. 3 (November 1996): 345–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630000777x.

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Khwāja Muhammad ibn Sadīq ibn Muhammad Kujujī or “Kujūjānī” (d. Dhū-hijja 677/April, 1279), as Hamdu'llāh Mustawfī Qazwīnī called him, was a Sufi master whose sons later occupied the post of Shaykh al-Islām in Tabriz under the early Jalā'irids, the Tīmūrids and early Safavids. Born in 614/1217–18, Kujujī's life coincides with the commencement of Mongol rule in northern Persia under Chingiz Khān in 1219, the conquest of Tabrīz in 1220 by the Mongols, the later subjugation of all of Persia under Hülegü (1256–65) and the reign of his successor Abaqa Khān (1265–82).

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Peacock, A. C. S. "Georgia and the Anatolian Turks in the 12th and 13th centuries." Anatolian Studies 56 (December 2006): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000806.

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AbstractThis article presents a study of the political and military relations of the Kingdom of Georgia and the Muslims of Anatolia from the 12th century AD up to the Mongol conquest of the region in the mid 13th century. Georgia's expansion during the 12th century and the web of marriage alliance that the Muslim rulers of Anatolia wove to protect themselves drew her into conflict even with distant principalities with which she shared no border, such as the Artukids of Mardin. Meanwhile, Erzurum appears to have been obliged to acknowledge Georgian suzerainty for much of the 12th and early 13th centuries. In the 13th century, however, the Mongol threat forced the Seljuks of Rüm and Georgia to form an alliance, and Georgians came to form a significant part of the Seljuk army. This alliance was sealed with a marriage between the Seljuk sultan and a member of the Georgian ruling house, the Bagratids, and the Seljuks appear to have derived prestige from their association with the Bagratid dynasty.

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Piekarz, Piotr. "Central Asian köshks from the Islamic period before the Mongol conquest: fortified, semi-fortified or unfortified?" Fieldwork and Research, no. 28.2 (December 28, 2019): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/uw.2083-537x.pam28.2.27.

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In their external appearance, the Islamic-period köshks in Central Asia, especially the characteristic buildings with corrugated outer walls, dated broadly speaking from the 7th–8th century AD to the times of the Mongol conquest at the beginning of the 13th century, are apparently fortified. However, they lack a number of features characteristic of defensive buildings. Their interpretation as residential structures in this period is indisputed, hence their apparent defensiveness has been attributed to a line of evolution from pre-Islamic architecture of this type, which played a military role. A review of various defensive elements present in these structures, compared with buildings from an earlier period, highlights this process. An apparent exception is the Great Kyz Kala at Merv, Turkmenistan, which may have not lost its defensive capacity immediately, as recent research by the UCL Institute of Archaeology Ancient Merv Project has demonstrated.

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Kaziev, Eduard V. "On the Massacre of the Alan Warriors during the Mongol Conquest of the Southern Song Empire." Golden Horde Review 8, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 220–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2020-8-2.220-242.

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Biran, Michal. "Libraries, Books, and Transmission of Knowledge in Ilkhanid Baghdad." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 62, no. 2-3 (March 18, 2019): 464–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341485.

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AbstractThe destruction of the Baghdadi libraries has been a powerful image connected to the Mongol conquest of 1258, often claimed to have precipitated the decline of Muslim civilization. This study, however, challenges this claim by reconstructing the state of libraries in Ilkhanid Baghdad, revealing a thriving intellectual community. Based on a close reading in Arabic biographical dictionaries and analysis of samāʿ and book lists, it elucidates the functions of libraries in Ilkhanid Baghdad, identifies channels of knowledge transmission, and offers a glimpse of the libraries’ holdings. Finally, it analyzes the Mongols’ role in invigorating local scholarship and the impact their rule had on Baghdad’s intellectual life.

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Arjomand, Saïd Amir. "Unity of the Persianate World under Turko-Mongolian Domination and Divergent Development of Imperial Autocracies in the Sixteenth Century." Journal of Persianate Studies 9, no. 1 (June 8, 2016): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341292.

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The promotion of the Persianate normative model of imperial kingship was the major ecumenical contribution of the Persian bureaucrats who served the Saljuq and Mongol rulers of Iran and Anatolia in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to state-building. The phenomenal growth of popular Sufism in Timurid Iran and early Ottoman Anatolia had a highly paradoxical impact on the legitimacy of kingship, making its conception increasingly autocratic. Both in the Ottoman and the Safavid successor empires, the disintegrative tendency of nomadic patrimonial empires was countered by variants of Persianate imperial monarchy. It is argued that the decisive event in sundering the ecumenical unity of the Persianate world was not the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, but the Mahdist revolution of the Safavidsheykhoghlu, Shah Esmāʿil, half a century later. The parting of ways stemmed from the variant of mystically enhanced autocracy adopted in the two cases—one with orthodox, Sunni, and the other with heterodox, Shiʿite inflection. The latter model became the Safavid model of autocracy under Shah Esmāʿil, and was quickly adopted by the Timurids after their conquest of India in 1526.

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Manz, Beatrice Forbes. "Temür and the problem of a conqueror's legacy." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8, no. 1 (April 1998): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300016412.

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Temür has been many things to many people. He was nomad and city-builder, Turk and promoter of Persian culture, restorer of the Mongol order and warrior for the spread of Islam. One thing he was to all: a conqueror of unequalled scope, able to subdue both the vast areas of nomad power to the north and the centres of agrarian Islamic culture to the south. The history of his successors was one of increasing political fragmentation and economic stress. Yet they too won fame, as patrons over a period of brilliant cultural achievement in Persian and Turkic. Temür's career raises a number of questions. Why did he find it necessary to pile conquest upon conquest, each more ambitious than the last? Having conceived dreams of dominion, where did he get the power and money to fulfill them? When he died, what legacy did Temür leave to his successors and to the world which they tried to control? Finally, what was this world of Turk and Persian, and where did Temür and the Timurids belong within it?

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Seleznev, Yury V. "On the Origin of the Commander Burundai." Golden Horde Review 9, no. 2 (June 29, 2021): 236–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-2.236-246.

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Research objectives: This work focuses on the origins of Amir Buruldai (also recorded as Burundai). He was an eminent military leader of the Horde during the time of the Mongol conquests and an active participant in the seven-year-long Western campaign, defeating the main forces of the Principality of Vladimir at the Sit’ River. Research on the origin of the generals living at the time of formation of the Mongol Empire and the Golden Horde is not a simple task. Synchronous and late sources carry information mainly about the relatives of Chinggis Khan and his closest associates. Biographies of many participants of the Western campaign are reconstructed with great difficulty; almost nothing is known about them, or extremely confusing, fragmentary, and contradictory information is found. Amir Buruldai can be included among such figures, left in the shadow of Chinggis Khan, his children, and grandchildren. A famous Mongol commander, Buruldai is distinguishable in the sources during the conquest of Eastern Europe and the campaigns against Hungary and Poland. In the research literature, the figure of Burundai is given some attention. However, he is mentioned occasionally in connection with the fate and lives of Russian princes, and a complete biography or historical portrait was not made. This is largely due to the state of the source material. Its information does not give us a clear picture of one of the more illustrious generals of the time of the Mongol-Tatar conquests. At the same time, a holistic picture of the life and activities of individual military commanders during the Mongol conquests, reconstructed on the basis of written sources, can give us valuable information for generalizations about warfare waged by the Mongol Empire and the ulus of Jochi, its development in a historical perspective, and the impact on the development of weapons and warfare among neighboring countries and peoples. Research materials: The main sources of information about Burundai are epic and chronicle works of Mongolian and Chinese origin, as well as Persian and Russian chronicles. Additional and indirect information is provided by official documentation and archaeological material. Results and novelty of the research: This article concludes that among the persons mentioned in written sources, Ogelen-cherbi can be considered the most plausible figure for Boorchu’s brother. Accordingly, he is to be recognized as the father of Buraldai. The latter, in all probability, was born in about 1200.

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Atwood, Christopher P. "Pu'a's Boast and Doqolqu's Death: Historiography of a Hidden Scandal in the Mongol Conquest of the Jin." Journal of Song-Yuan Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 239–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sys.2015.0006.

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Hui, Ming Tak Ted. "Journeys to the West: Travelogues and Discursive Power in the Making of the Mongol Empire." Journal of Chinese Literature and Culture 7, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 60–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23290048-8313520.

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Abstract Before the Mongol conquest in 1279, numerous envoys were sent from the Southern Song court to its neighboring states. Their purpose was to evaluate and tame foreign territories and alien peoples and thereby reduce their threat to Song culture, and the travelogues resulting from these journeys were often “utilitarian” in style. The Record of the Perfected Master Changchun's Journey to the West (Changchun zhenren xiyou ji 長春真人西遊記), however, deserves special attention for its nuanced handling of a complex cultural-political power dynamics. Its compiler, Li Zhichang, was a leader in the Quanzhen sect, and his travelogue documents the journey of his master, Qiu Chuji, at the invitation of Chinggis (Genghis) Khan. Li's text illustrates the tension of competing political and cultural authorities: while the Mongols were becoming the source of political authority, the Taoists still owned the discursive power. The author argues that Li deliberately adopted a narrative strategy that conceded the Mongol claim to political legitimacy while simultaneously asserting Taoism's cultural dominance over the Mongols. The article also juxtaposes Li's work with the travel record by Yelü Chucai, a Khitan adviser to the Mongols who traveled with Chinggis Khan during his western military expeditions. Although Yelü's travelogue is often read as a rebuttal to Li Zhichang's work, a closer look reveals how Yelü appropriated Li's strategy for his own agenda: to justify Mongols' invasion of Central Asia while highlighting the cultural values shared between the Mongols and the Han Chinese. Both works employ rhetorical strategies that laid the foundation for political discourse affirming the Mongol-Yuan dynastic legitimacy.

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Timokhin, Dmitry. "INFORMATION ABOUT GEORGIAN KINGDOM IN THE WORK AN-NASAVI." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch152118-131.

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The Khwarazmian conquest and domination within the South Caucasus had a major impact on the political history of the region, which reduced the influence of the Georgian Kingdom – the strongest political entity in these lands. Experts claim that military and political activity of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi in this region is the main reason why he joined the Mongol Empire in 1230s’ without resisting the Mongol conquerors. One of the most valuable sources, describing the Khwarazmian invasion to the East Caucasus and the history of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire in 1225-1231, is the work of an-Nasawi “Sirat as-sultan Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi”. This historical source is important for understanding the features of political development of the Georgian Empire as the main political opponent of the Khwarazmian kingdom. However, there has been no special study of an-Nasawi’s work as a source on the history of the Georgian kingdom nor in domestic neither in foreign oriental studies. This paper intends to analyze not only the amount of information, provided by an-Nasawi on the Kingdom of Georgia in the course of his description of the Khwarazmian conquest in the South Caucasus, but also some features of said description, and author’s characteristics. Special attention is paid to those lacunas in the description of the South Caucasus, which can be observed in an-Nasawi’s work compared to other historical sources (in the Arabic-Persian, Georgian and Armenian languages). It is equally important to understand the extent to which the author pays attention to the detailed description of the political and military opponent of Jalal ad-Din Manguberdi’s empire, which is the Kingdom of Georgia. It is also important to find out how an-Nasawi pictured and how he reflected in his work the war between Khwarazmian kingdom and the Georgian Empire: as a conflict over territories and spheres of influence or as a religious, even inter-ethnic one.

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Uluç, Lâle. "Rebuilding Anatolia after the Mongol Conquest: Islamic Architecture in the Lands of Rūm, 1240–1330 By Patricia Blessing." Journal of Islamic Studies 29, no. 3 (March 29, 2018): 461–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/ety029.

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Pongratz, Julia, Ken Caldeira, Christian H. Reick, and Martin Claussen. "Coupled climate–carbon simulations indicate minor global effects of wars and epidemics on atmospheric CO2 between ad 800 and 1850." Holocene 21, no. 5 (January 20, 2011): 843–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683610386981.

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Historic events such as wars and epidemics have been suggested as explanation for decreases in atmospheric CO2 reconstructed from ice cores because of their potential to take up carbon in forests regrowing on abandoned agricultural land. Here, we use a coupled climate–carbon cycle model to assess the carbon and climate effects of the Mongol invasion (~1200 to ~1380), the Black Death (~1347 to ~1400), the conquest of the Americas (~1519 to ~1700), and the fall of the Ming Dynasty (~1600 to ~1650). We calculate their impact on atmospheric CO2 including the response of the global land and ocean carbon pools. It has been hypothesized that these events have contributed to significant increases in land carbon stocks. However, we find that slow regrowth and delayed emissions from past land cover change allow for small increases of the land biosphere carbon storage only during long-lasting events. The effect of these small increases in land biosphere storage on global CO2 is reduced by the response of the global carbon pools and largely offset by concurrent emissions from the rest of the world. None of these events would therefore have affected the atmospheric CO2 concentration by more than 1 ppm. Only the Mongol invasion could have lowered global CO2, but by an amount too small to be resolved by ice cores.

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Kayirken, T. Z. "Union of naymans and merkits in the 13th century." BULLETIN of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. HISTORICAL SCIENCES. PHILOSOPHY. RELIGION Series 130, no. 1 (2020): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2020-130-1-35-49.

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This article discusses the creation of the alliance in the 13th century between the Naiman Kaganate that lived in the Altai and Khangai mountains and the Merkits who inhabited the southern parts of Lake Baikal, and their opposition to the forces of Genghis Khan, also considers the route of movement after their defeat by the Mongol forces. In the article, the author refutes the point of view of the Chinese historian Su Beihai that after the Merkits and Naimans lost the battle, the Mongols migrated to the Idikut state through the Altai Mountains and the eastern part of the Dzungarian lowland. The fact is that, after the defeat by Genghis Khan’s troops and retreating to Western Altai, the Naimans and Merkits were not able to cross over the Irtysh again and move to the Eastern part of Altai, which remained under Mongol rule. On the same basis, according to historical data, the Naimans and Merkits, after being defeated by the Mongols at the intersection of the Bukhtarma River and the Irtysh River in Western Altai, migrated to the borders of the Idikut state through the mountains of Kalba, Tarbagatai and the Western edge of the Dzungarian lowland. In addition, the history, ethnocultural ties and traditions of statehood of these two ethnic groups are presented before the conquest of Central Asia by Genghis Khan in 1218.

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Cho, Wonhee. "The Establishment and Significance of the Buddhist, Daoist, Christian and Manichaean Institutions around the Mongol Conquest of Southern China." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 135 (June 30, 2016): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2016.06.135.211.

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Pavlovitch, Pavel. "The Manda Family: A Dynasty of Isfahani Scholars." Arabica 65, no. 5-6 (September 30, 2018): 640–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700585-12341518.

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Abstract The Manda family was an important scholarly dynasty in Isfahan. From the beginning of the third century/ca 816 until the Mongol conquest of Isfahan in 632/1235-633/1236, its members were active in the fields of ḥadīṯ transmission and criticism, theology, and historiography. Despite its significance for the Ḥanbalī scholarly tradition, Āl Manda has remained marginal in the works of Western Islamicists during the last fifty years, whereas Muslim scholars have focused almost exclusively on the most prominent representative of the family, Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Manda (d. 395/1005), and, to a lesser extent, on his son, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān (d. 470/1078). In this essay, I catalogue all members of the Manda family who are mentioned in Arabic bio-bibliographical sources. I study in detail the theological views of Muḥammad b. Isḥāq b. Manda and his son ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Muḥammad, as well as Muḥammad b. Isḥāq’s contribution to the development of ḥadīṯ criticism.

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Al Ghouz, Abdelkader. "Kontingenzbewältigung als Zügel der Herrschaft." Das Mittelalter 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mial-2015-0004.

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Abstract After the collapse of the Abbasid Empire as a result of the Mongol conquest of Bagdad in 1258, a number of Sunni Muslim scholars perceived the sudden absence of the caliphate, an important Islamic political institution, as an experience of contingency. The emergence of the Mamluk dynasty (1250–1517) in Egypt and Syria caused an additional experience of contingency: the crisis of legitimacy of the Mamluk rulers. Furthermore, the Mamluks and their legal scholars did not assiduously apply the Shariʿa provisions to practical politics – theoretically, however, they accepted it in order to legitimize their rule over the so-called Islamicate regions. In some of his works, the Damascene Muslim scholar Taqī ad-Dīn Aḥmad Ibn Taymīya (d. 1328) faces up to these three experiences of contingency. This article therefore examines how Ibn Taymīya perceived these three phenomena and sheds light on the complex layers of strategies that he uses in order to cope with the experiences of contingency.

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Prypik, Yevhen. "THE FORMATION OF AN INDEPENDENT VIETNAMESE STATE WITH ITS TRANSFORMATION INTO A CENTRALIZED FEUDAL MONARCHY DURING THE XTH-XIVTH CENTURIES." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-1.

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The article examines the process of formation of an independent Vietnamese state since the Xth century, when the Viet people gained independence in the fight against the Chinese invaders.In 938, the Vietnamese military leader Ngo Quyen liberated the country from the Chinese rule, whichlasted about one thousand years, and founded the Ngo dynasty (939-965). During the reign of the Ly dynasty(1009-1225) Buddhism became the state religion. In 1054, the countryreceived a new name Dai Viet,meaning “Great Viet”, i.e. the name of the country reflected the name of the ethnic group – the Viets, which made up the vast majority of the population of ancient Vietnam.Under this name, Vietnam will be known to the world for more than seven centuries until 1804. The article pays a special attention to the relations between Dai Viet and the country called Champa, which existed in the territory of present-daycentral and southern Vietnam and during its heyday (VIIIth-XIth centuries) occupied up to half of the territory of what is now Vietnam. In 1225, a new Tran dynasty came to power in Dai Viet andruled the country for 175 years. During this period, the Chinese Song Empire remained a main threat in the north of the country, and after the conquest of China by the Mongolsthis place was taken by the Mongol Yuan Empire. Dai Viet had to face the Mongol invasion three times (in 1258, 1285 and 1287-88), and all three times, despite heavy losses and destruction, the Viets managed to defeat the enemy and force his troops to leave the country.During the reign of the Tran dynasty, a system of feudal monarchy was established in the country.Confucianism, the Chinese school of ethics and philosophy, was introduced as a system of principles for the organization of the ancient Vietnamese society and became widespread in Dai Viet. In general, during the reign of Ly and Tran dynasties, the relatively small Dai Viet became a militarily powerful state, capable to resistmuch stronger Chinese and Mongol empires.This created the preconditions not only for preserving the country’s independence and territorial integrity, but also for the further expansion of Dai Viet in southern and western directions.

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Roggema, Barbara. "Ibn Kammūna’s and Ibn al-ʿIbrī’s Responses to Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī’s Proofs of Muḥammad’s Prophethood." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 2, no. 1-2 (2014): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00201012.

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‭Two non-Muslim intellectuals who were active in Iraq in the seventh/thirteenth century, the Syrian-Orthodox Christian Abū l-Faraj ibn al-ʿIbrī, better known as Barhebraeus (d. 685/1286) and the Jewish philosopher Saʿd ibn Manṣūr ibn Kammūna (d. 683/1284), were almost exact contemporaries. They enjoyed the heyday of their careers in the period following the Mongol conquest when the Mongols had not yet converted to Islam. This article explores some of the similarities in scholarly interests and activities of the two thinkers and takes into account the possibility that they knew each other’s work. Both scholars wrote apologetic works partly devoted to disproving the Muslim claim that Islam superseded all earlier religions. In their responses to the Islamic proofs of Muhammad’s prophethood, they focused on the work of Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī, in particular, and there are clear similarities in the argumentation of the two thinkers against al-Rāzī’s arguments, which are pointed out in this article, leading to the question of a possible dependency of the one work on the other.‬

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LANE, GEORGE. "THOMAS T. ALLSEN: Culture and conquest in Mongol Eurasia. (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization.) xiv, 245 pp. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. £40." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 65, no. 2 (June 2002): 379–487. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x02410154.

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Fragner, Bert. "Thomas T. Allsen (2001), Culture and Conquest in Mongol Eurasia (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization). Cambridge: The University Press, ISBN 0521803357 (hb), £47.50." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 3 (February 7, 2003): 557–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-00203009.

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Smith, Paul. "Fear of Gynarchy in an Age of Chaos: Kong Qi's Reflections on Life in South China under Mongol Rule." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 41, no. 1 (1998): 1–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520982601412.

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AbstractOver the long term, the Mongol conquest of the Southern Song in 1276 was less destructive to members of the local South Chinese elite than was the failure of the Yuan regime to establish strong and durable institutions of dynastic rule. For not long after the elite survivors of the Sino-Mongol wars had returned to a comfortable prosperity under Yuan rule, their children were buffetted by the instability and civil wars that engulfed Yuan society from the late 1330s to the collapse of the dynasty in 1368. The Kongs of Liyang typify many of the most salient features of elite life in South China under the compressed Yuan dynastic cycle: the orphaned son of a minor Song official who immediately capitulated to the Mongols, by the 1320s Kong Wensheng had translated talent, pedigree, and his position as a respected clerk in provincial government into such accoutrements of elite Yuan life as a library, sojourning literati guests, and a steady flow of slaves and bondservants thrown onto the market by penury and natural disaster. The prosperity built up by men like Kong Wensheng unravelled in the last tumultuous decades of the Yuan, an era of chaos that is captured by Wensheng's son Kong Qi in his Frank Recollections of the Zhizheng Era of ca. 1365. Even as it exemplifies many aspects of the compressed Yuan dynastic cycle, this collection of cautionary anecdotes and observations is also colored by Kong Qi's special circumstances as a minor son and a uxorilocal husband, circumstances that incline Kong Qi to blame the perils of his family, his society, and ultimately his dynasty on women's usurpation of male-centered institutions of public authority to create their own private gynarchies. Kong's jeremiads against usurpatious women in turn raise the possibility that during the Yuan, if not at all times, women exercised far more power and autonomy than normative prescriptions would suggest.

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Levi, Scott C. "Timothy May: The Mongol Conquest in World History. (Reaktion Books Globalities.) 319 pp. London: Reaktion Books, 2012. £25. ISBN 978 1 86189 867 8." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 76, no. 1 (February 2013): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x1200167x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The Mongol conquest of Khwarezmia'

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